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Young adulthood represents a unique developmental stage, given its marked changes in social roles, family formation, and socioeconomic independence from parents. (Saxbe et al. 2018b) One of these changes, the transition to parenthood, is a lifechanging event that may shape health trajectories in later life. (Saxbe et al. 2018b; Corder et al. 2020) Not only do many new parents experience psychological disturbances (e.g. increased stress levels), becoming a parent also causes hormonal and behavioral changes, for instance in sleep, physical activity, or eating patterns. (Saxbe et al. 2018b; Corder et al. 2020; Garfield et al. 2016; Saxbe et al. 2018a; Rhodes et al. 2014; Hagen et al. 2013; Baskin und Galligan 2019, æ) This interplay of factors, combined with the stressors of a newborn, makes new parenthood a risk factor for weight gain and disordered eating behaviors such as dietary restraint, binge eating, and compensatory behaviors (e.g. laxative use, purging, or excessive exercise). (Corder et al. 2020; Saxbe et al. 2018a; Rhodes et al. 2014; Versele et al. 2021b; Rong et al. 2015; Nehring et al. 2011; Werneck et al. 2020; Versele et al. 2021a; Baskin et al. 2021; Astrachan-Fletcher et al. 2008) Over the last 30 years, eating problems in the postpartum period has been a growing area of interest. Yet, the current body of literature on how parenthood affects eating pathology is still small. Cross-sectional studies have produced mixed results, with some studies reporting worsening of eating disorder symptoms and body image concerns after pregnancy (Bulik et al. 2007; Broussard 2012), while others support no association between having children and eating pathology. (Bojorquez et al. 2018; Mangweth-Matzek et al. 2014) Few studies have addressed the relationship between parenthood and eating pathology longitudinally. In three longitudinal studies (n=115 to n=385) following pregnant women, eating disorder symptoms (restraint, binge eating, purging, weight concerns and shape concerns) improved during pregnancy, but worsened postpartum up to 6 months after giving birth. (Baskin et al. 2021; Lai et al. 2006; Crow et al. 2008) In apparent contrast, a Norwegian study (n=1207) found that mothers of children up to 6 years of age had fewer eating disorder symptoms than childless women, despite increased body dissatisfaction. (Soest und Wichstrøm 2008) Two studies conducted in the same US cohort (n=624 women and n=276 men) found that becoming a parent was associated with decreased drive for thinness in both genders at 10-, 20-, and 30-year follow-up. (Keel et al. 2007; Wick et al. 2021) Motherhood was also associated with decreased bulimic symptoms at all follow-up measurements; fathers remained stable over time. (Keel et al. 2007; Wick et al. 2021) The generalizability of these studies is limited, because most studies typically included women only, from selective colleges or private schools. There is a notable lack of studies that include male participants, and authors from the two studies that did include men stated that the relatively small proportion of men in their studies might limit its power. (Keel et al. 2007; Wick et al. 2021) Furthermore, eating pathology symptoms were often assessed relatively shortly after giving birth, typically within 6 months. In some studies, pre-pregnancy eating pathology was not measured, as the women were already pregnant at inclusion. (Baskin et al. 2021; Lai et al. 2006) In sum, the available literature provides limited insight into how becoming a parent influences eating problems in both mothers and fathers. Tentatively, motherhood may increase eating pathology on the short-term and decrease eating pathology on the long-term, but it is still unclear how men’s eating behaviors are affected by becoming a father. To our knowledge, no study has considered cohabitation as a potential confounder of eating pathology after parenthood. Parenthood and cohabitation are both important life-stage transitions that commonly occur during young adulthood. It has been hypothesized that moving in with a partner causes reductions in eating problems, especially in women. (Soest und Wichstrøm 2006) Increased social control after moving in with a partner may result in different, often healthier eating habits, such as more vegetable and fruit consumption. (Hartmann et al. 2014; Soest und Wichstrøm 2006; Kemmer et al. 1998) Indeed, moving in with a partner predicted reduced bulimic symptoms from adolescence to young adulthood in women (but not in men) in two Norwegian longitudinal studies. (Soest und Wichstrøm 2006; Abebe et al. 2012) A recent meta-analysis suggested that cohabitation may also have unhealthy consequences, such as lower physical activity due to reduced leisure time and weight gain due to increased energy intake. (Werneck et al. 2020) As parenthood and cohabitation both affect weight and eating behaviors in the transition to young adulthood (Corder et al. 2020; Werneck et al. 2020; Smith et al. 2017; Josefsson et al. 2018), cohabitation may confound the effects of parenthood on eating pathology. Understanding the course of eating pathology after parenthood is important as it provides clinicians and therapists with opportunities for early intervention to those vulnerable for eating problems. The present study is based on a Dutch longitudinal population-based cohort study. A main strength of this study is its longitudinal design which allowed us to examine changes in and predictors of eating pathology in a cohort followed prospectively from adolescence to young adulthood, a high-risk period for the emergence of eating pathology. Other unique values of this study, compared to other studies in the field, are its large community-based sample, the equal proportions of males and females, and the relatively high response rates over subsequent assessment waves.

ObjectivesThe extent to which people implement government-issued protective measures is critical in preventing further spread of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) caused by coronavirus SARS-CoV-2. Our study aimed to evaluate the public belief in the effectiveness of protective measures, the reported implementation of these measures in daily life, and to identify communication channels used to acquire relevant information on COVID-19 in European countries.DesignA cross-sectional online survey available in multiple languages was disseminated on social media starting March 19th, 2020. After five days, we computed descriptive statistics for countries with more than 500 respondents. Each day, we compiled and categorized community containment measures enacted in each country by stringency (stage I-IV). Response collection continued for one week to explore possible dynamics as containment strategies intensified.ParticipantsIn total, 9,796 adults responded, of whom 8,611 resided in the Netherlands (stage III), 604 in Germany (stage III), and 581 in Italy (stage IV). An additional 1,365 respondents completed the survey in the following week.ResultsParticipants indicated support for governmental measures related to avoiding social gatherings, selective closure of public places, and hand hygiene and respiratory measures (range for all measures: 95.0%-99.7%). Respondents from the Netherlands were less likely to consider a complete social lockdown effective (59.2%), compared to respondents in Germany (76.6%) or Italy (87.2%). Italian residents did not only apply enforced social distancing measures more frequently (range: 90.2%-99.3%, German and Dutch residents: 67.5%-97.0%), but also self-initiated hygienic and social distancing behaviors (range: 36.3%-96.6%, German and Dutch residents: 28.3%-95.7%). Respondents largely reported being sufficiently informed about the COVID-19 outbreak and about behaviors to avoid infection (range across countries: 90.2%-91.1%). Information channels most commonly reported included television (range: 53.0%-82.0%), newspapers (range: 31.0%-63.0%), official health websites (range: 39.0%-54.1%), and social media (range: 40.0%-55.8%). We observed no major changes in answers over time.ConclusionsIn European countries, the degree of public belief in the effectiveness of protective measures was high and residents reported to be sufficiently informed by various communication channels. In March 2020, implementation of enacted and self-initiated measures differed between countries and were highest among Italian respondents, who were subjected to the most elaborate measures of social lockdown and greatest COVID-19 burden in Europe.