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This article examines settler militarism and how it is mobilized through affective practices that ultimately bolster the settler colonial project. With this intent, it develops the concept of 'militarized atmosphere' defined as a staged environment where war is positioned outside politics and critical scrutiny through a series of affective manoeuvres and aesthetics. A militarized atmosphere operates through military aesthetics to attune people's bodies to a position of uncritical validation of a given discourse of war. This article argues that a militarized atmosphere crucially sustains the settler colonial project by removing or reducing contestation around the theme of war, which is a pillar of settler colonialism. In settler societies, numerous Indigenous individuals perceive themselves as embattled and seek acknowledgement of the history and legacy of colonial violence and warfare. In contrast, settler governments have a vested interest in concealing this history and its enduring legacy, and they do so by exalting military warfare as the foundation of the modern nation and creating affective attachments to the military. The article uses the case of Australia to elucidate the argument. It examines how the aesthetics of war commemoration at the Dawn Service, Australia's major commemorative event, contributes to producing a militarized atmosphere that sustains the Australian settler colonial project. It proposes a framework that links the feminist concept of affective militarism to settler colonialism and contributes to the emerging literature on settler colonialism and militarism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the role that material things, such as space, buildings, and all kinds of commodities, played in how Kampalans experienced the expulsion of the Asians under Idi Amin in early 1970s and its aftermaths. It argues that the materiality of things – in everyday urban items, goods, buildings and urban spaces – was at the centre of how Kampalans experienced expulsion; with expulsion, particular items, commodities, spaces, and buildings gained new meanings, and the government as well as Kampalans transformed the prevailing notions of value attached to them. It draws on material artefacts, such as personal possessions and news clippings, and the oral histories of the men and women who lived in post-expulsion Kampala. The article shows how material goods and spaces transformed significantly and fluctuated as sources of both power and vulnerability for Kampalans during the 1970s and 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Brazilian Armed Forces have had a prominent role in the response to the COVID-19 pandemic. We take this participation as an entry point to confront traditional assumptions of studies on civil-military relations and militarization, investigating a particular claim used to justify the mobilization of the Brazilian military in health-related activities: their credentials in a managerial expertise in logistics. In doing so, we argue that there is an ongoing re-articulation in the discursive regime used to justify their expansion of roles—not one anchored on the efficiency in the use of violence associated with a "war ethos" specific to the military professional, but another, grounded on a managerial expertise to efficiently procure, manage and distribute resources across the national territory, especially in contexts of "crisis." We claim that the historical transformation of such discourse is a particular expression of global processes that have historically vested "managerial expertise" with political authority to solve social problems in critical situations. We also contend that this managerial dimension has been largely neglected in the critique of militarization articulated in traditional and contemporary civil–military relations studies. In light of these processes, this article seeks to contribute to critical work regarding the conditions for and effects of the expansion of military roles under the regime of justification here analyzed, thereby stimulating us to rethink the assumptions upon which militarization can be problematized in the contemporary period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a case study—that of militarized high schools in Mexico—as an example of how the militarization of government functions can pave the way to militarism. Over the past few years, the Mexican Ministry of Defense has proposed to state governments the creation of militarized public high schools. This case illustrates how Mexico is moving from militarization—understood as the assumption of government functions by the military—to militarism—understood as the promotion of military interests and values—in Mexico's security crisis, over the last three administrations. This article offers a public policy analysis to address the implications of militarized high schools. The central argument is that the implementation of militarized high schools has been possible through the normalization and institutionalization of militarization as a public policy response to some of the country's central problems, enhancing the Armed Forces' role as a de facto political actor. The analysis contributes to the "militarization and militarism" literature by exploring how the policy-making process plays a role in bridging between the two. The case study presents how policy of promoting a militarized model of education is directly proposed to state governments by Mexico's Ministry of Defense, thus visibilizing their role as a cuasi independent political actor and positioning their own agenda and values in areas traditionally reserved to civilian authorities. By accepting the Ministry of Defense's proposals on this matter, state governments are contributing to deepening the country's constitutional crisis and the undermining of its democratic institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Access to land and to adequate housing—a constitutionally granted right in Brazil—is currently under attack by non-state armed actors, the so-called militias, in Rio de Janeiro. In their attempts to widen territorial control, "militias" weaponize urban development. To understand such form of militarization, I argue that we need to add a geographical perspective to literatures on criminal governance: Terrain and its political materiality is the basis and not only the outcome of spatial claims to power. To sustain this contribution, I turn to local scales and add insights from ethnographic studies on how paramilitary groups affect the lives of residents. I trace the paramilitary influence along their terrain-shaping and urban development activities. The empirical basis of my argument is drawn from the northern periphery of Rio de Janeiro, looking at how "militias"—emerging as armed developers out of a past as Death Squads—expand their influence by investing in urban development. In this paper, "militia" is conceived as a floating signifier. As such, the meaning of militia is contested, as it encompasses a wide range of practices including civil construction, laying infrastructure, and landscaping. This way, the term "militia" becomes a cornerstone of a militarized urban development discourse and practice. "Militia," as the encompassing center of a narrative cluster, bolsters bellicose forms of governing urban expansion, thereby further militarizing the everyday life of a large part of the marginalized urban society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This review examines Votes, Drugs, and Violence, Authoritarian Police in Democracy, Resisting Extortion, as well as Democracy and Security in Latin America to outline the latest scholarly developments on how the region has dealt with the challenges posed by violent, militarized state and non-state actors. Leveraging distinct cases and methods, these four recently published books discuss the political rationale behind the military and institutional responses that have shaped public security in Latin America over the last three decades. Beyond unpacking their contributions, common themes, tensions, and shortcomings, we argue that by focusing on the political dynamics behind state interventions, these volumes highlight the persistence of a democratic paradox : rather than curtailing militarism and violence, or facilitating their containment via reforms, electoral dynamics and partisan incentives—part and parcel of democratic politics—have enabled the endurance of state and non-state militarization and violence. Relatedly, as Eduardo Moncada's new title underscores, ordinary Latin American citizens have had to adopt civilian militarization as a bottom-up resistance strategy to navigate the uncertainty this worrying paradox presents. By examining work by scholars including Guillermo Trejo, Sandra Ley, Brian Fonseca, and Yanilda María González this review helps to delineate future research as well as policy interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mexico's public security has suffered a militarization process for at least two decades. Although there is consensus on this trend at the national level in the specialized literature, little research has been conducted on its subnational impact. To amend this gap, this article inquires the way in which militarization has permeated the structure and operation of subnational security forces beyond the local autocratic dynamics that reinforce militarization. Specifically, this article focuses on police reconfiguration regarding interaction with military in the six most violent states in Mexico: Jalisco, Nuevo León, Guanajuato, Sonora, Sinaloa, and Zacatecas. The qualitative analysis presented is based on 15 interviews and 18 focus groups with police offices and public security officials of these states. We argue that military presence on the streets and the arrival of the military-to-executive positions in public security institutions contributed to the adoption of military operating modes by the state police during Felipe Calderón (Dec. 2006–Nov. 2012) and Enrique Peña Nieto's presidential terms (Dec. 2012–Nov. 2018). Additionally, this article aims to explain how the military has permeated the state's public security institutions at different levels and dynamics (management, training, and operation) that promote the adoption of formal or informal military features that enable state police institutions to behave alike and resemble the army in their everyday activities. From a theoretical and methodological perspective, this article calls for the construction of a research agenda that focuses on the local and subnational processes of the militarization of public security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of the armed forces in Latin America is characterized by their participation in multiple internal missions. These range from security functions to the provision of social, educational, and public services, among others; their role also involves providing emergency relief. However, some of the armed forces involved in this type of mission do not have specialized units or corps. This poses obvious problems not only from a technical and operational point of view, but also from the perspective of civil-military relations and the definition of the roles of armies. Some Latin American countries have looked to the Emergency Military Unit in Spain as an example to follow for the implementation of a civil defense model based on specialized military resources. The aim of this paper is therefore twofold. First, it seeks to explain that the militarization of emergencies does not involve expanding the use of force but that it can become a "wildcard" policy tool instead. Second, it intends to show how the apparent success of the Spanish Emergency Military Unit resulted from some—not always positive—lessons that can be replicated in the armed forces in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This proposal aims to analyze the militarization of US-Latin America foreign relations by discussing the role played by the U.S. Southern Command in the implementation of U.S. foreign policy for the region in the aftermath of the September 11th 2001 attacks. Since the last decades of Cold War, civilian and diplomatic agencies stationed in the region, notably the State Department and the USAID, suffered budgetary constraints that were aggravated at the beginning of the Global War on Terror. For instance, in Latin America, the Southcom has been adapted to perform the so called "military missions other than war," including non-military functions such as the provision of humanitarian assistance, law enforcement, and the management of security assistance programs aimed to dismantle drug trafficking networks. As we intend to argue, the overreliance on security and military means reflects the militarized character of U.S. influence in the region and has impacts on how the local coercive systems are organized and deployed by the domestic political elites. By analyzing the annual posture statements and the initiatives conducted in the field by the Southcom, between 2001 and 2021, we hope to clarify how the violence structures from abroad are connected to those from within. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines the dynamic impact of green energy (GE), financial inclusion (FI), and militarization (MS) on attaining global economic sustainability (EGS, SDG‐8) in 121 nations from 2003 to 2022. Further, explore and compare 44 high‐income, 33 upper‐middle‐income, and 44 low‐ and lower‐middle‐income countries for a better understanding of empirical and policy contributions. This study utilized second‐generation econometric methods. Consequently, it employed a two‐step system GMM model, which was validated using the D‐K regression approach. The findings revealed that green energy and financial inclusion benefit EGS across all income levels having a significant and positive impact on economic sustainability. In contrast, militarization has a negative relationship with EGS, which proves it is detrimental to EGS in the overall sample and high‐income countries. However, it positively influences economic sustainability in low‐ and lower‐middle‐income countries. Moreover, other factors, such as institutional quality and armed conflicts, have mixed effects on ESG at different income levels. This study also provides persuasive policy measures and implications for achieving global economic sustainability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to wrest away the notion of popular political resistance and performativity from the realm of visibility in the 'public' sphere/space and place them within the unperformed acts that remain optically invisible. Taking the example of India-controlled Kashmir, where public spaces remain militarized and performative assemblies criminalized, the article focuses on how popular resistance to Indian rule is regularly embodied within what we call subaltern performativity. Furthermore, the gendered nature of this subaltern performativity is also underlined through ethnographic fieldwork. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Addressing the long-standing debate over the social impact of military politics and recent discussions of food-induced famine resulting from military activities, a cross-sectional study was conducted to ascertain the association between military politics in the purview of household food security from a sociological perspective. A structured interview schedule was used for taking primary data from 379 household heads in Torghar, Northern Khyber Pukhtunkhwa Pakistan through stratified sampling method. Further, Chi-square test statistics and correlation were used at bivariate level, while three background variables namely household budget allocation, monthly income and household composition were controlled to ascertain the association between military politics and food security at multivariate analysis. The study found that war on terror had threatened the efforts of establishing food secure environment, as militant tendencies and food security did not have any reinforcing effects rather paradoxical in nature. The existence of such environments were exploring toward imposing of the decision without the consent of the local population, which eroded the chances of greater public inclusion in the development initiatives. Moreover, such dynamics forced the locals to migrate internally as well. In addition, the local youth recruitment in such armed groups gave impetus to the rise of greater deviance, challenging the established social and cultural patterns of life while challenging the writ of the state as well. The rise of militant tendencies during the war on terror had the most significant impact on access to food in the study area. The government need to focus on addressing the social and economic aspects of these rising tendencies; provide a smooth access of the local youth to the job market by implementing specific quotas; and establish a strong surveillance system to address and control these tendencies was recommended. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking the Castel National Heritage site in Israel as an empirical case study, this paper explores how experiential pedagogies at cultural heritage sites can facilitate militarization processes. The 1948 War is a pivotal moment in Israel's history and collective memory. The war has been commemorated in the Israeli landscape for decades, notably at the Castel National Heritage Site. This article provides a critical analysis of the educational strategies at the Castel site, using a multi-method ethnographic approach. Three main results are presented. First, the memorialization of the Castel battle has shifted, from a commemoration-oriented heritage site to an experiential-educational heritage site. Second, cultural heritage is used to evoke emotions among learners that, in turn, facilitate militaristic values. Third, the Castel site contributes to characterizing Israeli society as upholding prominent ethical standards in the context of a 'just war' against a continual existential threat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study aims to identify the characteristics of South Korean war films as a component of the militarization of culture during Park Chung-hee’s rule (1961-1979). The surge in the popularity of war cinema in the 1960s stemmed from state film policies aimed at fostering the production and consumption of such films, along with heightened interest from both audiences and film companies. However, as the 1960s progressed, state intervention in the film industry increasingly influenced the production dynamics of war films, precipitating a decline in their quality and commercial success at the box office. By the 1970s, war cinema, having lost its appeal, sustained itself solely through government backing. One of the primary features of war cinema was its methods of depicting “us” and “them”. From the state’s standpoint, the ideologically sound portrayal of the enemy in war cinema entailed a dehumanized depiction of the communists, primarily North Korean soldiers, illustrating their brutality and aggression towards South Korean citizens. Such state’s requirement, however, was paradoxical: on the one hand, the shared Korean identity theoretically allowed for the humanization of North Korean soldiers, on the other hand, their portrayal as strong adversaries committing cruel acts risked glorifying their militarized masculinity, a scenario the state sought to avoid. To reconcile this contradiction, film companies employed a strategy of their de-characterization, stripping them of individual traits and relegating to secondary roles on the periphery of the film narrative. In contrast, South Korean soldiers were portrayed as heroic figures, characterized by their individuality and robust masculinity.

How does militarism affect women's presence in the political process? Through a focus on the Republic of Armenia during the period 1990-2020, we examine the puzzle of women's political representation. The country's legacy of communist-era ideology of women's equality, its democratic transition, women's high levels of educational attainment and labor force participation, and the 2007 gender quota adoption should have served to place Armenia in the top 50 countries in women's political representation. Yet for two decades, the country appeared low on international rankings of women's political empowerment. To unpack this puzzle, we revisit two strands of the women-and-war literature-one that ties militarism to the dominance of men, and one that finds increases in women's parliamentary representation in the aftermath of conflict. We find that both have merit. Armenia's long history of conflict with Azerbaijan and high military spending have reproduced traditional gender roles, including a militarized masculinity which favors men in positions of political power. The devastating 2020 war, however, may have helped turn the tide that began earlier with constitutional reforms in 2015, elections in 2017, and anti-government protests in 2018. A new gender quota dramatically enhanced women's political representation. Drawing on socio-economic and political indicators as well as documentary and interview data, our paper contributes to literatures on women, gender, and conflict; on patterns and variations in women's political representation; and on women in Armenia. Future research could examine the direction of gendered political change following the loss of Nagorno-Karabakh after Azerbaijan's unilateral military action in September 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The cultural tightness–looseness continuum is an indicator of how strongly (tightness) or weakly (for looseness) social norms are enforced in national cultures and how strongly or weakly individuals who deviate from these norms are punished. Cultural tightness has been robustly studied across industrialized and nonindustrialized societies and distinguished from conservatism, authoritarianism, and individualism–collectivism, holding considerable explanatory power for various social and national phenomena. In the present investigation, we investigated how national levels of cultural tightness in 57 countries relate to national levels of peace, as measured by the Global Peace Index. We hypothesized that national levels of cultural tightness will relate to higher scores of militarization (Hypothesis 1), higher engagement and severity of domestic and international conflict (Hypothesis 2), and lower scores of safety and security (i.e., discord and harmony within a nation; Hypothesis 3). These preregistered hypotheses were tested via multilevel regression models, with scores for the Global Peace Index obtained from 2008 to 2022. Contrary to our hypotheses, greater cultural tightness was not significantly related to any of the three peace-related indicators when considered in isolation. Yet, greater tightness predicted greater domestic harmony when controlling for demographic and structural variations. Moreover, tightness did not relate to within-nation differences in peace across time. Public Significance Statement: Cultural tightness reflects the degree to which people in a nation adhere to norms, how strict norms are, and how severe a punishment for deviating from norms is. By examining its association with national levels of intrastate harmony, militarization, and domestic and international conflict, we can gain a better understanding of how a national culture influences engagement in conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Policing scholars have shown that logics of police governance that appear mutually exclusive can coexist in the same space and time. Within police institutions, we can find more military-like mindsets alongside democratic rationalities. We here present a novel theoretical perspective for understanding such coexistence. Instead of attempting to identify police rationalities by reference to organizational/structural factors such as subcultures, training, or firearms and other equipment, we show that contradictory logics of policing can coexist within the same force by differentiating policing's targets by space, temporality, and identity. To do so, we use the idea of "chronotope" to identify and understand how police officers decide between conflicting rationalities of policing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ship transport was a decisive factor for the outcome of the Second World War and resulted in many casualties among merchant seafarers. A lesser-known consequence of the war was the challenges to the seafarers' position as civilians, not least through the militarization of merchant ships. This article investigates how this took place and its consequences during and after the war. Both the seafarers' questionable legal status in relation to the rules of war and the character of their situation are analysed. This is done by studying how the wartime seafarers were treated by their governments, the enemies' perspective and the seafarers' own identity, using empirical examples from the Norwegian and other Allied nations' merchant fleets. An unclear and changing position between being a military and a civilian person, probably contributed to the lack of recognition of the seafarers' long and dangerous wartime effort in the post-war era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We are witnessing a new space race. In the past few years, the number of successful launches to low Earth orbit has been higher than at any time since Sputnik. Commercial space companies, led by SpaceX and Blue Origin, have developed reusable rockets that are fundamentally changing the economics of spaceflight and opening new markets for recreation and tourism. Large numbers of small satellites are being deployed to monitor Earth resources and deliver high speed Internet to developing countries. Meanwhile, a growing number of countries have built space programs, and a superpower rivalry between China and America has replaced the traditional competition between Russia and America. All this activity raises legal and ethical issues. Space debris is accumulating at a rapid rate, creating a hazard for humans and hardware in low Earth orbit. Currently, there is no real incentive for companies or governments to mitigate this threat. The ownership of space resources is not covered by international law and in most countries, spaceflight is subject to very little regulation. Another concern is the potential militarization of space by the major powers. As we explore space, exploitation may be taking precedence over conservation. Hopefully, the economic benefits of space will be realized while the activity grows ethically and sustainably. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the political role of cultural mega-events in the context of ongoing war? The article examines the interaction between cultural mega-events and militarization processes in the shadow of war. It addresses two main gaps: the lack of attention to the politics of such events during war, and the specific understanding of militarization usually adopted by popular culture scholars. It examines the development of material and symbolic forms of militarization, and addresses the impact of the commercial logic behind mega-events on the intensification and normalization of militarized practices. Empirically, the article focuses on the different militarization processes that developed in and through the 2022 Eurovision Song Contest, in response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine. It examines how these play out in Ukraine (through the militarization of the band Kalush Orchestra and the militarization of the Ukrainian song 'Stefania'), within the Eurovision contest itself and across Europe (through its participation in the competition). In doing so it also contributes to the broader debate about the changing security identity of Europe, and the development of a new militarized liberal European identity. Using data from social media, the article also highlights the role of such platforms in militarization processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past decade, militaries have been highly visible elements in the response to health emergencies and in particular disease outbreaks. Although there has been a long tradition of civil–military collaboration in health, COVID–19 saw an unprecedented worldwide use of militaries which occurred within a permissive environment established by narratives of global health, humanitarian intervention and multi-sectorality. This creates a dilemma: militaries will likely be an important element in responding to a major health emergency and this risks not only militarizing health emergencies, but affects the balance between society and the military more generally. Moreover, the response to the COVID pandemic suggested that current emergency planning is often poorly prepared for the use of militaries in health crises, thereby reducing the effectiveness of a response. This article engages with how concerns over the securitization of health have evolved into concerns over militarization, and the question of how militaries might be used effectively in future health emergencies without risking the militarization of health or damaging civil–military relations more widely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the gendered representations of Russian women soldiers in the official newspaper of the Russian Armed Forces, Krasnaya Zvezda (Red Star), and how these narratives benefit the Russian military. I approach this topic in the context of International Women's Day, a revealing showcase of representations. The narrative approach and discourse analysis focus on articles published in Krasnaya Zvezda between 2008, when the military reform began, and 2021 to gain a broad understanding of the representations of women in the modern Russian army. Women are not conscripted in Russia, but they can serve as contract soldiers. Despite celebratory speeches mirroring international narratives on gender equality, on closer reading, stereotypical narratives and discourses still put women in auxiliary positions in the Russian military because of their assumed motherhood. Portrayals of modern women soldiers are based on the traditional archetype of Rodina-mat' ("the Motherland"/"Mother Russia"), the sacred symbol of Russia, which is itself a feminized subject of protection that ties women to this position. This makes the integration of women soldiers into the armed forces culturally specific in Russia. By attaching different meanings to Rodina-mat', the Russian military authorities regulate women's positions and roles in the military and war work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article responds to the analysis about the Spanish Emergency Military Unit in the research note by Pérez et al. in Armed Forces & Society, which emphasizes the efficiency of the Spanish Emergency Military Unit and how it has enhanced the image of the Spanish Armed Forces. We believe that a more critical understanding of the development of this military unit is necessary, as its deployment pitfalls and the literature on civil–military relations were neglected. Consequently, four policy traps are identified: response to civilian emergencies has become a central task of the armed forces rather than an auxiliary role; behind the pragmatism of its employment, there is potential for a worsening of civil–military relations, as highlighted by the scholarly literature; there are serious inefficiencies in its organizational design, related to human and financial resources; and image improvement is an illusion, strongly conditioned by political cleavages, with potential long-term counterproductive results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last few years there has been growing attention to and discussion of the so-called militarization of policing. Unfortunately, much of this discussion poses the militarization of policing as a recent phenomenon. This paper examines policing in Canada within the context of an ongoing military practice. It shows that policing was founded on a military basis and continues to be carried out on a military basis as exemplified in the more recent developments that have raised alarm about militarization. It raises the need for a retheorization of policing within the context of capitalist social struggles and highlights some instructive recent theoretical developments toward that end. Properly understanding the police in Canada can help to contextualize and challenge current responses that are limited to reforms for police (de-militarization, de-escalation, improved training, non-lethal weaponry, etc.) or which even allow for the expansion of policing (community policing, drones, etc.). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we analyze the role of the Brazilian armed forces in emergencies based on discussions about the securitization of development and militarization. We argue that the military response to emergencies is a process strongly characterized by the conservative history of the organization, assimilating humanitarian actions and activities directed at the population within conceptions of the use of force concerned with internal order. We analyze contemporary legislation and the Army's doctrinal production on civic-social activities, support for civil defense, and disaster assistance. We consider this to be a sui generis process of militarization in the context of military action in emergencies because although certain climatic events are less common in Brazil, we observe that these activities have been part of a broader set of militarization in the country.

Brazil has historically employed a militarized strategy for public security, using violence as a means of social control over subordinate groups and repressing social and labor movements. The involvement of military personnel and state police in justice administration and politics reflects a distortion within the Brazilian state, which the 1988 Federal Constitution did not alleviate. Instead, since re-democratization, militarization has shifted from being an extraordinary measure to becoming the norm, representing an expansion of the state of exception. This trend has culminated in the military’s return to the political scene and the presidency. This article examines the complex relationship between the militarization of public security and the recent trend of radicalization in far-right political positions. The analysis centers on the theoretical debate regarding the relationship between a state of exception and neoliberalism. The research hypothesis posits a convergence between the militarization of politics, a state of exception, and state violence, which collectively impose limits on the rights enshrined in the country’s legal system.

In this work we show what was the theoretical framework that we used to carry out our doctoral thesis. The intention is to justify the choice of the temporal cut, to discuss the main categories of analysis and the documentation used. Finally, we make a brief summary of the topics worked on in it.Our interest is to demonstrate that the militarization experienced in the Chaco led to the development of different forms of contact with the indigenous population and played an important role in the settlement process. In this way, we overcome the notion of conflict to find different forms of social interaction, among which the establishment of political and commercial alliances, the development of labor relations and conquest plans that sought to use the indigenous population as labor stand out. cheap. For their part, the Chaco communities developed various forms of resistance that allowed them to maintain their autonomy for a long time.The territories where the processes studied here were staged are located in the current Argentine provinces of Salta and Jujuy, basically in its eastern sector.

Building on cornerstone traditions in historical sociology, as well as work in environmental sociology and political-economic sociology, we theorize and investigate with moderation analysis how and why national militaries shape the effect of economic growth on carbon pollution. Militaries exert a substantial influence on the production and consumption patterns of economies, and the environmental demands required to support their evolving infrastructure. As far-reaching and distinct characteristics of contemporary militarization, we suggest that both the size and capital intensiveness of the world’s militaries enlarge the effect of economic growth on nations’ carbon emissions. In particular, we posit that each increases the extent to which the other amplifies the effect of economic growth on carbon pollution. To test our arguments, we estimate longitudinal models of emissions for 106 nations from 1990 to 2016. Across various model specifications, robustness checks, a range of sensitivity analyses, and counterfactual analysis, the findings consistently support our propositions. Beyond advancing the environment and economic growth literature in sociology, this study makes significant contributions to sociological research on climate change and the climate crisis, and it underscores the importance of considering the military in scholarship across the discipline.

Land reclamation is the process of transforming mined sand from rivers, estuaries, the seabed and even islands into new land parcels. This article examines Singapore’s insatiable appetite for sand and discusses the relationality between a singular grain of sand’s capacity to militarize and gender the Southeast Asian island-state. With opaque sand supply chains, Singapore can project its sovereignty as a militarized nation-state through the neo-colonialist like extraction of sand from other countries to widen its territorial frontiers. In placing the spotlight on extensive land-reclamation works to expand Tekong Island, Singapore’s largest outlier into a military base, I explain how sand serves the role of creating a militarized boundary object. While sand’s coarseness configures military masculinity, sand’s smoothness serves the additional function of maintaining civilian support for militarism by way of ‘packaging’ masculinity. The granular cartographies of trauma arising from Singapore’s territorial expansions wrought upon Southeast Asia’s rural poor require urgent recuperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the last four decades, Pakistan's northwestern Pashtun tribal areas have been in a constant state of imperialist wars. In reaction to this organized violence, a local civil rights movement, the PTM, emerged in 2014 which powerfully challenged the military's discursive regime that legitimates these US-led wars. However, the military challenged the movement's call for justice by launching a concerted discursive drive to construct an enemy image of the PTM. This study aims to discover how the military constructs the identity, as well as the cultural and political meanings of the movement. The authors found that the military strategically organizes its discourse to first build a symbolic order in which an enemy other, less than human, is created, and then its oppression is normalized and made invisible. They hope that the article contributes to the current critical scholarship on the increasing militarization of contemporary public spaces and democratic cultures, particularly in the context of South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study addresses the issue of armament and the security dilemma in the Maghreb region, focusing on the rivalry between Algeria and Morocco. It argues that the armament level of the two countries has risen significantly in recent years, in the context of structural rivalry, making the Maghreb region one of the most heavily armed regions in the world, despite the absence of existential inter-Maghreb threats. The study attempts to examine the armament issue in the Maghreb and to understand its determinants and developments, focusing on the factors that influence it and on its likely consequences. Adopting the realist approach as a theoretical framework, it analyses SIRPI's data to demonstrate the high volume of Maghreb military expenditure and its evolution, and examines the Maghreb armament and its determinants and military risks. The study concludes that: the armament of the two countries reflects their competition over leadership and their threat perceptions; the armament dynamic is independent from the inter-Maghreb political tensions; the existence of a potential military confrontation between the two regional powers due to the interaction between emerging factors and structural ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to analyze the Federal Government Criminal Policy during Lula's second term and to present how the government action in this area articulated policies of militarization of security and measures to fulfill citizenship rights. It is argued that one of the focuses of this hybrid formation is the construction of the specter of Organized Crime as one of the responsible for social problems in the country and as an enemy to be fought by government agencies. As a conclusion, it is argued that this hybrid criminal policy did not achieve the results of guaranteeing rights and contributed to the expansion of military urbanism in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a dialogue and reflection about fieldwork, laughter, and decolonizing methodology. Is there a time to laugh? How and why should researchers laugh? By focusing on the Naga people in Northeast India, an Indigenous community with a deep history of militarization, this dialogue draws our attention to the meaning of laughter, fellowship, and emotional connections. An Indigenous Naga anthropologist in conversation with an ecologist, this dialogue dwells on the meaning of laughter as sharing an experience of fellowship together. Social science methodologies are often structured on examinations, investigations interviews, fieldnotes, and observations. This dialogue opens a space to reflect on fieldwork, research, and decolonization. Laughter, as this dialogue highlights, is about affection, solidarity, and collective vision. For any long-term relationship that one seeks to establish as a researcher, acknowledging and respecting the history of the land, adopting a community-approach, and mentoring Indigenous local scholars to lead the research among their respective communities are important steps towards decoloniality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does police militarization influence government use of repression? While comparative work examines police militarization, violence, human rights abuses, and torture, it does not integrate militarized police within existing theories of repression. Connecting police militarization and repression, this article argues that police militarization increases the police's perception of threat as well as their coercive capacity, thereby increasing their willingness to repress. As such, we hypothesize police militarization increases repression. To evaluate the theory, we conduct an international analysis using existing datasets covering 102 countries from 1994 to 2010. Employing several statistical models, the data supports the conclusion that police militarization increases the likelihood of government repression, specifically through extrajudicial killing and torture. Aside from highlighting a consequence of police militarization policy, the findings point to police militarization as an important omitted variable in cross-national models of repression and human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This study investigates the impact of energy consumption, military spending and information and communication technology (ICT) on CO2 emissions for the Group of Twenty (G20) countries using panel data covering the period from 1980 to 2019. This study employs cross-sectional dependence tests, unit root tests, and the Westerlund co-integration tests to explore the reliable, consistent, and unbiased long-run associations between the variables. Moreover, it uses the panel ARDL approach and Generalized Method of Moments (GMM) estimation to confirm the robustness of the findings, as well as addresses the endogeneity issue. This study reveals the significant and positive impact of military spending, energy consumption and ICT on CO2 emissions. The results imply that higher military expenditure, energy consumption, and technological advancement in ICT cause greater CO2 emissions, which affect the environmental sustainability. The findings have several implications for the governments of G20 countries, regulatory bodies and international organizations, and advises the policymakers to take appropriate action to control the CO2 emissions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how Danish news media and popular culture represent war veterans and how the dominant form of representation can be linked to a general process of militarization in a Danish context. Focusing on the narratives and representations of Danish veterans allow for a study of how the veteran emerges as culturally significant figure in a Nordic welfare state without a well-established tradition for international military engagement. By reading across a set of newspaper articles and two popular TV series, Ride upon the storm and Warrior, a dominant pathologizing discourse focusing on the veteran-victim is identified and discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While questioning the universalization, naturalization, neutralization, and idealization of sport and physical culture, this paper examines the ultimate mystification process of sport and physical culture by expanding upon two conceptual frameworks: Jules Boykoff's celebration capitalism and Lawrence Grossberg's affective landscape. It first analyzes the evolution of the Olympics into a corporatized, commercialized, spectacularized, and celebritized "Disneylimpics" that can consistently evoke an affective reverberation. It then introduces the idea of "affective neoliberalism" to highlight neoliberalism's affective and ideological aspects. With Grossberg's concept of affective landscape, this paper explores the internalization and intensification of anxiety and affective isolation within society. Additionally, the paper utilizes Karl Polanyi's analysis in his influential book, The Great Transformation, to investigate the historical expansion of affective neoliberalism. By highlighting the 11 September 2001, attacks in the United States, it points out provocative militarization and (re)organization of the soul into a fictitious commodity, in addition to labor, land, and money, which triggers the greatest transformation. Lastly, summarizing central arguments, this paper concludes with modest suggestions, mainly focusing on two questions: (1) where are we now? and (2) how can we more effectively respond to the present context? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines two films, Haanduk (2016) and Jwlwi: The Seed (2019), which explore the issues of identity and insurgency in Assam. Insurgency began in Assam during the 1980s when the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA), an organisation that emerged along with the Assam Movement (1979–1985), started an armed uprising for an independent Assam. Meanwhile, the Bodos also engaged in violent insurrection, seeking to establish an independent state. As a response to these uprisings, the Union Government implemented several measures, such as the enactment of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, 1958 (AFSPA), that transformed Assam and the Northeast region into a heavily militarized area. The military executed multiple counter-insurgency operations to quell the armed rebellions. However, in the middle of these occurrences, accounts of violence promoted by the state, violations of human rights, and instances of torture emerged in both local and international media outlets. This engendered a feeling of apprehension and psychological distress among numerous people throughout Assam. The paper aims to critically examine the ideological dimensions of how the concerns related to insurgency are depicted in the select films. Additionally, it will also examine the portrayal of trauma and breaches of human rights in the select films. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the author's personal experience with airport security and the humiliation and violence faced by Naga people. The author reflects on the association of nakedness with savagery and how it perpetuates violence against their community. They also explore the history of colonization and its impact on Naga people, including the display of their corporeal remains in museums. The author concludes by expressing a desire to bring back their ancestors' remains and restore them to their homeland. [Extracted from the article]