Search

Real war is a cruel theater of death, yet it is also an exciting narrative exploited for national, political and commercial purposes and turned into numerous films, television shows, computer games, news stories and reenactment plays. These essays examine the relationship between war, visual media and entertainment from a number of academic perspectives. Key topics include how war is used as an imaginary site to stage dramas; how boundaries between war, media, and entertainment dissolve as new media alters the formal qualities of representation; how entertainment is used to engage audiences; and what effect products of war and entertainment have on consumers of popular culture.

Factual misinformation is spread in conflict zones around the world, often with dire consequences. But when is this misinformation actually believed, and when is it not? Seeing is Disbelieving examines the appeal and limits of dangerous misinformation in war, and is the go-to text for understanding false beliefs and their impact in modern armed conflict. Daniel Silverman extends the burgeoning study of factual misinformation, conspiracy theories, and fake news in social and political life into a crucial new domain, while providing a powerful new argument about the limits of misinformation in high-stakes situations. Rich evidence from the US drone campaign in Pakistan, the counterinsurgency against ISIL in Iraq, and the Syrian civil war provide the backdrop for practical lessons in promoting peace, fighting wars, managing conflict, and countering misinformation more effectively.

Les autrices et auteurs analysent le rôle des médias dans les guerres et proposent des formes de médias qui promeuvent la paix. Les contributions sont les transcriptions des interventions du colloque « Quels médias pour la paix? », organisé les 15 et 16 octobre 2022 à Soleure par l'Institut international de recherches pour la paix à Genève (GIPRI), l'Association Suisse-Cuba et ALBA Suiza, avec le soutien du Mouvement suisse pour la paix. Die Autorinnen und Autoren analysieren die Rolle der Medien im Krieg und stellen Formen von Medien vor, die dem Frieden dienen. Die Beiträge sind Verschriftlichungen der Vorträge der Konferenz «Welche Medien für den Frieden?», die am 15. und 16. Oktober 2022 in Solothurn vom Internationalen Friedensforschungsinstitut in Genf (GIPRI), der Vereinigung Schweiz-Cuba und ALBA Suiza mit der Unterstützung der Schweizerischen Friedensbewegung organisiert wurde.

Dieser Band in der Reihe »Welt | Gestalten« richtet einen aktualisierten Blick auf das heterogene Feld der Kriegs- und Konfliktdarstellungen und untersucht mit modernen Ansätzen – anlässlich des russischen Krieges in der Ukraine – das mediale Spannungsfeld unterschiedlicher Medientypen, Inszenierungen und rezeptiven Dynamiken. Ziel ist es, mithilfe der interdisziplinären Ansätze regulative und strukturelle Modi der Kriegs- und Krisenkommunikation zu entbergen und gleichzeitig die Unbegreiflichkeit des Krieges durch die Untersuchung medialer Mechanismen zumindest analytisch und kommunikationstheoretisch begreifbar zu machen.

Every two seconds a person is displaced, caught in one of the more than 40 active conflicts around the world that show no sign of ending. Since 1994, there has been ongoing war in the Democratic Republic of Congo, which has uprooted millions of people and resulted in the deaths of millions more. In the West, we have entered a political era where our border policies are underpinned by unending wars. At this critical juncture, how can journalists, especially those engaged in foreign correspondence, tell these stories? How can they make connections across time and space, and across politics, economics, environments, and crucially, people? Given its colonial history, are these connections possible for the profession of foreign correspondence? In Borderland, Chrisanthi Giotis argues that decolonization is possible and necessary for the development of a truly global, public sphere. New global narratives need to meaningfully include the voices, and knowledge, of those with the least power who are caught in resource-fuelled wars. Drawing on insights from postcolonial studies, international relations, development studies, and philosophy, which are brought to life through auto-ethnographic descriptions and analysis of'behind-the-scenes'events, Giotis introduces new reporting techniques for foreign correspondents. Borderland argues that decolonized reporting techniques will help journalists--and their audiences--move beyond the sociohistorical and political myopia that prevents us from communicating and understanding the reality of a complex world.

This book examines the digital explosion that has ripped across the battlefield, weaponising our attention and making everyone a participant in wars without end.'Smart'devices, apps, archives and algorithms remove the bystander from war, collapsing the distinctions between audience and actor, soldier and civilian, media and weapon. This has ruptured our capacity to make sense of war. Now we are all either victims or perpetrators.In Radical War, Ford and Hoskins reveal how contemporary war is legitimised, planned, fought, experienced, remembered and forgotten in a continuous and connected way, through digitally saturated fields of perception.Plotting the emerging relationship between data, attention and the power to control war, the authors chart the complex digital and human interdependencies that sustain political violence today. Through a unique, interdisciplinary lens, they map our disjointed experiences of conflict and illuminate this dystopian new ecology of war.

Fifty years ago, Nigeria endured a period of violent disturbance leading to the breakaway of the Eastern Region under the name Biafra. The resulting conflict (1967-70) aroused shock and protests around the world because of mass starvation in the war zone. While Britain supplied arms to the federal Nigerian government, and France to the Biafrans, relief agencies with contributions from countless individuals organized a memorable airlift of food and medicine to the Biafrans'Uli airstrip. Jonathan Derrick, then a journalist for the London weekly West Africa, followed these events closely and recorded the war in the magazine's news pages, right up to the federal forces'final victory and the remarkable reconciliation between supporters of Biafra--predominantly Igbo--and other Nigerians. He later worked for some years in Nigeria, and has studied much of the material published on the war since 1970. Here, he recounts the history of the conflict as documented in West Africa, referring to later literature on and analysis of the events, which inspired passion at the time and have provoked debate ever since. His account deals with myths, misapprehensions and controversies surrounding the conflict, while recalling the tragic facts of a grim episode in African history.

This book examines the digital explosion that has ripped across the battlefield, weaponizing our attention and making everyone a participant in wars without end.'Smart'devices, apps, archives and algorithms remove the bystander from war, collapsing the distinctions between audience and actor, soldier and civilian, media and weapon. This has ruptured our capacity to make sense of war. Now we are all either victims or perpetrators. In Radical War, Ford and Hoskins reveal how contemporary war is legitimized, planned, fought, experienced, remembered and forgotten in a continuous and connected way, through digitally saturated fields of perception. Plotting the emerging relationship between data, attention and the power to control war, the authors chart the complex digital and human interdependencies that sustain political violence today. Through a unique, interdisciplinary lens, they map our disjointed experiences of conflict and illuminate this dystopian new ecology of war.

Historically the bodies of civilians are the most damaged by the increasing mechanization and derealization of warfare, but this is not reflected in the representation of violence in popular media. In War Without Bodies, author Martin Danahay argues that the media in the United States in particular constructs a “war without bodies” in which neither the corpses of soldiers or civilians are shown. War Without Bodies traces the intertwining of new communications technologies and war from the Crimean War, when Roger Fenton took the first photographs of the British army and William Howard Russell used the telegraph to transmit his dispatches, to the first of three “video wars” in the Gulf region in 1990-91, within the context of a war culture that made the costs of organized violence acceptable to a wider public. New modes of communication have paradoxically not made more war “real” but made it more ubiquitous and at the same time unremarkable as bodies are erased from coverage. Media such as photography and instantaneous video initially seemed to promise more realism but were assimilated into existing conventions that implicitly justified war. These new representations of war were framed in a way that erased the human cost of violence and replaced it with images that defused opposition to warfare. Analyzing poetry, photographs, video and video games the book illustrates the ways in which war was framed in these different historical contexts. It examines the cultural assumptions that influenced the reception of images of war and discusses how death and damage to bodies was made acceptable to the public. War Without Bodies aims to heighten awareness of how acceptance of war is coded into texts and how active resistance to such hidden messages can help prevent future unnecessary wars.

Over the past decade the gravitational centre of contemporary conflict has shifted from the physical battlefield to the online battlespace, where the ingenuity of non-state actors has vexed governments and tested their militaries. Devising new architectures of participation, Al Qaeda and ISIS have weaponised social media and empowered their dispersed followers to organise, communicate and dominate the information domain. Kevin Foster shows how conventional militaries in the US, Britain, Israel and Australia have responded to this challenge by integrating social media into their systems and operations, and the organisational and cultural impediments they have confronted. Foster traces each military's social media journey, appraising the strategies, doctrine and policies developed to regulate its management and use. From the ADFA Skype sex scandal to the IDF's sophisticated integration of the real and virtual spaces of war, Anti-Social Media examines the good, the bad and the indifferent in the armed forces'halting advance towards social media competence.

Der Syrienkonflikt begegnet uns seit seinen Anfängen vor allem in Videos, die zunächst mit Smartphones, später auch mit hochauflösenden Actionkameras aufgenommen wurden. Verbreitet über das Internet werden diese Videos von einer internationalen Berichterstattung, aber auch von Kunst- und Filmschaffenden aufgegriffen. Mareike Meis entwickelt in diesem Kontext eine Forschungsperspektive, die auf innovative Weise Videos der Gewalt und des Todes für einen wissenschaftlichen Zugriff erschließbar und damit verbundene aktivistische, jihadistische und rechtspopulistische Praktiken im Spannungsfeld von Ästhetisierung und Politisierung kritisierbar macht.

During the First World War, mass media achieved an enormous and continuously growing importance in all belligerent countries. Newspaper, illustrated magazines, comics, pamphlets, and instant books, fi ctional works, photography, and the new-born “theater of imagery”, the cinema, were crucial in order to create a heroic vision of the events, to mobilize and maintain the consensus on the war. But their role was pivotal also in creating the image of the war's end and fi nally, together with a widespread, new literary genre, the war memoirs, to shape the collective memory of the confl ict for the next generations. Even before November 1918, the media raised high expectations for a multifaceted peace: a new global order, the beginning of a peaceful era, the occasion for a regenerating apocalypse. Likewise, in the following decades, particularly war literature and cinema were pivotal to reverse the icon of the Great War as an epic crusade and a glorious chapter of the national history and to create the hegemonic image of a senseless carnage. The Mediatization of War and Peace focalizes on the central role played by mass media in the tortuous transition to the post-war period as well as on the profound disenchantment generated by their prophesies.

ForscherInnen unterschiedlicher Disziplinen widmen sich in diesem Werk der weiblichen Perspektive von Kriegen - als Opfer wie Täterin, als Friedens-Bertha und Flinten-Uschi, als Publizistinnen und Rezipientinnen, als Pazifistinnen und Kriegsbefürworterinnen und nicht zuletzt als treibende Arbeitskraft der Kriegsmotoren. Auf Grundlage der neuesten Forschung werden in diesem Band Mythen, Legenden und Stereotype beleuchtet und nicht zuletzt die Rolle der Medien und Kriegspropaganda von und für Frauen analysiert - vom Ersten Weltkrieg bis heute, in Monarchie, Diktatur, Demokratie und Kalifat, vom Herzen Europas über die Türkei, den Nahen Osten bis hin zu Westsahara und Vietnam.

Am 25. Juli 1936 beschloss Hitler an der Seite General Francos im Spanischen Bürgerkrieg zu intervenieren. Die geschichtsträchtige „Bayreuther Entscheidung'legte die Weichen für eine faschistische Diktatur in Spanien, die das Land über vierzig Jahre vom Rest Europas isolieren sollte. Der deutsche Geschäftsmann Johannes Bernhardt wurde als Protagonist des geheimen Treffens in Bayreuth von Hitler mit dem Aufbau eines ökonomischen Schattenimperiums in Spanien beauftragt. Eine Analyse historischer Schlüsseltexte und anderer medialer Inszenierungen von Bernhardt und der deutschen Intervention in Spanien zeigt, welcher sprachlichen Strategien sich Historiker, Journalisten und Autoren bedienen, um die Erinnerungsgeschichte der deutsch-spanischen Beziehungen seit acht Jahrzehnten zu konstruieren, manipulieren und revidieren.

Kriegspropaganda ist nichts Neues. Doch sie hat weltweit eine neue Qualität und Dimension angenommen. Wir leben in einer Zeit permanenter Kriege. Doch kein Krieg bricht unvermittelt aus. Kriege haben einen medialen Vorlauf: Bevölkerungen werden systematisch bearbeitet, man konstruiert bedrohliche Szenarien, dreht an Eskalationsspiralen und erzeugt Feindbilder. Am Ende erscheint der Einsatz militärischer Gewalt als plausible ultima ratio. Ulrich Teusch untersucht die aktuellen Propagandastrategien und geht der Frage nach, von welchen wahren Interessen die'Kriegsverkäufer'in Politik, Wirtschaft, Militär und Medien angetrieben werden.

“Time bombs,” “Trojan Horses” and “Dithering Hamlets” were all part of the everyday jargon of the World War II's ultra-Secretive Political Warfare Executive (PWE). The PWE's instructors used these terms in the training of the next generation of propagandists and political warriors. The Political Warfare Executive Syllabus reveals for the first time what it took to become a propagandist in what was then the most elite psychological warfare unit in the world. Under the maxim that a good propagandist is trained not born, the lecturers of the PWE Training School at Woburn Abbey and then Brondesbury systematically explored every aspect of how to deliver a lethal dose of propaganda to the enemy and then a purgative and curative dose in the peace that followed.The views of the PWE's instructors were controversial. This is significant because they would play an important, if hidden, role in how Europe is developing even today. For example, they held a low opinion of the French in general and considered that they had been reduced to the level of “dithering Hamlets” by the German “Trojan Horses” even before the first German tank had crossed the Belgian frontier. On the dark side of PWE operations, they were not above killing the prostitutes whose brothels served the German U-Boot fleet in order to amplify their propaganda message. Perhaps most significant is that they saw Great Britain as European and espoused a Europe that looks very much like the European Union of the early 21st Century. However, there is one important difference. They saw this Greater Europe as accepting the British way of life and being led by Great Britain and not embracing American culture under German leadership.This first volume introduces the reader to the history and theory of political warfare as seen through the eyes of the inheritors of Lord Northcliffe's Crewe House. Drawing on J. F. C. Fuller and his concept of a war fought in the mind without armies, it establishes the theoretical parameters of political warfare.

“Time bombs,” “Trojan Horses” and “Dithering Hamlets” were all part of the everyday jargon of the World War II's ultra-Secretive Political Warfare Executive (PWE). The PWE's instructors used these terms in the training of the next generation of propagandists and political warriors. The Political Warfare Executive Syllabus reveals for the first time what it took to become a propagandist in what was then the most elite psychological warfare unit in the world. Under the maxim that a good propagandist is trained not born, the lecturers of the PWE Training School at Woburn Abbey and then Brondesbury systematically explored every aspect of how to deliver a lethal dose of propaganda to the enemy and then a purgative and curative dose in the peace that followed.The views of the PWE's instructors were controversial. This is significant because they would play an important, if hidden, role in how Europe is developing even today. For example, they held a low opinion of the French in general and considered that they had been reduced to the level of “dithering Hamlets” by the German “Trojan Horses” even before the first German tank had crossed the Belgian frontier. On the dark side of PWE operations, they were not above killing the prostitutes whose brothels served the German U-Boot fleet in order to amplify their propaganda message. Perhaps most significant is that they saw Great Britain as European and espoused a Europe that looks very much like the European Union of the early 21st Century. However, there is one important difference. They saw this Greater Europe as accepting the British way of life and being led by Great Britain and not embracing American culture under German leadership.This first volume introduces the reader to the history and theory of political warfare as seen through the eyes of the inheritors of Lord Northcliffe's Crewe House. Drawing on J. F. C. Fuller and his concept of a war fought in the mind without armies, it establishes the theoretical parameters of political warfare.

The rise of violent conflicts in developing countries in recent years has attracted concerns from scholars from all fields of study. The significance of the issue calls for an expansion of current research on the various dimensions of violent conflicts and how they impact resource control and sustainability. Impacts of Violent Conflicts on Resource Control and Sustainability provides innovative insights into the dimensions and ramifications of violent conflicts, how they are managed, and how resolution efforts contribute to resource control and sustainability. The content within this publication includes information on media coverage of conflict, religious ideology conflict, and global development. This book is a vital reference source for academicians, researchers, policy makers, government functionaries, and individuals seeking current research on the cause and management of violent conflicts.

In the post-9/11 era, media technologies have become increasingly intertwined with vertical power as airwaves, airports, air space, and orbit have been commandeered to support national security and defense. In this book, Lisa Parks develops the concept of vertical mediation to explore how audiovisual cultures enact and infer power relations far beyond the screen. Focusing on TV news, airport checkpoints, satellite imagery, and drone media, Parks demonstrates how'coverage'makes vertical space intelligible to global publics in new ways and powerfully reveals what is at stake in controlling it.

En este libro se recopila un conjunto de capítulos que analizan el papel que tiene la comunicación y los discursos mediáticos en los conflictos, tanto desde un enfoque negativo en el fomento de la división social, la manipulación y la violencia como, también, en sus posibilidades de generar debate sobre los problemas sociales e incentivar la paz.Con este texto el lector podrá conocer diferentes casos de estudios nacionales e internacionales, en contextos actuales como también situaciones del pasado reciente.

Conflict in all its guises is usually at the centre of news and whenever wars, natural disasters or divisions erupt, the media are there to report, record and commemorate. This collection of essays explores the complicated relationship between the messengers bringing news of catastrophic upheaval and the recipients of that message. It concentrates on the journalists, photographers and film-makers, reflecting not only the motivations behind their work, but also the psychological consequences of witnessing extreme suffering. The audience interpret the news according to their circumstance, be it with anger sympathy or with compassion-fatigued indifference. The book explores that reaction, which is always more nuanced than anticipated. Finally, the modern communication circle is completed by exploring the potential of the media to diminish conflict. This is demonstrated by the media bringing together communities that are either geographically or historically divided.

In today's information era, the use of specific words and language can serve as powerful tools that incite violence—or sanitize and conceal the ugliness of war. This book examines the complex,'twisted'language of conflict.Why is the term'collateral damage'used when military strikes kill civilians? What is a'catastrophic success'? What is the difference between a privileged and unprivileged enemy belligerent? How does deterrence differ from detente? What does'hybrid warfare'mean, and how is it different from'asymmetric warfare'? How is shell shock different from battle fatigue and PTSD? These are only a few of the questions that Talking Conflict: The Loaded Language of Genocide, Political Violence, Terrorism, and Warfare answers in its exploration of euphemisms,'warspeak,''doublespeak,'and propagandistic terms.This handbook of alphabetically listed entries is prefaced by an introductory overview that provides background information about how language is used to obfuscate or minimize descriptions of armed conflict or genocide and presents examples of the major rhetorical devices used in this subject matter. The book focuses on the'loaded'language of conflict, with many of the entries demonstrating the function of given terms as euphemisms, propaganda, or circumlocutions. Each entry is accompanied by a list of cross references and'Further Reading'suggestions that point readers to pertinent sources for further research. This book is ideal for students—especially those studying political science, international relations, and genocide—as well as general readers.

Aus klassischer Sicht gilt im Feld der Außenpolitik das Primat der Exekutive. Muss Außenpolitik als Schönheitsmakel der Demokratie hingenommen werden? Nein. Das Werk entwickelt eine poststrukturalistische Perspektive auf die Legitimierung von Außenpolitik, indem es sein Augenmerk auf Diskurse als Ursprung politischer Entscheidungen über Krieg und Frieden richtet. Das Ideal eines demokratischen Diskurses leitet das Werk aus Chantal Mouffes agonistischer Demokratie ab; als Fallbeispiele dienen die Diskurse der massenmedialen Öffentlichkeiten zum Irakkrieg 2003 und zum Libyenkrieg 2011. Die im Werk entwickelte Methodik macht den kommunikationswissenschaftlichen Frame-Ansatz für die politikwissenschaftliche Diskursanalyse fruchtbar und erfüllt den Anspruch der Transparenz und Nachvollziehbarkeit. Das Analysewerkzeug überkommt die Schwächen üblicher Diskursanalysen und bietet ein theoretisch fundiertes methodisches Werkzeug für diskursanalytische Forschungsvorhaben.

In exploring the dynamics and narratives of peace in journalism, this book explains the media's impact on the transformation of the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians. It discusses the perspectives of peace activists who have been involved in grassroots action since the first Intifada, and examines how their relation with the mainstream media has evolved over time. It compares these views with those of professional journalists who have been covering the conflict, and their sense of the difficulties inherent in practicing a different kind of journalism. The interviews included in this study contribute towards the model of Peace Journalism, with a view to facilitating its successful application to this conflict. Highlighting both the obstacles and opportunities associated with this endeavour, Tiripelli offers suggestions for the strategic application of this model.

This Handbook links the growing body of media and conflict research with the field of security studies. The academic sub-field of media and conflict has developed and expanded greatly over the past two decades. Operating across a diverse range of academic disciplines, academics are studying the impact the media has on governments pursuing war, responses to humanitarian crises and violent political struggles, and the role of the media as a facilitator of, and a threat to, both peace building and conflict prevention. This handbook seeks to consolidate existing knowledge by linking the body of conflict and media studies with work in security studies.The handbook is arranged into five parts: Theory and Principles. Media, the State and War Media and Human Security Media and Policymaking within the Security State New Issues in Security and Conflict and Future Directions For scholars of security studies, this handbook will provide a key point of reference for state of the art scholarship concerning the media-security nexus; for scholars of communication and media studies, the handbook will provide a comprehensive mapping of the media-conflict field.

Through the narratives and movements of survivors of the war in Lanka these interconnected essays develop the concept of'survival media'as embodied and expressive forms of mobility across borders.

حاولنا في كتابنا هذا تسليط الضوء على هذا الموضوع المهم خاصة في أيامنا هذا وقد تحاصرنا النزاعات العسكرية من ثورات عربية وإمتداد لحركات متطرفة تثير الرعب في نفوس الناس.

ويعتبر الإعلام بفلسفته الواسعة وبوسائله المتطورة، أقوى أدوات الاتصال العصرية، بل أن الإعلام في هذا العصر - في ظل ثورة الاتصال والمعلومات - حمل معه ثورة جديدة، أدت إلى إحداث تطور ضخم في تكنولوجيا الاتصال، وجعلت السماء مفتوحة تسبح فيها الأقمار الصناعية لتمتد رسالة الإعلام إلى كل أرجاء المعمورة ليصبح العالم من خلالها قرية إلكترونية صغيرة. الإعلام الحربي والعسكري كأحد الفروع المتخصصة للإعلام الشامل، أصبح يمثل ركيزة هامة من ركائز بناء الأمن الوطني للدولة، بل وأصبح المرآة التي يرى فيها المواطن قواته المسلحة وما يدور داخلها وبشكل واقعي، ويتعرف على طبيعة الدور الذي تؤديه سلماً أو حرباً من أجل دعم التنمية الوطنية وقت السلم، ومن أجل الدفاع عن التراب الوطني وقت الحرب.

What links the interviews with Saddam Hussein and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on British and American TV, the chase of journalists following mega-terrorists, and the new status conferred on ordinary people at war? Transforming Media Coverage of Violent Conflicts offers a timely and original discussion on the shift in war journalism in recent years.

This book is the first collection of essays to explore the changing relationships between war, media, and the public from a multidisciplinary perspective and over an extended historical period. It is also the first textbook for students in this field, discussing a wide range of theoretical concepts and methodological tools for analyzing the nature of these relationships. Shedding new light on conflicts spanning from World War I through the so-called War on Terror, the contributors explore the roles of traditional media, war blogs, and eyewitness reporting; of war correspondents and embedded journalism; and of propaganda, wartime public relations, and information warfare.

This powerful book exposes how gendered Orientalism is wielded to justify Western imperialism.Over the last ten years, Western governments and mainstream media have utilized concepts of white masculine supremacy and feminine helplessness, juxtaposed with Orientalist images depicting women of color as mysterious, sinister, and dangerous, to support war. Oscillating between Mrs Anthrax, female suicide bomber and tragic, helpless victim, representations of'brown women'have spawned both rescue narratives and terrorist alerts.Examining media and pop culture from Sex and the City 2 to Vanity Fair and Time magazine, Robin Riley uses transnational feminist analysis to reveal how this kind of transnational sexism towards Muslim women in general and Afghan and Iraqi women in particular has led to a new form of gender imperialism.

'Warum schreiben die Journalisten nichts über Liberia, sondern immer nur über Somalia, wo es doch hier kaum besser geht?', fragte der Mitarbeiter einer Hilfsorganisation in Liberia kürzlich einen deutschen Journalisten. Seine Antwort:'Weil es keine ähnlich schockierenden Fernsehbilder sterbender Kinder aus Liberia gibt. Wahrscheinlich ist auch die Auf­ merksamkeit für Somalia nur vorübergehend, bis ein neues Modethema die Fernsehschirme erobert.'Dieses Gespräch über die Aufmerksamkeitsregeln der Mediengesell­ schaft wird in ähnlicher Form wohl in allen Kriegen, die medial unsicht­ bar und damit'folgenlos'bleiben, geführt: von Menschen, für die ein Krieg, der keine Mode (im Fernsehen) macht, dennoch sichtbar und fol­ genreich bleibt. Auf der anderen Seite werden kritische Fragen nach der Kriegsordnung der Medien gerade auch durch Kriege provoziert, denen mediale Aufmerksamkeit in besonderer Weise zuteil wurde: vorn ersten'Pressekrieg'(Krim-Krieg 1853-1856) über den ersten'Wohnzimmer­ krieg'(Vietnam 1964-1973) bis zum ersten'Krieg in Echtzeit'(Golf­ Krieg 1991), bei dem der US-Verteidigungsminister den Vollzug seiner Befehle im heimischen Fernsehsender'live'verfolgen konnte. In diesem Reader über die Grundlagen und Perspektiven der Krisen­ kommunikation geht es vor allem um Kriege, die von Medien beobachtet und damit beobachtbar gemacht werden. Implizit rücken damit freilich auch die unsichtbaren Kriege ins Blickfeld. Denn Thematisierung und Nichtthematisierung von Krisen, Konflikten und Kriegen beruhen glei­ chermaßen auf bestimmten Strukturen und Funktionen des publizistischen Systems, in dem Journalisten, Publikum und Public Relations die Karten immer wieder neu und dennoch nach bestimmten Regeln mischen.

Do the news media have any role in the transformation of war and warfare? Focusing on television, this book argues that the news media alters the cognitive and strategic environment of the actors of war and politics and therefore changes the way these interact with one another.

News media, movies, blogs and video games issue constant invitations to picture war, experience the thrill of combat, and revisit battles past. War, it's often said, sells. But what does it take to sell a war, and to what extent can news media be viewed as disinterested reporters of truth?Lively and highly readable, this book explores how wars have been reported, interpreted and perpetuated from the dawn of the media age to the present digital era. Spanning a broad geographical and historical canvas, Susan L. Carruthers provides a compelling analysis of the forces that shape the production of news and images of war – from state censorship to more subtle forms of military manipulation and popular pressure. This fully revised second edition has been updated to cover modern-day conflict in the post 9/11 epoch, including the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.Rich in historical detail, The Media at War also provides sharp insights into contemporary experience, prompting critical reflection on western society's paradoxical attitudes towards war.

يعبر الصراع الأمريكي- العراقي عن واقع سياسي عالمي جديد نسبياً و عبر عنه الرئيس الأمريكي جورج بوش الأب فى خطابه الذى ألقاه فى قاعدة ماكسويل الجوية بعد انتهاء حرب الخليج الثانية عام 1991 ، إلا إن تلك الحرب هى الاختيار الحقيقي الأول للنظام العالمي الجديد.

Brute Reality provides an authoritative analysis of those formal attempts, made by prominent social actors, to present a rationale for the existence and exercise of coercive power. The'War on Terror'and its associated campaigns are presented as an aggressive attempt to assert the contradictory interests of a trans-national elite. The period chosen to illustrate the key characteristics of this enterprise, extends from the state of'war'created after the September 11th attacks, to the strategic adjustments begun during the nadir of the Iraq adventure; it also includes reference to the modifications in policy carried out under the auspices of the Obama Presidency. The book provides a critical insight into a number of influential structures that have helped to shape contemporary attitudes to warfare, and contains a wealth of transcripts and media sources, from Channel Four's coverage of September 11th, to the rhetorical pronouncements of leading politicians. Brute Reality represents a significant addition to the existing literature on representations of the'War on Terror'in the mass media, and will have a strong appeal to keen students of media, communication, cultural and American studies.

The trinity of government, military and publics has been drawn together into immediate and unpredictable relationships in a'new media ecology'that has ushered in new asymmetries in the waging of war and terror. To help us understand these new relationships, Andrew Hoskins and Ben O'Loughlin here provide a timely, comprehensive and highly readable survey of the field of war and media. War is diffused through a complex mesh of our everyday media. Paradoxically, this both facilitates and contains the presence and power of enemies near and far. The conventions of so-called traditional warfare have been splintered by the availability and connectivity of the principal locus of war today: the electronic and digital media. Hoskins and O'Loughlin identify and illuminate the conditions of what they term'diffused war'and the new challenges it raises for the actors who wage and counter warfare, for their agents and mechanisms of the new media and for mass publics. This book offers an invaluable review of the key literature and presents a fresh approach to the understanding of the dynamic relationships between war and media. It will be welcomed by a broad range of students taking courses on war and media and related modules, especially in media, communication and cultural studies, politics and international relations, sociology, journalism, and security studies.

Description based on print version record.

Amid the ongoing and volatile debate over the nature and potential of peace journalism, this volume presents visionary insights from some of the most prominent scholars in the fi eld. Th e signifi cant empirical studies included here will provide foundation data for communication studies. Th e contributors broaden the purview and terrain of peace journalism to include new media, and off ers essays on the eff ects and the content of global communications. In sum, the thirteenth volume of Peace and Policy deepens our empirical knowledge of the nature and eff ects of confl ict, while underscoring the increase in numbers of participants and breadth of communications.