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This essay traces the development of the phrase "democratic socialism" from the early nineteenth century to the present, especially in relation to "social democracy" and "communism." These meanings have changed over time, with democratic socialism and social democracy indicating the opposite of what they meant a century ago when social democracy was the more and democratic socialism the less radical position. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the decline of the post–World War II social-democratic compromise created space for a radical democratic socialism to flourish in our time. Twenty-first-century democratic socialism seeks to democratize the workplace and reorient the state, against the power of the organized capitalist class, to serve the needs of the many rather than the desires of the few. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Corporate governance experts Lucian Bebchuk and Roberto Tallarita contacted public relations officers of the companies whose CEOs signed the Roundtable manifesto statement to see if the manifesto had been approved or ratified by the board, standard practice for major corporate decisions. Keywords: capitalism; democracy; labor; outsourcing; working class; neoliberalism EN capitalism democracy labor outsourcing working class neoliberalism 40 49 10 02/07/23 20230101 NES 230101 Graph: Betsy Streeter (betsystreeter.com), reprinted with permission. By defining the corporation as a bundle of decomposable assets rather than an ongoing institution that included workers as stakeholders, top executives no longer valued the long-term success of firms.[27] "Re-engineering" existing firms became the primary focus of corporate leaders and ideologists. Current Roundtable member Doug McMillon, president and CEO of Walmart, acknowledged Senator Warren's skepticism of their weak efforts toward workers, but concluded: "We believe that prescriptive government control over businesses would end up hurting many of the stakeholders we all want to help... Our companies' actions speak for themselves."[45] If only it were so. [Extracted from the article]

The leading student activist at the Ecole Normale Superieure Gilles Raveaud, contends that the traditional approach to French economics establishment be supplemented by more studies of economic history and alternative ideas.

Those familiar with the work of Karl Polanyi will not find it surprising that increased international economic integration since the 1970s has brought forth protest about its destabilizing effects. Among [...]

Proponents of the high performance work organization (HPWO) have not been able to achieve their vision despite its potential to initiate egalitarian changes in the workplace. Evidence from Rhode Island and Maine as well as from literature shows that HPWO projects have no realistic chance to advance because of the absence of the necessary political conditions. Indeed, HPWO has only succeeded in a small number of workplaces and in limited situations as most capitalist employers prefer to adopt Taylorist, top-down work systems.

Michael Reich and James Rebitzer assert that there is a growing convergence between Marxist and neoclassical labor economics. The observed convergence between the two schools of thought indicates a paradigmatic shift towards radical political economy. However, this assumption is misleading and unacceptable for radical economists. In the absence of a mass movement for social change, alliances between radicals and liberal orthodox economists may exist but such kind of relationship is hardly normative.

We are interested in the extent of convergence between paradigms in labor economics. Proponents of both neoclassical and institutional paradigms now embrace the common premise that labor markets cannot be [...]

I. Introduction In this paper, I lay out a theoretical framework for understanding consumption behavior in contemporary capitalism.(1) The argument, in brief, is that the conventional Left critique of 'consumer [...]

The monetary policies of Federal Reserve Board Chmn Alan Greenspan are virtually the same as those of former Chmn Paul Volcker. However, the two differ over Greenspan's enthusiasm enthusiasm for further deregulation of the financial system, which Volcker opposes. Volcker believes that the nature of banking and finance requires a higher degree of regulation than do other businesses. From the perspective of equity, neither policy is satisfactory, although Greenspan's deregulation policies are more threatening. The left needs to develop a clear cut policy on banking and finance regulation that takes into consideration the views of Volcker and the re-regulators.

The weakening of working class and popular organisations that is often attributed to the growing power of transnational corporations is an aspect of a generalised restructuring of class relations in both core and periphery. With class, rather than power or wealth, as our theoretical entry point, it appears that the state retains influence over international flows of industrial and banking capital.

Ben Fine has two problems with my article. First, he claims I misrepresent 'Marx' s analysis of consumption' and deny 'the potential for a more fully developed Marxist theory of [...]