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The aim of this article is to provide a comprehensive explanation for the reasons behind governments’ decisions to relocate and build new capital cities. The process of capital-building is not a mere phenomenon of urbanization; rather it is a process of “text inventing” for nation-building projects. To emphasize implications for identity behind city constructions, the paper will discuss urbanization practices of Soviet Yerevan and post-Soviet Astana. However, to verify the validity and generalizability of the proposed argument, the article will also briefly provide historical analysis of relocation of capitals from Moscow to St. Petersburg, and from Istanbul to Ankara. The reconstruction of the capital of Soviet Armenia, Yerevan, in the 1920s is important in understanding the role of utopias in initiating identity transformations. The central conceptual premise of the article is Samuel Huntington’s theoretical concept of a “torn country” and the redefinition of civilizational identity. One reason capitals have been relocated and new capitals have been built throughout history is a need to initiate a long-term transformation of identity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines elite-led domestic factors that pushed Armenian authorities to choose Russian rather than European-led integration path. To make this idea more comprehensive, the paper will focus first on the preconditions and reasons of elite formation in Armenia and then on the role of elite on Armenian economic and political institutions. The institutional framework shaped by elite has great influence not only on domestic policies but also on foreign policy choices. The central conceptual premise of the article is Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson's theoretical concepts of "extractive and inclusive political and economic institutions" developed in their co-authored book "Why Nations Fail: The Origin of Power, Prosperity and Poverty". The existence of extractive economic and political institutions in Armenia is not a spontaneous phenomenon, but they are rooted in post-Soviet history of Armenia and particularly in post-Nagorno Karabakh war political processes. Finally, the paper will argue that the institutional preferences of ruling elite can be used by external powers to export the values (authoritarian or democratic) to which they adhere. Eventually, this is one of cornerstone factors that, on the one hand, can explain the problems and challenges that the EU faced while supporting and disseminating democratic values in Armenia, and, on the other hand, Russia's assertive foreign policy towards Armenia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the challenges that Armenia faces in choosing between European and Eurasian integration projects. The EU and Russia-led Eurasian integration processes provide new framework to analyze Armenia's integration choice through the small states theory. Particularly, the paper tries to conduct discussion on the key political factors that were behind the decision of President Serzh Sargsyan to join Russian led Customs Union and to take part in the formation of the Eurasian Economic Union. The article attempts to address the possible impacts of Ukrainian crisis on Armenia's elite perception of regional security and reasons of the absence of Maidan scenario in Yerevan. In addition, the article takes into consideration the factor of Armenian Diaspora in Russia in explaining Armenia's intention to join the Customs Union. For this case a useful perspective comes from cultural studies, par excellence Gramsci's concept of hegemony, and one from International political economy, particularly neo-Gramscianism. This comprehensive perspective allows us better understand Armenia's problems and prospects on the way to its aspirations of integration with the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the processes of representation of Armenian Apostolic Church in various spheres of society. The establishment of mutual relationships with the Apostolic Church became strategically important for the state. The article deals with the processes of the establishment of democratic institutions and influential role of Apostolic Church. From this point of view, the state’s official support to the Armenian Apostolic Church can question the principles of religious freedom. The historical role of the Armenian Apostolic Church in maintenance of Armenian identity enables Armenian Church to legitimize its privileges and dominant position in the society. The official cooperation between the Armenian state and the Apostolic Church are towards the maintenance or establishment of state hegemony in the society. The theory of Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci will be used to illuminate abovementioned characteristics of church-state relationships in Armenia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 3 September 2013, the president of Armenia shifted the long-praised process of initialing political association and economic integration with the European Union and announced Armenia’s decision to join the Russia-led Customs Union and participate in the processes of formation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). Practitioners and observers interpreted it either as a U-turn or as a surprise move mainly assuming that what happened was the result of Russian pressure on Armenia. However, when tensions and uncertainty eased, it became obvious that what happened was a result of complex reasons. Geopolitical constraints and socio-political problems that had accumulated in Armenia during recent years coincided with an assertive expansion of Russia’s foreign policy. This research provides a number of explanations for that political decision to understand the primary determinants of that move. It also examines the political and economic implications of Armenia’s membership of the EAEU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]