Search

The Middle East region has a long history of resistance, activism, and advocacy movements in health, most recently as part of the 2011 region‐wide Arab Spring. Despite this storied history, however, movements of resistance, activism, and advocacy in health in the region are rarely unpacked, examined, or documented. This historical and contextual analysis aims to examine the long‐standing confiscated health rights and subsequent experiences of resistance, activism, and advocacy in health in populations in Palestine, Lebanon, Egypt, and Iraq. Promoting a health equity and health rights‐based approach is key to achieving Universal Health Coverage and health‐related Sustainable Development Goals, particularly in contexts that experience fragile socioeconomic and humanitarian conditions and political instability such as many countries in the Middle East. Marginalized populations, including Palestinians living under Israeli occupation, Lebanese Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender+ (LGBT) communities, Egyptian women and girls affected by Female Genital Mutilation, and Iraqi refugees and Internally Displaced Persons, have been severely impacted by decades of oppression, conflict, and displacement. These populations have faced various forms of discrimination, neglect, and violence that have hindered their access to quality healthcare and basic health rights. Rather than relying on government efforts, local and international movements to advocate for and protect the health rights of these populations are key. Innovative approaches, strategic dialogue and collective actions are prerequisites for promoting resistance, activism, and advocacy in health in all country's systems structure. This analysis highlights the important of this social public health issue in the most turbulent region and provides evidence to guide all countries to realize equitable human rights for health for all populations. Key Points: The health rights of marginalized populations in the Middle East, including Palestinians living under occupation, LGBT+ communities, women and girls affected by Female genital mutilation, and Iraqi refugees and IDPs, have been severely impacted by decades of oppression, conflict, and displacement.Despite these challenges, there have been efforts by local and international organizations, activists, and movements to advocate for and protect the health rights of these populations.Resistance, activism, and advocacy movements should be recognized as local and regional priorities, contributing to realizing health equity and integrating the health rights‐based approach into the social and health systems.Rethinking and advancing the movement of resistance, activism, and advocacy in health is a necessary step in improving health for marginalized populations, and strategic dialogue between all stakeholders is the first step forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines many of the Taliban's prominent positions and dynamics in the Afghan state. The Taliban has had few explicit political goals. Instead, its policies have focused on reshaping Afghan society and re‐establishing the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. The Taliban conflicted with the Afghan Republic (2001−2021) and faced repeated administrative problems and opposition in realizing their minor political goals. They have re‐emerged in Afghanistan following the U.S. withdrawal. This article compares factors such as corruption, ethnicity, dictatorship, and politics between the Taliban and the Republic. It uses the fragile state framework to explain the continuation of the conflict in Afghanistan, analyzing historical discourse. This article primarily relies on survey data, focusing on the views of Afghan people concerning the Republic and the Taliban. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to comprehend the contributions of Iran's health‐care system (HCS) in the "crisismanship" of the coronavirus (COVID‐19) pandemic from the perspectives of citizens, policy makers, managers, and public sector employees. The primary question is what have been the contributions of Iran's HCS in the crisismanship of COVID‐19? The study was designed and conducted using a qualitative strategy. It is reported that three core contributions were made: (1) the leadership of "a whole of crisis governance," (2) the leading "a whole of crisis management," and (3) conducting "a whole of operational activities during the COVID‐19." Through this empirical study, we hope to fill a gap by examining the leadership contributions of the Iranian HCS in fighting COVID‐19. The findings of this study can provide researchers and thinkers with insights into policy and strategy making in times of crises such as those surrounding COVID‐19. Related Articles: Kasseeah, Harshana, and Susan Opp. 2023. "Wicked policy problems and COVID‐19 in small island developing states: The cases of Mauritius and Seychelles." Politics & Policy 51(6): 1008–27. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12565. Onyango, Gedion, and Japheth Otieno Ondiek. 2022. "Open Innovation during the COVID‐19 Pandemic Policy Responses in South Africa and Kenya." Politics & Policy 50(5): 1008–31. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12490. Vince, Joanna. 2023. "A Creeping Crisis When an Urgent Crisis Arises: The Reprioritization of Plastic Pollution Issues during COVID‐19." Politics & Policy 51(1): 26–40. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12512. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El movimiento chiíta Hezbollah ha devenido en una de las organizaciones más relevantes tanto en el Líbano como en la región mesoriental. En ello han influido las diferentes dinámicas impuestas por el entorno doméstico y regional. Esta investigación se propone abordar su fortalecimiento como actor regional de peso en Medio Oriente (2006-2018), a partir de pautas que luego permitirán comprender su involucramiento y postura ante los conflictos que se han suscitado en su entorno, como pudiera ser la guerra en curso de Israel contra el pueblo palestino.

Copyright of International Journal of Professional Business Review (JPBReview) is the property of Open Access Publications LLC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the sources of Turkish, Iranian, and Saudi soft power in the Middle East through the utilization of Joseph Nye's soft power concept. The study is based on three claims. The first claim argues that there exists an increasing discrepancy between espoused values and actual practices in Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia at home, which may undermine their soft power. The second claim contends that cognizant of the fact that the Palestinian cause is a major concern for most of the Middle Eastern people, all of the three states pursue an active foreign policy to alleviate the plight of the Palestinians. Finally, the last claim upholds that Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia have been benefitting, albeit to varying extents, from high culture products such as education and popular culture products such as mass entertainment and tourism to appeal to the public in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este artículo examina las representaciones de Latinoamérica que circularon por el golfo arábigo a través del periódico Kuwait Times. Utilizando material de archivo, esta investigación se enmarca en el quinquenio posterior a la independencia de Kuwait en 1961, teniendo en cuenta su proyecto de consolidación nacional. La investigación se desarrolla a partir de tres narrativas mediáticas coexistentes. La primera se debe al interés inicial de Kuwait en crear vínculos diplomáticos con Latinoamérica en las Naciones Unidas para garantizar su soberanía. La segunda tiene que ver con las noticias culturalistas cargadas de emotividad que versan sobre dicha región. Y, por último, una narrativa que aborda los hechos históricos de un convulso continente polarizado por las potencias mundiales. Entre tanto, se sugiere que el Kuwait Times utiliza la objetividad y la emoción para “hacer pensable” una entidad remota e inaccesible como lo era América Latina en aquel momento. Al final, se concluye que el Kuwait Times, al legitimarse como un mediador cultural, que, si bien depende de las fuentes metropolitanas, desplaza su discurso hacia un compromiso con el sur global.

Copyright of Saber & Scroll Historical Journal is the property of Policy Studies Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article seeks to systematically understand the logic of unstable alliances in the postrevolutionary Arab Middle East. On what basis do the states in the Middle East enter into alliances with each other and what variables influence their fluid coalition-forming policy? Contrary to mainstream approaches that explain the nature of alliances through variables such as the balance of power, anarchy, identity, and external threats, however, understanding the mechanisms and empirical complexities of the alliance-making policy of Middle East states go beyond those variables. The present study proposes using the theories of alliance in international relations as an approach to 'regime security', an alternative integrated framework in understanding the roots of alliance in the Middle East. Despite the changes in international and regional politics, the main interest for each of the Middle East states is still to ensure the survival and security of their political regime. The options of foreign relations and alliances of the states in the Middle East are based on their dynamic action to maintain the security of the ruling regime against potential internal and external threats. In such a situation, alliances are formulated as transnational coalitions among potential allies to ensure the survival of political regimes. In line with the test of the main idea of the article, a case study of regional alliances in the Middle East is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La transición hacia un sistema internacional multipolar, con reflejos también en Oriente Medio, se ha manifestado a través de cambios y transformaciones en la dinámica geopolítica y en las relaciones de poder en la región. En este sentido, se ha evidenciado un alejamiento relativo de Estados Unidos en la zona durante las últimas décadas. Esto está relacionado, sobre todo, con la retirada gradual de tropas norteamericanas del área, cambios en la política exterior estadounidense, el ascenso de nuevos actores regionales e internacionales y la existencia de un nuevo liderazgo en Medio Oriente, que busca ponderar sus agendas nacionales. En consecuencia, el objetivo general del presente artículo es identificar los factores que han determinado la reconfiguración de la hegemonía estadounidense en la región de Oriente Medio en el periodo 2017-2023. Cómo

Zionist expansionism demands ethnic cleansing in the case of Gaza. That policy was challenged by a spectacular operation, which demolished Israel's image as an invulnerable power. The rightwardization of that country destabilizes the US imperial counteroffensive. Hamas exercises its legitimate right to resistance, in the face of a terrorist State that acts as an aggressor. International solidarity will be effective if it overcomes the ambiguity of many pronouncements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the changing demographics in Middle Eastern countries and their impact on economic and social well-being. It emphasizes the relationship between demographic change and economic growth, particularly the potential for fast economic growth with a decrease in the dependent population. The study highlights the importance of the working-age population as a driver of change and the need for macroeconomic strategies and policy changes to maximize employment opportunities. The article also discusses the importance of prioritizing policy actions to benefit from the demographic dividend. It provides specific information on the changing age structure of Middle Eastern countries, gender gaps in economic activity, and profiles of selected countries, including their economic, social, and educational issues. The document emphasizes the need for investment in human capital, increased labor market mobility, and improved opportunities for female labor participation to achieve the demographic dividend and promote economic development. The article concludes by highlighting the challenges faced in gathering data for certain countries and suggests further research to expand the study and gain more insights into the demographic and educational dividends. [Extracted from the article]

This study examines attitudes about integration and support for citizenship in the context of the Syrian refugee crisis in Turkey based on 85 interviews in four provinces. Consistent with past research, respondents reported multiple threat perceptions around refugees, with security and cultural threats predominating. Those who perceived refugees as threatening in three or more ways generally believed in fewer prospects for integration and were unlikely to support citizenship. However, positive views were present among those who reported one or even two types of threats, indicating there are possibilities for developing inclusionary attitudes even in the presence of threat perceptions. Our research also identifies two counterintuitive reasons some individuals support citizenship for refugees: to reduce security threats and remedy perceived favoritism in social support policies. These findings shed light on the complex bases of attitudes around migration and have important implications for designing refugee settlement policies and efforts to support integration. Related Articles: Duman, Yoav H. 2014. "Reducing the Fog? Immigrant Regularization and the State." Politics & Policy 42(2): 187–220. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/polp.12065/abstract. Ibrahim, Yasmin, and Anita Howarth. 2018. "Review of Humanitarian Refuge in the United Kingdom: Sanctuary, Asylum, and the Refugee Crisis." Politics & Policy 46(3): 348–91. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12254. Ravi, Chaitanya. 2021. "The 1971 Bangladesh War and Policy Lessons for Climate Refugee Management in South Asia." Politics & Policy 49(1): 248–74. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12392. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El artículo analiza, desde un enfoque comparativo y descriptivo, la (P)política (E)exterior de la Argentina hacia los países de Medio Oriente, tomando como casos de estudio los gobiernos del Frente para la Victoria (2003-2015) -con especial énfasis en los gobiernos de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner- y de la Alianza Cambiemos (2015-2019). Con este fin, se indaga en las concepciones del mundo de cada uno de los gobiernos y los modos de relacionarse con él, sus lecturas específicas sobre la región de Medio Oriente, y las políticas hacia esta región en temáticas específicas: comercio internacional, países del Golfo y el conflicto palestino-israelí (el cual aparece vinculado a la cuestión Irán). Como hallazgo, el texto demuestra que, a pesar de los discursos antagónicos sobre el “modelo de país”, la concepción del mundo y las diferentes estrategias de Política Exterior que hubo en cada etapa, pueden vislumbrarse tanto continuidades como discontinuidades. Por caso, si bien el discurso del orientalismo periférico -que esencializa negativamente a Medio Oriente- fue un punto en común de ambos gobiernos, la política exterior de Cambiemos combinó un orientalismo periférico con un firme occidentalismo.

Esta investigación pretende realizar una reflexión sobre los vacíos sustanciales que aún existen en torno a la utilización del Derecho Internacional Humanitario, su verdadera función, y aplicabilidad en entornos como Medio Oriente, donde el análisis de su validez permite cuestionar acerca de su neutralidad. Por ende, para poder desarrollar esta reflexión, principalmente se realiza un cuestionamiento acerca de la importancia que la guerra genera para la comunidad internacional; es decir, si estos sucesos son asuntos de primera necesidad para la misma, dependiendo del lugar o los actores quienes se vean involucrados. Posteriormente, se evidencia una comparación entre los sucesos que iniciaron los conflictos en Medio Oriente, su continuación y empeoramiento a lo largo de la historia hasta el día de hoy, para finalmente, desde el derecho internacional humanitario, poder observar qué pronunciamiento ha tenido la comunidad internacional sobre estos conflictos y qué se ha hecho para poder solucionarlos. Con esto, se intenta concluir, a modo de cuestionamiento, sobre la verdadera utilidad de organismos internacionales como las Naciones Unidas, órganos judiciales como la Corte Internacional de Justicia y tribunales como la Corte Penal Internacional, del rol que cumplen dentro del sistema internacional y la importancia que para estos tiene el amparo y respeto por los derechos humanos en escenarios como el Medio Oriente.

Copyright of Brazilian Journal of Law & International Relations / Relações Internacionais no Mundo is the property of Relacoes Internacionais no Mundo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

La ocupación de los territorios palestinos por parte de Israel es uno de los fenómenos de la política internacional más importantes del siglo XX; sin embargo, la gran cantidad de factores emocionales y mitos fundacionales a su alrededor han distorsionado los estudios sobre el conflicto. Es de vital importancia analizar las principales corrientes historiográficas responsables de construir la identidad palestina moderna con el fin de entender las diferentes etapas del conflicto y no caer en explicaciones simplistas acerca de las lealtades múltiples que caracterizan la identidad en Medio Oriente y, asimismo, comprender el origen y la transformación de las reclamaciones nacionales y territoriales del pueblo palestino.

Focusing on recent U.S. policy developments toward the Middle East, this commentary examines the potential influence of the Abraham Accords' agreements on politics in the region, the resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and the future of Israel as a democratic and Jewish state. It is based on a review of media coverage of the accords. It begins with a brief history of President Donald Trump's earlier Middle East policies involving Jerusalem, the West Bank, and the "Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action" limiting Iran's access to nuclear weapons. I then examine the development of the Abraham Accords under the direction of Jared Kushner. This is followed by an analysis of the potential consequences of the Accords on relations between Israel and the Arab states including Saudi Arabia, on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and on the potential policy implications for the Palestinians. I close with a comment on the future sustainability of Israel as a Jewish and democratic political entity. Related Articles: Friedlander, Melvin A. 1988. "Jimmy Carter's Fascination with the Middle East." Politics & Policy (formerly, Southeastern Political Review) 16(1): 205–30. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.1988.tb00251.x. Jouini, Nizar, and Manel Ben Akal. 2022. "Political Consensus, Economic Reforms, and Democratic Transitions in the Middle East: Evidence from Voting on Tunisian Reform Bills." Politics & Policy 50(4): 851–71. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12489. Sarquís, David J. 2012. "Democratization after the Arab Spring: The Case of Egypt's Political Transition." Politics & Policy 40(5): 871–903. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00381.x. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present article addresses how the Middle East was portrayed in two Slovenian translations of Karl May's Orientzyklus. This series of novels was translated during the interwar period, when the Slovenian ethnic territory was part of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and the re-translations were published during Slovenia's socialist era. By means of a textual comparison, the extent of the ideological interventions that occurred in the portrayal of the Middle East in the translations is established. Furthermore, the article discusses how the different contemporary socio-political circumstances in Slovenia may have influenced how the region in question was represented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relations between Iran and Israel from their initial strategic alliance as non-Arab countries, thanks to cooperation on common interests, through the deterioration of this alliance and the emergence of rivalry in the context of the Cold War, to the Lebanon War in 2006. It aims to understand the background of this conflict, its strategic impacts and implications regarding the hybrid threat posed by the strengthening of Hezbollah as a quasi-state army with the backing of Iran. Despite not sharing common borders and, consequently, having no territorial disputes, the 2006 Lebanon War was the first war between Israel and Iran, and has been a determining factor in the evolution of hybrid threats in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Frontières is the property of Universite du Quebec a Montreal, Revue Frontieres and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Se despliegan aquí algunas notas que permiten empezar a entender las notables conexiones entre el pensamiento chino y la obra de Borges. También se ofrecen algunas consideraciones laterales sobre los vínculos con otros aspectos de las culturas de Oriente Medio. En general, se intenta mostrar que conceptos fundamentales del pensamiento chino entran en poderosa armonía con la literatura, y aun con lo que puede considerarse una filosofía, de Borges.

There is an international consensus that the two-state solution, the establishment of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza with East Jerusalem as its capital, should be the basis for the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Given the current right-wing tendencies within Israeli politics, I ask if the way to break the current impasse in Israeli-Palestinian relations might be to try to return the Jordanian factor to the equation as Alon Ben-Meir has recently proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of the mounting sense of hopelessness and frustration due to the steady deadlock in efforts for solving the Palestinian–Israeli conflict, several proposals have been advocated in this regard with the aim of arriving at a final solution to this intricate conflict. This article examines the current proposal of an Israeli–Palestinian–Jordanian confederation presented by Prof. Alon Ben-Meir and provides some constructive remarks on a number of themes considered in his proposal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay discusses Ben-Meir's proposal for a confederation and examines both the disadvantages and advantages that such arrangements can offer Israeli and Palestinians and the region in general. Briefly, the confederation proposal suggests gradual agreed-upon political, economic, military, and sociocultural arrangements that will produce a new set of relationships among governments and people in these three societies. I argue that the realpolitik approach that permeates this proposal is certainly useful as an initial step toward a reduced level of violence and de-escalate conflicts. However, it falls short of building trustful relationships and moving people in the direction of healing and reconciliation. There is no doubt that the idea of a confederation as an arrangement to transform the Israeli–Palestinian conflict carries the seeds for a holistic and transformative solution to deeply divided communities and a deep-rooted conflict. However, there are several limitations to Ben-Meir's proposal that require significant additional deliberation and should lead to further modification if its core ideas are to be accepted and endorsed by both Israelis and Palestinians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article considers the viability of a confederation between Israel and the Palestinian Authority with Jordan as a realistic solution to the ongoing conflict between Israeli Jews and Palestinians. It presents the background and the course of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, with a description of the present situation in order to understand the possible solutions to the conflict. I also explore several ideas of how to peacefully resolve the conflict that is entertained at present. A special focus is on the proposal of Alon Ben-Meir (2022) about building a confederation delineated in the Spring issue of this journal. Thus, in the second part, the concept of confederation is described and three barriers to its implementation are elaborated. The first discusses the approach of presenting a rational plan, whereas in reality, participants in conflict develop a sociopsychological repertoire that serves often as a barrier to the solution. The second comment elaborates on the complex nature of reconciliation that cannot be required as a necessary precondition for the solution of the conflict. The third comment pertains to the asymmetry of the parties in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict that is a serious barrier to the implementation of the phases of the proposed confederation. Finally, I describe briefly the different proposals that are on the table at present and evaluate their feasibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay offers a discussion and critique of Alon Ben-Meir's (2022) proposal entitled, "The Case for an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian Confederation: Why Now and How?" Incorporating elements of other viewpoints and prior proposals to add nuance, I explore Ben-Meir's concerted attempt to think past the exemplary two-state model for settling the Palestine and Israel conflict and to introduce thoughts on how policy makers and common actors can apply a confederal system later on. Given the entrenched one-state reality, I argue that the liberation of Palestinians through emancipation in a solitary popularity-based nation is the most thoughtfully clear option in contrast to many years of failed endeavors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of informal quotas on the substantive representation of women in appointed upper parliaments using the Omani State Council as a case study. Although no formal gender quota has been institutionalized in Oman, it is presumed that the Sultan will assign 17% of the seats to women, effectively an informal quota. Through semi‐structured interviews with female MPs appointed to the State Council, I examine the relationship between informal gender quotas and the substantive representation of women. The findings reveal that the majority of appointed female MPs under informal quota acted for women's interests inside and outside the parliament. Within the parliament, they reviewed legislation with consideration to women's interests and proposed studies or drafted laws on women's issues. Outside the parliament, they acted for women's interests by tapping into their social and political capital, which is presumably acquired through their appointment to the State Council. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of the Middle East and North Africa region has long been dominated by culturalist assumptions that this region is unique and thus common concepts and theories that are applied to other parts of the world do not apply here. This has particularly been the case with regard to the study of women and gender. This special issue brings together six cutting edge research articles that fundamentally challenge this culturalist assumption by making connections with disciplinary theories and concepts. By focusing on the three themes of political economy, institutions, and social movements, these articles demonstrate variation across both time and place with respect to gender and politics in the region and at the same time make important contributions to the broader literatures on these subjects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Management & Organization Review is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Nella storiografia in lingua italiana dedicata al Medio Oriente, una crescente e importante produzione e traduzione di manuali, indirizzati a un pubblico specialistico e non, si è andata affermando negli ultimi anni. Napoleone e Muhammad ʿAlī. Medio Oriente e Nord Africa in epoca tardo moderna e contemporanea di Lorenzo Kamel arricchisce ulteriormente questo panorama, con un saggio di sintesi di fenomeni di storia globale che hanno avuto origine in Medio Oriente dalla fine del XVIII secolo alla più vicina contemporaneità. Per la struttura e il taglio adottati, il volume non si configura come un manuale di studi di area, ma combina, riuscendo nel proprio intento, obiettivi di ricerca e didattici, aprendosi a studiosi, studenti e a un vasto pubblicato interessato.

This article outlines the course followed by an effective, extended collaboration between the Egyptologist Ernesto Schiaparelli, the founder of the National Aid Association for Italians Abroad (ANSMI) and of Italica Gens, and the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians. The interest in cultivating faith and in not scattering the homeland's values and language have long taken shape in numerous educational and aid programs in the Middle East as well as the entire American continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Arq.urb is the property of Arq.urb and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bibliothecae.it is the property of University of Bologna and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El texto presenta una introducción temática a los debates propuestos en el artículo “Dilemas feministas: ¿Cómo hablar de violencia de género en Medio Oriente?” de Nadje Al-Ali desde una perspectiva latinoamericana. Se presentan conceptos y definiciones para el abordaje de la construcción patriarcal de esa región y la influencia del colonialismo en la construcción de los Estados-nación. Complementariamente, se recogen cuestiones relativas a la preminencia de la familia y la religión, así como su influencia en las posibilidades de participación política de las mujeres para destacar, finalmente, el rol fundamental de las organizaciones feministas en la transformación de la sociedad.

El artículo recorre mis trayectorias como activista/académica feminista que busca investigar, escribir y hablar sobre violencia de género en Medio Oriente. Más específicamente, me baso en mi investigación y activismo en Iraq, Turquía y Líbano para mapear las complejidades y desafíos discursivos, políticos y empíricos ligados a la investigación académica y al activismo, tanto en las políticas feministas como las anti-racistas/anti-islamófobas. Partiendo de una reflexión sobre mi posicionalidad, intento desafiar el binarismo entre el activismo y la academia, así como el de los contextos occidental y de Medio Oriente en términos de producción de conocimiento.