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The first book dedicated specifically to research methods in the political economy of media and communication, it provides a methodological toolkit to investigate the functioning of media, technology, and cultural industries in their historical, institutional, structural, and systemic contexts.Featuring contributions from across the globe and a variety of methodological perspectives, this volume presents the state of the art in political economy of media and communication methods, articulating those methods with adjacent approaches, to study concentration of ownership and power, pluralism and diversity, regulation and public policies, governance, genderization, and sustainability. This collection charts the methodological innovations critical political economists are adopting to analyse a rapidly transforming digital media landscape, exploring ideology, narratives, socio-analysis and praxis in communication with ethnographic and participatory approaches, as well as designs for quantitative and qualitative methods of textual, discourse and content analysis, network analyses, which consider power relations affecting communication, including intersectional oppressions and the new developments taking place in artificial intelligence.An essential text for advanced undergraduates, postgraduate students, and researchers in the areas of media, cultural and communication studies, particularly those studying topics such as the political economy of media and/or communication, media and communication theory, and research methods.

The rise of the new far right has left the world grappling with a profound misunderstanding. While the spotlight often shines on the actions of charismatic leaders such as Donald Trump and Jair Bolsonaro, the true peril lies elsewhere. Defeating these people will not stem the tide driving them forward. They are merely the embodiment of profound forces that are rarely understood. Propelled through the vast networks of social media and fueled by far-right influencers, enthralled by images of disaster and fantasies of doom, they have emerged from a reservoir of societal despair, fear, and isolation. Within this seething cauldron, we witness not only the surge of far-right political movements but also the sparks of individual and collective violence against perceived enemies, from'lone wolf'killers to terrifying pogroms. Should a new fascism emerge, it will coalesce from these very elements. This is disaster nationalism.Richard Seymour delves deep into this alarming development in world politics, dissecting its roots, its influencers, and the threats it poses. With meticulous analysis and compelling storytelling, Seymour offers a stark warning. The battle against disaster nationalism is not just political; it is a struggle for our collective soul and the future of civilization itself. Unless we understand the deeper forces propelling the far-right resurgence, we have little chance of stopping it.

A free media is inextricably linked to a healthy democracy, but in many parts of the world liberal democracies are deemed to be dying or on the demise – a demise that many forms of media have enabled while heralding themselves as democracy's saviour. The hollowing out of democracy in these ways has left many people questioning the value of (neo)liberal democratic societies. What can we do about it? Democratic Delusions explores the potential of our media and tech systems to be democratic and contribute to a just and transformative democracy. This is only possible, Natalie Fenton argues, by first situating our political systems and mediated worlds within global capitalism. By interrogating different media and their relationship to seven key elements of democracy – power, participation, freedom, equality, public good, trust, and hope – the book asks: What is the response of society when the ability of news media to speak truth to power has been restricted by corporate logic? And, how do we tackle a deep-rooted market logic that shifts public debate towards private interest and marginalizes progressive perspectives? The book explores how these elements can be reimagined through newly conceived media and tech landscapes and, ultimately, what democracy might be in a future mediated world that places more power in the hands of more people. This is essential reading for students and scholars of media and communications, journalism, political communications, political science, and sociology.

In Nonhuman Witnessing Michael Richardson argues that a radical rethinking of what counts as witnessing is central to building frameworks for justice in an era of endless war, ecological catastrophe, and technological capture. Dismantling the primacy and notion of traditional human-based forms of witnessing, Richardson shows how ecological, machinic, and algorithmic forms of witnessing can help us better understand contemporary crises. He examines the media-specificity of nonhuman witnessing across an array of sites, from nuclear testing on First Nations land and autonomous drone warfare to deepfakes, artificial intelligence, and algorithmic investigative tools. Throughout, he illuminates the ethical and political implications of witnessing in an age of profound instability. By challenging readers to rethink their understanding of witnessing, testimony, and trauma in the context of interconnected crises, Richardson reveals the complex entanglements between witnessing and violence and the human and the nonhuman.

As an installment of Routledge's Broadcast Education Association (BEA) Electronic Media Research Series, Political Communication, Culture, and Society focuses on the expansive concept of political communication and illuminates the processes, contents, and effects related to myriad forms and vehicles of political communication. Whether involving traditional print or broadcast media, social media platforms, or face-to-face discussions, political communication today has shaped how we perceive others and understand the world around us, including our place in it, and ultimately, how we engage with others as social, cultural, and political beings.Hailing from multiple locations and drawing on a multitude of theories as well as quantitative and qualitative methodologies, the volume's contributors examine how communication intersects with politics in a broad swath of contexts, ranging from climate change to migration to the notion of political correctness. Collectively they ask and answer questions about how today's richly textured media ecology shapes our political world and how political messages can fuel – and ameliorate – the issues that deeply cleave societies around the globe.Relevant to scholars and students of journalism, media studies, and communication sciences, this volume will help interested readers better understand today's increasingly complex sociocultural world through the lens of political communication.

This anthology of studies is a follow-up to Political Humor Worldwide: The Cultural Context of Political Comedy, Satire, and Parody. It further examines political humor as a distinct sub-discipline of political communication, influenced and shaped by a country's culture. The book's contributors, experts drawn from the academic fields of political science, communication, linguistics, sociology, culture studies, political psychology, and others, offer an assortment of studies from multiple disciplinary perspectives. Focusing on political humor in the media, the authors offer a panorama of political humor—including political satire, parody, and cartooning—in Spain, Poland, Montenegro, Turkey, Japan, Australia, Iran, Brazil, Argentina, Malaysia, and Indonesia, among others. They detail political humor's multifaceted and versatile nature, suggesting that national culture and political humor expressed in the news media are intertwined; thus, understanding political humor requires looking at the cultural landscape of a given country or society. The book helps readers to better understand the factors that shape political humor across the globe in a variety of political and media systems.

The utilization—and weaponization—of charm in contemporary global politicsPolitics is a site of performance, and contemporary politicians often perform the role of a regular person—perhaps someone we would like to have a beer with. They win elections not because of the elevated rhetorical performances we often associate with charisma (“ask not what your country can do for you”), but because of something more ordinary and relatable. The everyday magic spell that politicians cast using mass and social media is what sociologist Julia Sonnevend calls “charm.” In this engaging and enlightening book, Sonnevend explores charm (and the related “charm offensive”) as a keyword of contemporary global politics. Successful political leaders deploy this form of personal magnetism—which relies on proximity to political tribes and manifests across a variety of media platforms—to appear authentic and accessible in their quest for power.Sonnevend examines the mediated self-representations of a set of liberal, illiberal, and authoritarian political leaders, past and present: New Zealand's Jacinda Ardern, Hungary's Viktor Orbán, Iran's Mohammad Javad Zarif, North Korea's Kim Jong-un, and Germany's Angela Merkel. She considers how charm (or the lack of it) is wielded as a political tool, and the ways charm is weaponized to shape the international image of a country, potentially influencing decisions about military aid, trade, and even tourism. Sonnevend argues that charm will shape the future of democracy worldwide, as political values will be increasingly embodied by mediated personalities. These figures will rise and fall, often fading into irrelevance; but if we do not understand charm's political power, we cannot grasp today's fragile political moment.

This book questions the predominance of “media abundance” as a guiding concept for contemporary mediated politics. The authors argue that media abundance is not a universal condition, and that certain individuals, communities, and even nations can more accurately be referred to as media scarce – where access to media technologies and content is limited, highly controlled, or surveilled.Through case studies that focus on guerilla militants, incarcerated Indigenous people, and cold war‑era infrastructure, including Soviet “closed” or “secret” cities and Canadian nuclear bunkers, the book's chapters interrogate how the once media scarce later “speak” to – and can be heard by – the predominant, abundant media culture. Drawing from several art projects and diverse cultural sites, the book highlights how media scarce communities negotiate and otherwise narrate their place in the world, their past experiences and lives, and escape from subjugation. To better understand media scarce politics, the book asks how and when communities become – by accident or force, by choice or necessity – media scarce.This innovative and insightful text will appeal to students and scholars around the world working in the areas of media and politics, art and politics, visual studies, surveillance studies, and communication studies.

Die Entwicklung neuer Technologien geht häufig mit einem Versprechen von politischer Emanzipation einher. Martin Doll begibt sich dazu auf Spurensuche ins 19. Jahrhundert und widmet sich anhand des Mediendenkens von Charles Fourier, Karl Marx und Edward Bellamy folgender Frage: Wie wurden Architektur und (Verkehrs-)Infrastrukturen von der Telegrafie bis hin zu ersten Formen der automatisierten Datenerhebung zusammen mit sozialen Neuerungen als Triebfedern politischer Veränderung konzipiert? Dabei wird deutlich: Nicht jede Gegenwart muss notwendig auf ewig weiter in die Zukunft geführt werden.

Fear of cancel culture has gripped the world, and it turns out to be an old fear in a new get-up. In this incisive new work, Adrian Daub analyzes the global spread of cancel culture discourse as a moral panic, showing that, though its object is fuzzy, talk of cancel culture in global media has become a preoccupation of an embattled liberalism. There are plenty of conservative voices who gin up worries about cancel culture to advance their agendas. But more remarkable perhaps is that it is centrist, even left-leaning, media that have taken up the rallying cry and really defined the outlines of what cancel culture is supposed to be. Media in Western Europe, South America, Russia, and Australia have devoted as much—in some cases more—attention to this supposedly American phenomenon than most US outlets. From French crusades against'le wokisme'via British fables of the'loony left'to a German obsession with campus anecdotes to a global revolt against'gender studies': countries the world over have developed culture war narratives in conflict with the US, and, above all, its universities—narratives that they themselves borrowed from the US. Who exactly is afraid of cancel culture? To trace how various global publics have been so quickly convinced that cancel culture exists and that it poses an existential problem, Daub compares the cancel culture panic to moral panics past, investigating the powerful hold that the idea of'being cancelled'has on readers around the world. A book for anyone wondering how institutions of higher learning in the US have become objects of immense interest and political lightning rods; not just for audiences and voters in the US, but worldwide.

This collection reaches beyond fake news and propaganda, misinformation, and charismatic liars, to explore the lesser-publicized cultural forms and practices that serve as a cultural infrastructure for post-truth society and politics. Situating post-truth in specific contexts as a site of contestation or crisis, the book critically explores it as a dynamic and shifting site around which political and cultural practices in specific contexts revolve and overlap. Through a breadth of perspectives, the volume considers a number of overlapping cultural and political developments across varying national and transnational contexts: changing technologies and practices of cultural production that sometimes shift and at other times reproduce authority of traditional institutional truth-tellers; seismic cultural changes in representations, values, and roles regarding gender, sexuality, race, and historical memory about them, as well as corresponding reactionary discourses in the'culture wars'; questions of authenticity, honesty, and power relations that combine many of the former shifts within an all-encompassing culture of (self-)promotional, attentional capitalism. These considerations lead scholars to focus on corresponding shifting cultural dynamics of popular truth-telling and (dis-)trust-making that inform political culture. In this more global view, post-truth becomes foremost an influentially anxious public mood about the struggles to secure or undermine publicly accepted facts. This nuanced and insightful collection will interest scholars and students of communication studies, media and cultural studies, media ethics, journalism, media literacy, sociology, anthropology, philosophy, and politics.

Wie verändern Technologien Partizipation? Das Aufkommen digitaler Technologien hat neue Formen des Engagements ermöglicht, die Protestbewegungen, politische Kampagnen oder auch Initiativen der politischen Bildung prägen. Veränderte Aufmerksamkeitsökonomien und Affektpolitiken, von denen rechtspopulistische Akteur•innen profitieren, fordern die demokratische Selbstverständigung ebenso heraus wie die Macht der Daten. Der Band versammelt Perspektiven aus der Allgemeinen Erziehungswissenschaft und Medienpädagogik auf (post-)digitale demokratische Öffentlichkeiten.

La médiatisation de la politique désigne l'ensemble des transformations générées par les médias dans les relations entre les actrices et les acteurs politiques, les citoyennes et les citoyens, les militantes et les militants, les personnalités publiques, les organisations non gouvernementales, et les institutions politiques. Ces transformations se caractérisent par une dualité : elles se manifestent simultanément par l'intégration des médias au fonctionnement des institutions sociales, de même que par leur développement en tant qu'institution sociale autonome et animée d'une « logique » propre de fonctionnement. Si la médiatisation de la politique est bien étudiée en Europe, elle l'est moins de ce côté-ci de l'Atlantique et encore moins en français. Cet ouvrage vise à pallier ces deux lacunes de même qu'à faire le point sur les recherches canadiennes et québécoises sur le sujet. Il se divise en trois parties : les pratiques, les discours et les publics de la médiatisation du politique. L'ouvrage s'adresse aux étudiantes et aux étudiants en communication et en science politique de même qu'aux spécialistes en la matière, aux communicatrices et aux communicateurs aguerris et à l'ensemble de la population. Il vise à offrir une meilleure compréhension du rôle prépondérant des médias, qu'ils soient traditionnels ou numériques, dans la vie politique, sociale, culturelle et quotidienne de tout un chacun.

“Professor Jacek Dabala's short polemic, A Pre-Collapse Cure for Stupidity, serves asa straightforward, blunt instrument intended to jar us out of our collective stuporin the face of catastrophe. Squarely taking on critical, timely issues such as climatechange, democracy, populism, and the state of journalism, Dabala deploys a provocative,untimely language intended to persuasively argue that our present world isthe outcome of a mass stupefaction of our own making.Professor Richard Baxstrom, University of Edinburgh“Do we need an informed public and knowledgeable narrators making sense ofthings at a time of great complexity and uncertainty? We do. But as Jacek Dabalapoints out in his engaging new book, the globe is facing endangered democracies,empowered politicians drawn to totalitarianism and journalists lacking the skills torespond. Chief among Dabala's necessary conclusions: We need better educationteaching “the meaning and real value of democracy and freedom.” And we need itnow. Before it's too late.”Professor Steven Beschloss, Arizona State University“Born of frustration and an awareness of impending climate disaster, in this shortbook Jacek Dabala sets out his sense of the whole problem. Dabala reveals a viciousand self-reinforcing cycle of propaganda and stupidity built of short-sighted, selfservingor outright malevolent voices in politics and the media.”Professor Nicholas J. Cull, University of Southern California“In these provocative and timely essays, Jacek Dabala issues a clarion call to educators,journalists, and politicians to address the major crises facing the world todayby ending the “circle of stupidity” that perpetuates bad governance and misinformationwith devastating consequences.”Professor Diana Owen, Georgetown University

EPDF and EPUB available Open Access under CC-BY-NC-ND licence This book addresses new challenges to the formation of publics in datafied democracies. It proposes a fresh, complex and nuanced approach to understand'datapublics'by considering datafication and public formation in the context of audience, journalism and infrastructure studies. The tightly woven chapters shed new light on how platforms, algorithms and their data infrastructure are embedded in journalistic values, discourses and practices, opening up new conditions for publics to display agency, mobilize and achieve legitimacy. This is a seminal contribution to debates about the future of media, journalism and civic practices.

The new edition of Post-Truth, Fake News and Democracy offers an updated overview and critical discussion of contemporary discourses around truth, misinformation, and democracy, while also mapping cutting-edge scholarship.Through in-depth analyses of news articles, commentaries, academic publications, policy briefs, and political speeches, the book engages with the underlying normative ideas that shape how fake news is being addressed across the globe. Doing so, it provides an innovative, critical contribution to contemporary debates on democracy, post-truth, and politics. Three new chapters: Chapter 2 provides an outline of the scholarly field of research into fake news; Chapter 5 examines how issues of fake news and (mis)information have become intertwined with contemporary crisis events; and Chapter 9 presents democratic alternatives to post-truth solutionism. A new foreword by Professor Sarah Banet-Weiser. Fully updated examples and studies from contemporary events, including the COVID-19 pandemic, the United States Capitol attack, and the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Extended discussions on the causes of democratic decline, currently proposed solutions to fake news, and democratic alternatives to our current predicament. Interesting, informative, and well documented, Post-Truth, Fake News and Democracy continues its commitment to understand and engage with the current state and future of democracy.

The formation of new states was an essential feature of US expansion throughout the long nineteenth century, and debates over statehood and states'rights were waged not only in legislative assemblies but also in newspapers, maps, land surveys, and other forms of print and visual culture. Assessing these texts and archives, Kathryn Walkiewicz theorizes the logics of federalism and states'rights in the production of US empire, revealing how they were used to imagine states into existence while clashing with relational forms of territoriality asserted by Indigenous and Black people. Walkiewicz centers her analysis on statehood movements to create the places now called Georgia, Florida, Kansas, Cuba, and Oklahoma. In each case she shows that Indigenous dispossession and anti-Blackness scaffolded the settler-colonial project of establishing states'rights. But dissent and contestation by Indigenous and Black people imagined alternative paths, even as their exclusion and removal reshaped and renamed territory. By recovering this tension, Walkiewicz argues we more fully understand the role of state-centered discourse as an expression of settler colonialism. We also come to see the possibilities for a territorial ethic that insists on thinking beyond the boundaries of the state.

This book makes explicit the historical, technological, and discursive links between gossip as a mode of communication, news media, and contemporary politics. A Gossip Politic advances a new framework of gossip, applying the informal understanding of the term to news talk and political actors. Authored by esteemed scholars in the fields of Political Science, Media Studies, Linguistics, and Sociology, chapters consider the influence of gossip on the press, the American presidency, and the public. A Gossip Politic provides readers with a multi-faceted portrait of the ways in which gossip has influenced media history, shaped our understanding of democracy, and contributed to our current political landscape.

This book provides a thorough foundation for understanding the shift from political campaigning via legacy news media to campaigning through entertainment media.Public discourse that would once transpire on the newsprint of opinion pages or behind a news anchor's desk and teleprompter is now happening through talk shows and sitcoms, celebrity partnerships and influencer accounts, memes and streams, video games, branded merchandise, and social media. Here, Turcotte explores how media consumption habits have reshaped contemporary campaign norms and shifted strategies for seeking public office and advancing policy goals. He shows how candidates are incorporating entertainment media in their strategic campaigns, moving beyond satirical programs to demonstrate a multi-pronged approach to campaign communication in the entertainment environment.With a compelling introduction to these campaign shifts and an examination of tangible applications, this text is suitable for scholars as well as students in both political science and mass communication courses, particularly courses in political communication and strategic communication.

Written with media students in mind, this accessible book provides both students and researchers with a new perspective on how to research engagement, not as a metric but as a marker of power relations. This book navigates the reader through a tighter analytical notion of engagement within an understanding of media, culture and democracy. Dahlgren and Hill offer a new definition of engagement as an energising internal force, and as such a powerful means to further human agency. From this definition, the book builds a generative theory of engagement as a nexus of relations we make and break with media on a daily basis, with examples from political activism, news and disinformation, and the global pandemic. Dahlgren and Hill identify five parameters of engagement in order to understand the relations we have with media across changing public and mediated spheres. This new perspective offers students and researchers pathways for investigating the meaning of media engagement as a resource for living.It will be particularly useful for undergraduate courses on media audiences and publics, political communication and democracy, media and cultural theory, journalism, and for media, communication and sociology studies more broadly.

This book empirically tests, compares, and explains the effects of British and American legacy conservative press and far-right websites, on accordant political views and behavioural intentions.Correspondingly, the 2016 Brexit Referendum and American Presidential election results are often attributed to the spread of fake news through social media, Russian Bots, and alt-right news websites. This has raised concerns about the impact of digital disinformation on democracy, as well as the rise of nativist parties and movements worldwide. However, this book argues that these causal attributions are largely based on unproven assumptions and deflect attention from the more influential and harmful role of traditional conservative media.To support this argument, Leyva incorporates insights from various fields such as neurocognitive science, media-communication research, cross-cultural psychology, and sociology. Additionally, the book presents primary evidence from a series of experiments that examined the effects of candidate-related fake news and immigration coverage from both old and new media right-wing sources. These experiments focused on how such content influences anti-immigrant attitudes and voter preferences. By doing so, the book provides a nuanced and robustly tested theoretical account of how right-wing media affects political beliefs, sentiments, and practices at the neuronal level, and of how this can in turn negatively impact democratic multicultural societies.Given its interdisciplinary approach, this book will be of interest to scholars in the social, behavioural, and cognitive sciences who are studying media psychology, online misinformation, authoritarian populism, political sociology, new media, and journalism.

Gives you the superpower to be a healthy skeptic when consuming data and information.Data Duped is a book about how we are commonly deceived by numbers in our everyday lives. From lotteries, product warranties, and weight loss fads to misleading headlines and social media posts, there is no shortage of confusing or misleading information. Numbers are used to manipulate our decisions and impact our lives in ways that may not be immediately apparent. Data Duped will help you avoid being fooled by these messages and to develop a sense of ‘data defense'by learning what types of questions to ask and how to maintain a healthy level of curiosity and data skepticism.Data Duped guides readers to discern the differences between the plausible and the ridiculous along a journey of informed critical thinking and data literacy. With historical parallels alongside practical and relatable examples, readers will learn how to spot the ‘malarkey'from the truth and how to avoid being hoodwinked by misinformation.

From fan-generated content on TikTok to music videos, the contemporary media landscape is becoming ever more vast, spectacular, and intense. In The Media Swirl Carol Vernallis examines short-form audiovisual media—Beyoncé's Lemonade, brief sequences from Baz Luhrmann's The Great Gatsby, TikTok challenges, YouTube mashups, commercials, and many other examples—to offer ways of understanding digital media. She analyzes music videos by Beyoncé, Lady Gaga, Janelle Monáe, Kendrick Lamar, Anderson.Paak, and others to outline how sound and image enhance each other and shape a viewer's mood. Responding to today's political-media landscape through discussions of Fox News and Presidential inaugurations, Vernallis shows how a media literacy that exceeds newscasts and campaign advertising is central to engaging with the democratic commons. Forays into industry studies, neuroscience, and ethics also inform her readings. By creating our own content and knowing what corporations, the wealthy, and the government do through media, Vernallis contends, we can create a more just world.

A New Yorker Best Book of the YearA Foreign Affairs Best Book of the YearAn Atlantic Best Book of the YearA Financial Times Best Politics Book of the YearHow a new breed of dictators holds power by manipulating information and faking democracyHitler, Stalin, and Mao ruled through violence, fear, and ideology. But in recent decades a new breed of media-savvy strongmen has been redesigning authoritarian rule for a more sophisticated, globally connected world. In place of overt, mass repression, rulers such as Vladimir Putin, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and Viktor Orbán control their citizens by distorting information and simulating democratic procedures. Like spin doctors in democracies, they spin the news to engineer support. Uncovering this new brand of authoritarianism, Sergei Guriev and Daniel Treisman explain the rise of such “spin dictators,” describing how they emerge and operate, the new threats they pose, and how democracies should respond.Spin Dictators traces how leaders such as Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew and Peru's Alberto Fujimori pioneered less violent, more covert, and more effective methods of monopolizing power. They cultivated an image of competence, concealed censorship, and used democratic institutions to undermine democracy, all while increasing international engagement for financial and reputational benefits. The book reveals why most of today's authoritarians are spin dictators—and how they differ from the remaining “fear dictators” such as Kim Jong-un and Bashar al-Assad, as well as from masters of high-tech repression like Xi Jinping.Offering incisive portraits of today's authoritarian leaders, Spin Dictators explains some of the great political puzzles of our time—from how dictators can survive in an age of growing modernity to the disturbing convergence and mutual sympathy between dictators and populists like Donald Trump.

'Global Perspectives on Social Media Usage Within Governments reveals the best practices of various countries regarding the use of social media by central and local governments according to public administration models. The book presents various case studies on the impact of public administration models on social media use in order to contribute to public administration and social media use. Covering topics such as climate action, knowledge behaviors, and citizen participation, this premier reference source is an essential resource for government officials, public administrators, public policy scholars, social media experts, public affairs scholars, students and educators of higher education, librarians, researchers, and academicians'--

The changes triggered by the global financial crisis in 2008, the immigration flows and the covid-19 pandemic in contemporary societies have transformed the way individuals communicate, create content, and ‘consume'publicly available information. Consequently, political, societal, and financial pressures have led to alternative forms of media practice and representations and disrupted the core relationships and dynamics between politics, journalism, and society. This edited book examines the key challenges in political discourse and journalistic practice in times of crisis. It focuses on European paradigms and links political rhetoric and media challenges with the societal, political, and financial crises from 2008 until the present.

Le projet Matérialismes, culture et communication a pour objectif de mettre en cycle et en concordance des savoirs critiques matérialistes traitant de la culture et de la communication. Ce projet encyclopédique se déploie, à ce jour, sur trois volumes (tome 1 : Marxismes, Théorie et sociologie critiques ; tome 2 : Cultural Studies, théories féministes et décoloniales). Le présent tome rend hommage aux chercheurs inscrivant leurs travaux dans le champ de l'économie politique. La critique des médias et de la communication a longtemps été éludée par les économistes se réclamant du marxisme. Il faut attendre les années 1970 pour que naisse une'économie politique de la communication'digne de ce nom. Pendant longtemps dominé par des contributions nord-américaines ou européennes - et principalement anglo-saxonnes -, ce courant de recherche est souvent décrit, par trop rapidement, comme une approche unifiée du sous-champ interne des études de communication duquel, par ailleurs, bien peu d'ouvrages en français ont proposé l'exégèse.Le présent ouvrage entend à la fois pallier ce manque et ouvrir, par là-même, à la richesse de quelques travaux majeurs se réclamant dudit courant ou de régions épistémologiques proches. Ont participé à cet ouvrage : Maria Alcala Sucre, Verlane Aragão, Robert Babe, Alix Bénistant, David Buxton, Fabien Granjon, Jacques Guyot, Jonathan Hardy, Mariem Hazmoune, Christophe Magis, Guillermo Mastrini, Jacob Matthews, Alan Ouakrat, Maxime Ouellet, Ruy Sardinha Lopes, Maria Trinidad Garcia, Jérémy Vachet, Carlo Vercellone et Mariano Zarowsky.

In Building Theory in Political Communication, Gadi Wolfsfeld, Tamir Sheafer, and Scott Althaus present the first generalizable conceptual framework for political communication that is also falsifiable, explaining how media performance contributes to successful political performance across nations, regime types, and information systems. The book identifies three tensions in the current literature that have thus far prevented a general theory of political communication. The first is a vague understanding of what it means for media to exercise independence from politics. The second is a focus on media in wealthy, Western, and democratic countries. The third is a tendency to build interpretive frameworks that pose as theories, but that cannot be tested. To address these three tensions, this book adapts, refines, and extends the Politics-Media-Politics (PMP) principle, which states that variations in political ecosystems have a major impact on media systems, values, practices, and resources, which can then have dependent, independent, and conditional effects on political processes. With an emphasis on international comparative studies encompassing diverse political systems, the authors move beyond the field's Western focus to show that PMP is useful in a wide range of contexts and subfields. A sophisticated and timely intervention in the field of political communication, this volume presents the PMP principle to help political communication researchers adopt a broader perspective when attempting to ascertain the roles that communication plays in political processes.

La mirada de las nuevas generaciones de comunicadores advierte sobre los peligros de replicar o crear modelos sin cuestionar el actual entorno mediático y permite ir más allá del enfoque meramente normativo, para elaborar nuevas propuestas empíricas.

This book offers a systematic inquiry into how, why, and with what consequences media affects governments and the standing of prime ministers. It aims at an understanding of how media has caused institutional effects in government, as well as at advancing a unified theory of government communication. The author develops a logic of centralization and applies it to one case, Sweden. Government communication has been institutionalized, tightened and centralized with the prime minister and has changed irreversibly. Analysis of how the government communication system has evolved, mainly in its institutional structures, suggests that the shift to centralization arose more out of necessity than choice. For prime ministers most of this is about finding ways to ensure that the entire government respond to media uniformly. As governments face a set of functional demands from media, different kinds of media, uniformity has been a paramount objective. Nevertheless, thisdevelopment involves shifting dynamics of intra-executive relations and a shift of power away from ministries to the prime minister's office; the apex of political power. The prime minister has been empowered at the expense of ministers through the concentration of power and resources to the executive centre. That is partly because of media, which reinforces political hierarchies. That and the centralized control of government news in turn raises further questions about democratic governance and the nature of modern-day governing.

Please note: This is a companion version & not the original book. #1 In 1956, the Chinese-speaking students took over their middle schools in Singapore. The colonial authorities dissolved the students'union and arrested its leaders, saying the organization had been infiltrated by communists. In protest, thousands of teenagers flooded onto their school grounds. #2 Lee Kuan Yew, the leader of Singapore, had a very different approach to dealing with the Chinese protesters in Tiananmen Square than Deng Xiaoping did. He wanted to keep the country's politics and economy strictly under his control. #3 In the 1950s, authoritarian rule was identified with violence. Around the globe, brutal regimes continued to kill their citizens by the thousands. In communist states, the body counts were staggering. #4 20th century dictators used violent repression to stay in power, but they also took pride in their gory exploits, which they made sure citizens knew about. The West underwent a revolution in penal philosophy and practices between 1760 and 1840, with the deliberate infliction of pain giving way to more humane and invisible punishments.

It is commonplace to say that we are living in troubled times. Liberal democracy is in crisis. Academic freedom is seriously constrained. The media offers less insight and analysis than could be expected given the proliferation of communication tools. Based on decades of research into the social and ideological functioning of discourse and with a focus on politics, universities, and the media, Jef Verschueren offers an analysis of current practices, asks whether we are all complicit, and makes suggestions for what we can do.Central to this book is the notion of derailed reflexivity, referring to the observation that politics, institutions, and news reporting tend to be excessively aimed at public opinion, impression management, and clicks, to the detriment of policies addressing social justice issues, high-quality service, and media content. Highlighting that education is the cornerstone for democratic choices and ensures that we can critically assess media content, this book shows that shared responsibility can be a source of hope and that everyone has the power to intervene. Complicity in Discourse and Practice is a call to action for readers and a plea for actively minding the ecology of the public sphere.

The third edition of The Dynamics of Political Communication continues its comprehensive coverage of communication and politics, focusing on problematic issues that bear on the functioning of democracy in an age of partisanship, social media, and political leadership that questions media's legitimacy.The book covers the intersections between politics and communication, calling on related social science disciplines as well as normative political philosophy. This new edition is thoroughly updated and includes a survey of the contemporary political communication environment, unpacking fake news, presidential communication, hostile media bias, concerns about the waning of democracy, partisan polarization, political advertising and marketing, the relationship between social media and the news media, and the 2020 election, all the while drawing on leading new scholarship in these areas.It's ideally suited for upper-level undergraduate and graduate political communication courses in communication, journalism, and political science programs. This edition again features online resources with links to examples of political communication in action, such as videos, news articles, tweets, and press releases. For instructors, an instructor's manual, lecture slides, and test questions are also provided. Access the support material at www.routledge.com/9780367279417

In Discursive Disruption, Populist Communication and Democracy, Elena Block explores the links between declining democratic discourses, populist communication, and reflects on the communicative and moral dimensions of populism.Block proposes the concept of discursive disruption to help to identify, analyze and understand the disruptive power of populist speech, turning to the communicative styles of Venezuela's late President Hugo Chávez and the US's President Donald J. Trump to illustrate and support this new conceptual and analytical tool. While the mainstream political class and media traditionally sought to manage the processes of political communication, the book contends that they have now been displaced and their role has been undermined. Middle ground politics and journalism have been substituted by the adversarial rhetorical styles of populists, multiplied through multi-fragmented channels, texts and voices. With this book, Block continues her introspection in the conceptual, communicative and mediatic dimensions of populism by adding a perspective that draws on democratic and discursive theories.Discursive Disruption, Populist Communication and Democracy is ideally designed for scholars and professional communicators in political science and communication studies eager to understand the connection between weakening discourses of modern democracy and the pervasiness of confrontational styles of populist communication in contemporary political exchanges.