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This study, which aims to examine the relationship between modernization and the concept of loneliness with the concept of social media, was conducted using the simultaneous mixed method research design, which is one of the mixed method research designs. The data collection tool for the quantitative section of the study is a survey, and for the qualitative section, the data collection tool is the interview technique. The universe of the study consists of social media users aged between 18 and 55. Purposeful and quota sampling methods were used together in the sample selection. The sample size for the survey technique is 300, and for the interview technique, there are 10 participants. The created survey form includes the Personal Information Form in the first part, and the Modernity Scale, De Jong Gierveld Loneliness Scale, Virtual Environment Loneliness Scale and Loneliness Escape Scale in the subsequent parts. Based on the obtained data, it is possible to say that loneliness increases as a result of modernization, and increasing loneliness is one of the factors leading to an increase in social media usage. Additionally, although social media usage does not provide a definite solution to loneliness, it is seen that the way for social media users to escape from loneliness is still through social media usage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Yakup Kadri's novel Ankara is a work that has attracted the attention of the literary public with its subject, thesis, fiction and characters. In this novel, Yakup Kadri deals with the three periods of Ankara, the capital of the newly established state. The first of these is the ordeal times of the National Struggle; the second is the founding days of the Republic; The third is the years 1923-1943, which is also called the early Republican period. Although Ankara is a city utopia, events, facts, places and people are viewed through the eyes of Selma, the protagonist of the novel. It can be said that the author, while describing three different periods of the capital, also tells the three phases of Selma’s life. The life of Selma and the history of the newly established state coincide to a large extent. Indeed, the three men who entered the life of Selma are introduced and told through three different time periods. Selma is married to Ahmet Nazif, Hakkı and Neşet Sabit respectively in three parts of the novel. Each male character is fictionalized to include the dominant features of the period. This article, whose field of study is Yakup Kadri's Ankara, focuses on Selma's private life; it centers on her inner world, her relationships with her spouses, her pleasures and worries. As will be seen more clearly in the future, it is possible to observe the effects, traces and of course the results of everything experienced in Turkey, especially in Ankara, and the change seen in almost every aspect of life between 1919-1943 in the private life of Selma. The 'living' witness of the years of the National Struggle, the proclamation of the Republic and the first twenty years of the new state, the personality of the forty-five-year-old woman, her emotional relationships, human relations, desires and doubts allow us to get to know Selma better as an individual and at the same time. It also reveals the nature of social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the relationship between religiosity and economic growth as an indicator of modernization. It also examines the relationship between religiosity and various dimensions of development such as educational attainment, mortality rate, and urbanization. To this end, average country-level data from 6 different survey waves of the World Values Survey, spanning the period 1989-2022, and various data sources, including the World Christian Encyclopedia, Religion and State Project, Penn World Table, World Development Indicators are utilized. The analyses include a maximum of 108 countries. The ongoing secularization paradigm is experienced differently in each society, depending on the predominance of religious belief and societal characteristics, including the degree of cultural and social diversity. The Seemingly Unrelated Regression method is employed to address the potential problem of correlation between the error terms of the regressions utilizing different religiosity indicators. Estimates indicate that religiosity is negatively associated with economic growth, the presence of a state religion and religious pluralism, while it is positively associated with state regulation of the religious market. Education, which is one of the most fundamental indicators of development, is positively correlated with religiosity. Nevertheless, the most characteristic indicator of modernization and development, urbanization, is negatively related to religiosity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The novel genre first appeared in Turkish literature in the nineteenth century, following the Westernization movements. Beginning with the “Tanzimat period (1860-1895)” and the subsequent periods of “National Literature (1911-1923)” and “Republican Literature (1923-1940)”, as identified by literary critics, novel became a medium where social and spatial issues and changes in everyday life were revealed. This study examines briefly the spatial changes that occurred in public and private spheres as a result of modernization endeavors during the late Ottoman and early Republican periods by looking at the literature and architecture of the period, and in reference to the three periods mentioned above. The periods of literary historiography mentioned above, correspond to the period under discussion and draw its chronological framework. It is argued in this context that, the interdisciplinary approach makes it possible to see overlapping and differentiating aspects in narratives and architectural practices regarding the perception and use of public and private spaces and corresponding daily life practices. The themes determined by the examination of novels representing the three periods of Turkish literature history are presented together with quotations from the sampled novels and brief architectural discussions, and the prominent aspects are discussed in both contexts.

1923’de kurulan Cumhuriyet, kurumsal, örgütsel ve kültürel açıdan, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’ndan birçok miras devralmıştır. Askerlerin devlet güvenliğinin tehlikeye düşmesi halinde, yönetime müdahale etmesi de Osmanlı’dan genç Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’ne miras kalan bir gelenektir. Her ne kadar radikal siyasi değişiklikler ile tarihi süreklilik kesilmişse de ve resmi tarih Osmanlı’dan kopuş üzerine inşa edilse de, toplumsal, siyasal, kültürel, ekonomik ve felsefi dinamikler devamlılığa işaret etmektedir. Bu çalışmanın amacı; Tanzimat sonrası askeri müdahale ve darbeleri, konu hakkında yazılmış ikincil kaynaklar ışığında inceleyerek günümüz Türkiye’sinin darbelerle olan sınavına ışık tutmak, literatüre bir katkı sunmaktır. Bu bağlamda Osmanlı’nın modernleşme sürecinde karşılaştığı darbeler analiz edildiğinde, imparatorluğun iç siyasetinden ve dinamiklerinden kaynaklanan sebepler kadar, dönemin büyük güçlerinin, özellikle de İngiltere ve Rusya’nın etkisi ile saray ve Babıali’nin dış politika tercihlerinin belirleyici olduğu görülmektedir. Ayrıca; her iki dönemin, askeri müdahalelere dayanak oluşturan kurumsal dinamikleri farklılık arz etmesine rağmen, siyasal kültür, ideoloji, askeri eğitim ve sosyo-ekonomik yapı gibi değişkenleri benzerlik göstermektedir.

In this study, the modernization processes of Turkey and Japan, which are outside the countries of origin of modern concepts such as modernization and nationalism, are evaluated and interpreted to the extent that they enable the comparison of their conceptions of nationalism. With a focus on the Atatürk and Meiji periods, the role of nationalism in the processes of nation-state building is analyzed. In this framework, the study examines the nation-building in the Turkish and Japanese modernization processes through the conceptions of nationalism of these countries. In this context, the comparative method was applied and historical conceptualizations were included. Along with the comparison method, it has included a basic evaluation of the similarities and differences of Turkish and Japanese nationalism processes in general and in particular. The study is designed to understand how different nationalism perspectives are handled in accordance with the conjuncture, the role they play in nation-state formations and to present a comparative perspective. In this framework, since Japan is an island country, its existence was unknown to many European countries until the 16th century and thus it differs in terms of common cultural elements. Thus, although it does not seem possible to compare the Turkish and Japanese conceptions of nationalism in a common lane, a general perspective has been focused on the nation and statehood processes of both countries and a comparison has been tried to be made by focusing on a certain time period. The most important difference in the statehood processes of Turkey and Japan is that religious elements were handled differently in both societies. However, the common goal for both states during this period was to create a modern nation-state out of the cosmopolitan empire. While reform conflicts emerged in Turkey, this was not the case in Japan. With this examination, the attitudes and experiences of these two countries are considered as a common feature in understanding their modernization experiences apart from Europe. The most important result of the study is that it reveals the complex layers of historical conditions that affect or determine the nature of the processes through the comparison of the nationalism of the ruling elites in Turkey and Japan in the processes of nation-state building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically examines the transformative commitment to modernization and nation-building in Turkish Republic, focusing on the pivotal role played by spaces of knowledge. The study begins with a theoretical analysis of the complex relationship between political power, knowledge and space. The concrete analysis starts with the examination of People’s Houses, envisioned as cultural and political centers spreading Republican principles and the new national identity. The analysis extends to museums established by the new regime, demonstrating their ideological underpinnings as spaces generating a specific knowledge on the nation through the collection of memories. The article then explores theaters, cinemas, and operas, emphasizing their contribution to shaping cultural policies of the new Turkish nation state. Shifting to libraries, it traces the historical evolution culminating in the establishment of the National Library in Ankara and its role in nation-building process. Throughout, the article delves into the complexities of preserving national identity through these spaces of knowledge, offering a comprehensive understanding of Türkiye’s modernization journey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Republic of Turkiye administration understood very well how the Ottoman Empire disintegrated in the 19th century. Ataturk, who wanted to build a nation-state from the fragmented empire fragments, viewed the modernization process very critically. Therefore, after the victory of the Turkish War of Independence, another area of the struggle was determined as modernizing the country. In order to achieve this aim, revolutionary movements were initiated in many fields such as political, social, cultural, scientific and similar areas. It was a vital issue to convey the reforms to the people and to have them adopted. At this point, Ataturk deemed it necessary to open intermediary mechanisms to make the people adopt the reforms from the center to the periphery. With this idea, People’s House were first opened in 14 provinces, including Ankara People’s House, on February 19, 1932. Ankara People’s House carried out crucial activities within its sphere of influence to enlighten the public with its modest budget. This influential cultural institution has become a foundation where intellectuals and citizens come together and carry out scientific activities. In line with Atatürk’s principles, Ankara People’s House has made significant efforts to educate the citizens in order to make the people adopt the secular-modern state ideology and has carried out serious work in its field of duty to establish state-nation integration. The cultural institution, which hosted many local and foreign scientists and artists who are experts in their fields, supported Turkey’s modernization policies and struggle with its own resources. In addition, Ankara People’s House, which contributed to the free education of many successful students, helped these students to work in the state bureaucracy in the future. During the early Republic period, more than three quarters of Turkey’s population lived in rural areas. Ankara People’s House, which does not exclude rural areas from its field of interest, visited remote villages through the Peasantism Committee and it executed activities not only to increase the living standards of the citizens but also to reach the villages with state opportunities in the fields of health, education, culture, public works and production. In particular, health screening practices improved the public’s sanitary conditions and reduced epidemics. To sum up, Ankara People’s House provides many outstanding benefits services to Turkish modernization, literature, history, art and Turkish cultural life through its nine branches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Media & Culture / Medya ve Kültür is the property of Medya ve Kultur and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of RumeliDE Journal of Language & Literature Research / RumeliDE Dil ve Edebiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of RumeliDE Uluslararasi Hakemli Dil & Edebiyat Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Founded in 1923, the Republic inherited many legacies from the Ottoman Empire in terms of institutional, organizational and cultural aspects. It is a tradition inherited from the Ottoman Empire to the young Republic of Turkey that soldiers intervene in the government in case the state security is in danger. Although historical continuity was interrupted by radical political changes and official history was built on the break with the Ottoman Empire, social, political, cultural, economic and philosophical dynamics point to continuity. The purpose of this study; by examining the post-Tanzimat military interventions and coups in the light of secondary sources written on the subject, it is aimed to shed light on today's Turkey's test with coups and to contribute to the literature. In this context, when the coups that the Ottoman Empire faced in the modernization process are analysed, it is seen that the influence of the great powers of the period, especially England and Russia, and the foreign policy preferences of the palace and the Sublime Porte were decisive, as well as the reasons arising from the internal politics and dynamics of the empire. Moreover; although the institutional dynamics of both periods that form the basis for military interventions differ, variables such as political culture, ideology, military training and socio-economic structure are similar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Secularization theories argue that there is an inverse relationship between modernization and religion by stating that the religiosity will uniformly weaken in the process of modernization. For this reason, the nature of the relationship between modernization and religion has been hotly debated in the literature, and new versions of the secularization paradigm such as existential security theory as well as different models such as religious market theory have been developed to explain religious change in modern societies. In this context, the theory of religious individualization has also been put forward as an alternative framework in social science research. This theory aims to describe the forms of religiosity that have become independent from institutional religion and religious authorities and experienced as unmediated, especially in societies such as Western Europe. In other words, the theory points out that with the process of modernization, human beings will be freed from the influence of tradition and institutional structures and will turn towards unmediated religious life as a selfdetermining being. Thus, unlike the old paradigm, the theory of religious individualization assumes that in modern societies, the religious will be privatized rather than losing its effectiveness completely. The current study, which was designed in quantitative format and conducted with 403 participants over the age of 18 residing in Bursa, aims to measure the tendency towards religious individualization. According to the findings, factors such as political opinion/ideology/worldview, educational level, source of religious knowledge and religious group membership affect religious individualization. In other words, the research shows that political views characterized as communist, leftist and Kemalist and educational level increase the tendency towards a religious life independent from traditional religious authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Akademik Hassasiyetler is the property of Huzeyfe Suleyman Arslan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Journal of Social Sciences (IJSS) / Uluslararasi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of International Journal of Social Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The subject of this study is the analysis of the Ottoman social structure based on the works of Ahmet Cihan. The aim of this study is to analyse the Ottoman social structure based on the works of Ahmet Cihan and to reveal the effect of this analysis on the modernisation efforts in the nation state of the Republic of Turkey. The research was carried out with the document scanning technique, one of the qualitative research methods and techniques. As a result of the research, it was concluded that Cihan’s subject choices and analyses shed light on the Ottoman social structure. On the other hand, another result of the research is that Cihan’s works focus on the validity of the heritage inherited from the Ottoman Empire in the context of modernisation efforts in today’s social structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Journal of Cultural Studies / Kültür Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Cultural Studies / Kultur Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Yahya Kemal (1884-1958), one of the founding figures of Modern Turkish poetry, played a significant role as a poet and intellectual in the establishment of the Republic of Turkey. In addition to his contributions to literature, he wrote articles during the years of the Turkish War of Independence and later held active positions in the state structure. The period spanning from 1908 to 1958, during which he produced his own works, represents a period in which the newly established Republic of Turkey continued its efforts for development while looking to Western civilization as a model. This article will examine Yahya Kemal's position within the context of the Turkish Music Revolution, which is one aspect of the modernization process in Turkey. Firstly, it will address Yahya Kemal's perspective on the concept of 'modernity' and its relationship with the prevalent understanding of the era. Subsequently, it will discuss the ideas that paved the way for the Turkish Music Revolution and how this revolution was implemented. Furthermore, it will employ a text-focused analysis method to explore the theme of 'music' in Yahya Kemal's poetry. Additionally, reference will be made to his writings related to music and transcribed speeches. The article will demonstrate that Yahya Kemal did not view Classical Turkish music as "Eastern music" but rather embraced it as a national music closely connected to the Turkish homeland and nation. His belief in the necessity of preserving traditional Turkish music within the modernization process will be elucidated through his poetry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Opponents, who found the government inadequate and oppressive during the reign of Abdülhamid II, secretly organized to modernize the state. The organization of the Committee of Union and Progress, founded in 1889, was turned into a society in 1895. Since it operated against the Sultan, it had to be organized secretly. While some of its members, identified by the sultanate administration, were arrested, some fled abroad. He tried to apply the actioners, fed by the political and cultural climate of the West, in the Ottoman Empire by imitating the ideas and practices of the West. Their upbringing and ideals paved the way for them to follow a pragmatist and Machiavellian method. This situation caused the members of the society to sometimes revolt, commit gangs and violence, and cooperate with the Masonic lodges, in addition to the usual methods. The methods used negatively affected the achievement of the Society's goals and its adoption by the majority of the Ottoman society. In this study which is based on the literature review of the Committee of Union and Progress, the establishment and organization process of the society, the methods of struggle, the alliances formed, the ideas and theorists tried to be implemented, the general personality traits of the society managers and their effects on the management were tried to be revealed. In addition, it was aimed to give together the reasons why the society, which had profound effects on the political and daily life of Turks in the long term, could not save the Ottoman Empire from collapse in the short term and could not be effective on a part of the society. In this way, it was aimed to understand that the general failure of the claims and ideals of the society in its own period the conditions of the period as well as was due to the basic dynamics of the society that were contrary to the social and political order of the Ottoman Empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ahmet Rıza Bey was an intellect and activist who guided Turkish modernization history through his ideas and political activities. His family also had significant roles in the high bureaucracy of the state. Ahmet Rıza Bey’s worldview was shaped by the modern philosophical movement of positivism, with the mottos of order and progress being key concepts in his ideas. The purpose of this article is to shed light on the intellectual background of Ahmet Rıza Bey’s early writings known as the Birinci Lâyiha [First Memorandum], Dil Akademisi Lâyihası [Language Academy Memorandum], and Mektub [Letter]. In this sense, no comparisons have yet been made between Ahmet Rıza Bey’s reports and those written by the Ottoman statesmen and intellectuals of the period. This article emphasizes the secular contexts of the topics Ahmet Rıza Bey addressed through a textual content analysis and literature review. These texts are unique examples in terms of being confined to the positivist doctrine in their ideological orientation. These texts were also conditioned to explain the rationale and method of an effort focused on saving the empire through education. His writings emphasized how reforms should be implemented gradually and within historical continuity by highlighting the importance of political and social stability. In this respect, he aimed to give public identities to the concepts symbolized as science, work, order, progress, morality, and education that shaped Turkish modernization history. Ahmet Rıza Bey’s early writings saw the concept of order as the focal point of reform proposals, with the concept of progress being a variable dependent on the concept of order. Therefore, Ahmet Rıza Bey had favored the continuation of the Ottoman monarchy over a radical regime change. He grounded his understanding of change not so much on the political level but on the establishment of a holistic and solidarity-based collective consciousness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1852, French philologist and historian Ernest Renan delivered a lecture on Islam and Science in France. During this conference, he explored various factors contributing to the perceived "backwardness" of Islamic countries and, by adopting an orientalist perspective, linked the East's lag in development to Islam. After surveying the East (which encompassed African nations), he posited that the inhabitants of these regions generally exhibited a mindset that was resistant to scientific advancements, harboring animosity toward Western ideas and spirituality. In this discourse, Renan's assertions elicited numerous reactions in the Islamic world, prompting significant objections to his views/opinions. In 1883, Ottoman writer and scholar Namik Kemal vehemently expressed his dissenting opinions against Renan, culminating in the writing of "Renan Müdâfaanâmesi," while imprisoned in Midilli (Greece) in 1908. This work has since been etched in history as one of the most impassioned refutations of Renan in the Islamic world. Specifically, it underscored Renan's lack of understanding of Islam and Islamic thinkers, criticizing his numerous misguided judgments. Since then, prominent Islamic thinkers in the fields of science and philosophy have emerged to counter Renan's negative perceptions of Islam, with "Renan Müdâfaanâmesi" serving as an Eastern response to the Western orientalist viewpoint. In this study, the conceptual framework of occidentalism will be drawn and Namık Kemal's Renan Müdâfaanâmesi will be evaluated as an occidentalist discourse. The importance of Renan Müdâfaanâmesi in the context of the establishment of occidentalist discourse in Turkish literature will be revealed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Community & Physician / Toplum ve Hekim is the property of Turk Tabipleri Birligi / Turkish Medical Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Journal of the Faculty of Theology / Kilis 7 Aralik Universitesi Ilahiyat Fakultesi Dergisi is the property of Kilis 7 Aralik Universitesi Ilahiyat Fakultesi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

ÖZ: Osmanlı-Türk modernleşmesinin en tartışmalı konularından biri başlık meselesidir. II. Mahmud döneminde ilk kez başlara giydirildiğinde ciddi tepkilere neden olan fes, zamanla dini bir hüviyet kazanmış ve Osmanlılık simgesi haline gelmiştir. Kültürel saiklerden dolayı, Osmanlıların zihin dünyasında, fes ile 19. yüzyılda İmparatorluğun birçok yerinde görülen Avrupalıların şapkası arasında bir karşıtlık ilişkisi kurulmuştur. Bu çalışmada, 1876-1914 yılları arasındaki şapka yasağı uygulamalarını içeren arşiv belgeleri etrafında Osmanlı’da başlık sorunu ele alınmaktadır. Ayrıca şapka giyilmemesi için tedbirlerin alındığı bölgelerin özellikleri, şapka giyenlerin meslekleri ve mensup oldukları sosyo-ekonomik çevreler, fes ve şapkaya dair algıyı net bir şekilde ortaya koyan ifadeler ve şapka yasaklarında etkili olan nedenler ortaya konulmaktadır. Bu çalışma, bu kültürel ve tarihsel arka planı göz ardı etmemekle birlikte, II. Abdülhamid ve II. Meşrutiyet dönemlerindeki şapka yasağı uygulamalarında, asıl belirleyici unsurun siyasal konjonktür olduğunu ortaya koymaktadır. İslamcılık politikası güden ve hilafeti öne çıkaran II. Abdülhamid fes gibi sembolik unsurlara önem vermiştir. Bu dönemde, İmparatorluğun kritik vilayetlerinin kopmasından duyulan endişe nedeniyle, fese, bu bölgelerde devletin varlığını gösteren bir “egemenlik” simgesi önemi atfedilmiştir. II. Meşrutiyet dönemindeki uygulamalar ise asayiş sorunu ve henüz tahkim edilmemiş bir rejimin güvenliğine yönelik kaygılardan etkilenmiştir. İttihat ve Terakki Fırkası, halkın galeyana getirilerek Meşrutiyet karşıtı bir harekete sevk edilebileceğinden endişe etmiştir. ABSTRACT: One of the most controversial issues of Ottoman-Turkish modernization is the headgear issue. The fez, which caused serious reactions when it was worn on the heads for the first time during the reign of Mahmud II, gained a religious identity over time and became a symbol of Ottomanism. Because of cultural motivations, in the mental world of the Ottomans, a contrasting relationship was established between the fez and the hat of the Europeans, which was seen in many parts of the Empire in the 19th century. In this study, the headdress problem in the Ottoman Empire is discussed around the archive documents containing the hat ban practices between 1876-1914. In this study, the headgear problem in the Ottoman Empire is discussed around the archive documents containing the hat ban practices between 1876-1914. In addition, the characteristics of the regions where measures are taken not to wear hats, the occupations of hat wearers and the socio-economic environment they belong to, expressions that clearly reveal the perception of the fez and hat, and the motives that are effective in hat bans are revealed. This study, though, does not ignore this cultural and historical background, it reveals that the main determining factor in the hat ban practices during the periods of Abdulhamid II and The Second Contitutional was the political conjuncture. Abdulhamid II, who pursued an Islamist policy and emphasized the caliphate, gave importance to symbolic elements such as the fez. In this period, due to the concern about the rupture of the critical provinces of the Empire, the importance of a "sovereignty" symbol indicating the presence of the state in these regions was attributed to the fez. The Practices during the Second Constitutional period were affected by the public order problem and concerns about the security of a regime that had not yet been consolidated. İttihat ve Terakki Fırkası (The Union and Progress Party) was concerned that the people might be agitated and led to an antiConstitutional movement.

Nahit Sırrı Örik, Cumhuriyet döneminin hikâye, roman, deneme, gezi yazısı gibi farklı nesir türlerinde eser vermiş; ancak edebî seçimlerinden kaynaklı olarak devrinde ve edebiyat tarihi içerisinde uzun yıllar boyunca unutulmuş bir yazardır. Bu unutuşta memleket için edebiyatın yapıldığı devrede, geçmişten kalan dil ve konuları tercih etmesi etkili olarak görülmüştür. Ankara/Anadolu edebiyatına karşılık İstanbul edebiyatını seçtiği düşünüldüğü için unutulmasına rağmen Nahit Sırrı gezi yazılarında uzun zaman gezdiği, yaşadığı Avrupa kentlerini değil, romanlarında da kimi zaman mekân olarak kullandığı Anadolu kentlerini anlatmıştır. Seyahat edebiyatı yazıldığı devrenin siyasi bakış açısıyla yakın temaslar içerisindedir. Gezi yazılarının yazılması veya yazılamaması, gezmek ve yazmak için seçilen yerler, bu mekânlarda dikkat edilen hususlar gibi birçok unsur siyasi konjonktürün etkisindedir. Nahit Sırrı’nın gezi yazıları Erken Cumhuriyet adı verilen devrede kaleme alınmış olması ve Cumhuriyet’in ideolojisinden izler taşıması bakımından önemlidir. Cumhuriyet, ideolojisini ve varlığını mekân üzerinden kurgularken Ankara başta olmak üzere şehirlerin modernleşmesi için demiryolları, sanayi, mimari, turizm gibi çeşitli göstergelerin üzerinde durmuştur. Bu yazıda sözü edilen bağlam etrafında Nahit Sırrı’nın yazıları değerlendirilerek Cumhuriyet’in şehirlere yaklaşımı devrin içinden bir bakışla ortaya konarak hem devrin edebiyatı şekillendirmesi hem edebiyatın devre etkileri bir arada değerlendirilmeye çalışılacaktır.

The aim of this article is to try to determine the changing nature of the relationship between city and religion in the historical process within a theoretical framework. All over the world and over a long period of history, cities have exhibited characteristic features specific to the traditional/feudal society of which they are a part. Likewise, modern cities exhibit their own characteristics as a part of modern societies. In other words, cities are not considered as communities that exist alone. They can be understood by relating them to the basic structure of the larger society of which they are a part. In this respect, the city is, in Robert Park's words, a "laboratory" for researching social behavior. Especially with the developments after the Industrial Revolution, cities have become areas where the fate of societies in general is determined and represent a lifestyle different from the traditional society. Naturally, the changes experienced in the reshaped city life made the change in the field of religion and culture inevitable in the context of urbanization, and the rapid change process called modernization constituted the breaking point of the centuries-old relationship between religion and cities, which have been changing and transforming since the ancient period. In this respect, cities are not only about people but also about each other; They are areas where they establish a relationship with the place they live in and make it a part of social processes by being affected by it or by influencing and changing it. Human beings have not lived in cities since the early periods of history. The city is a living space that people build in line with their own purposes and social relations. Throughout history, civilizations and cities that have collapsed or disappeared have been replaced by other civilizations and cities. On the other hand, the difficulties faced by the classical cities that existed in the past and the modern industrial cities that emerged after the Industrial Revolution could not be overcome with a more advanced social organization or a settlement/management style different from the city. Cities, which are an advanced level and a developed example of social organization, have been areas that have incorporated different administrative networks and social relations throughout history. Although the reasons for attracting the population intensively during the periods in which they existed were sometimes based on defense factors, sometimes on religious elements, and sometimes on facts such as trade or industry, the common feature of all cities that were established or disappeared in the process from city-site cities to today's modern industrial cities is; It is the continuity of the power they produce through the resources they dominate. As a result, throughout history, human communities have designed their surroundings according to the ideal life they dream of, and when a city is built, the physical and sociological structure of the city appears as a reflection of the beliefs, traditions and social organization of that society. As a matter of fact, in Gülzar's words, capitalist societies are "eco-centric" by building their cities around skyscrapers, stock exchanges and trade centers; While communist societies create a "socio-centric" city model by building their cities around large squares and monuments; Societies based on belief in God, such as the Islamic civilization, have created a "theo-centric" model by building their cities around temples and sacred places. Therefore, in cases where the secular institutions of the modern city cannot meet some of the needs of people such as the search for purpose and meaning in both individual and social life, it is not surprising that religion comes to the fore by gaining new roles and functions. It is thought that new field research and findings are needed in order to better detect the differences in society's perception of religion. Because it can be said that religion, in addition to its sacred and transcendent nature, performs an important function both individually and socially by meeting the important needs of people thanks to its inherent value system. In this sense, in the study, the changes in religion-society relations, specifically the distinction between classical city and modern city, were examined from a sociological perspective, from a theoretical perspective, by adopting a qualitative research pattern (strategy) from scientific research patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, Şaban Teoman Durali's critical perspective on Turkish modernization during the Republic era will be examined. Stating that modernization has been carried out on the basis of pure substance since the 16th century, Duralı mentions that a viewpoint that can be measured, in other words, quantified, appears as reality. Expressing that the aforementioned choice harmed the Ancient Age Aegean civilization, which was composed of different civilizations, the thinker expressed that the metaphysical one was also destroyed. In this sense, Durali says that instead of metaphysics in the center of intuition, only physics, mechanism and positivism in the technical center are preferred. Stating that modernization, devoid of intuition also spread to the Ottoman Empire, the thinker claims that the cultural and intellectual life in the Empire was paralyzed. Duralı states that the paralysis he mentioned indicates a move away from Islam, and states that this preference started with the Tanzimat period. The thinker states that the lack of metaphysics in the center of intuition based on Islam deepened due to the policies followed in the Republican period. Declaring that the two main sources of Turkish identity are Islam and Turkish, Duralı states that the cultural flow between generations was interrupted due to political preferences about language in the Republican period. He claims that the culture related to Islam is not exempt from this situation. Declaring that the situation in question brings with it the loss of personality, Duralı advocates the construction of metaphysics, in other words, an identity that includes a new time. The new identity mentioned by the thinker points to a Eurasian metaphysics that includes both the East and the West at the same time. The metaphysics in question covers Ancient Greece and Europe on the European side, and Islam on the Asian side. According to Duralı, metaphysics corresponds to the identity that includes the soul and the body at the same time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, the modernization studies conducted by the Ottoman Empire and Prussia in their armies and in their military trainings are discussed. The Military Schools established by both Ottoman Empire and Prussia for military education were examined separately and the effects of Prussian officers on Ottoman military education system was stated. In the related literature, it is mostly stated that the Ottoman military education was tried to be modernized by taking example of the western states, the establishment process of Military Academy in Ottoman Empire by Sultan Mahmud II as a model of Royal Military School (Ecole Royale Militaire) in France and increment of the effects of Prussia on Ottoman military system in line with the developing political relations between these Empires. However, the related studies about the military education of the western states where the Ottoman military education reforms are taken as an example, and the military education of Prussia who has a significant role in Ottoman military education are limited in number. For this reason, the military education reforms carried out by the Ottoman Empire and Prussia, which is an important example of the reforms in Ottoman military education, were examined in this study. In this context, it is defined that why these reforms wanted to be realized, which deficiencies were tried to be eliminated, what kind of role the officers played in these reforms and which institutions they established. Therefore, the military modernization policies of both Prussia and the Ottoman Empire, their military education, the curricula taught in military schools, the position of Prussian influence in Ottoman military education and its effects, were indicated by examining the Ottoman archive documents and related research studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Faculty of Letters / Edebiyat Fakultesi Dergisi is the property of Hacettepe University Faculty of Letters and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Afyon Kocatepe University Journal of Social Sciences / Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Afyon Kocatepe University (AKU) Sosyal Bilimler Enstitusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Republican period includes reforms that aim to develop the primitive initiatives that take their foundations, especially from the last periods of the Ottoman Empire, and bring them to life in a radical form as well as concrete. In fact, this context clearly embodies the footprints of many initiatives taken in the years of the Constitutional Era. Nevertheless, the traces of persistent demand and effort, as well as effectiveness, only appear in the Republican period. These initiatives started with the mottos of civilization, modernization, progress, westernization, and development, but it was seen that none of them could be fully agreed upon in the general framework, and clearly, none could be fully comprehended. Ultimately, the confusion created by this situation prepared the background for reforms or reforms to be carried out with ambivalent approaches. To this end, it is understood that parties formed or approaches developed within the framework of some orientations, especially eastern or western, Turkish or European. In the relevant context, as in many other issues, the traditional and modern discourse on women’s rights created two poles between the parties. According to the concepts mentioned above, there were tendencies and opinions that support or criticize the reforms developed to meet the various demands created by the historical environment to a certain extent. Hence, this study focuses on discussing these debates within the scope of women’s rights, which helps to understand the political, social, and intellectual atmosphere of that period. Besides, the topic is examined from the columns of the newspaper Hâkimiyet-i Milliye, which can reveal the social memory and political conjuncture of the period rather than a method based on literature and archival documents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

1869 Maarif-i Umumiye Nizamnamesi (The Regulation of Public Education) is the most important step taken in the establishment of modern educational institutions. Within the scope of the ordinance, making primary education compulsory, opening the new school for girls rüşdiye and girls teacher schools, establishing modern educational institutions in the centre and provinces training teachers with a high level of knowledge and culture, and western-style institutionalisation were important developments that brought the modern education model to the forefront. In this study, it is important that a girls school at the primary level was included in education with the opening of Izmir Terakki-i İnas İbtidai Mekteb (The New Central School For Girls) in 1892. In the history of Ottoman education, the issues of performing the teaching profession by using new teaching principles and methods will be discussed. These issues will be discussed by analysing the documents of the Ottoman Archives. However, it is seen that Izmir Terakki-i İnas İbtidai Mekteb was opened for the education of female students and female teachers. In this school, there are the appointments of teachers, records of graduated teachers, the administration of the school, the graduation certificates of the students and the committees in charge of the school. The implementation of new methods in the development of modern educational institutions and some of the problems in their functioning will be discussed with the example of Izmir Terakki-i İnas İbtidai Mekteb and the change in the social thought system of the period will be discussed. In the education system of the Republican period, the formation of a modern woman figure in the society with a knowledgeable, thoughtful and new understanding of education is very important. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to examine the thoughts of Turkish philosophers in the Republican era on the development of Turkey, instead of focusing on the mainstream approach that claims to be universal in the development literature. In this context, within the framework of economic development, the views of philosophers who deal with the development process in sociological, cultural, and economic terms were examined by scanning the national literature. Due to the scarcity of comprehensive studies examining the development views of Republican philosophers in the literature, it tries to understand and explain the development problem from the Eurocentric perspective, based on the perspective of local philosophers who have grown up in national socio-economic and political conditions and dynamics and have experienced it in the historical process. In this respect, it is thought that this study will fill an important gap in the literature. As a result, it has been understood that the approach that Turkey's development problems can be solved with policies that take into account their uniqueness has been adopted by the philosophers of the Republican period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most controversial issues of Ottoman-Turkish modernization is the headgear issue. The fez, which caused serious reactions when it was worn on the heads for the first time during the reign of Mahmud II, gained a religious identity over time and became a symbol of Ottomanism. Because of cultural motivations, in the mental world of the Ottomans, a contrasting relationship was established between the fez and the hat of the Europeans, which was seen in many parts of the Empire in the 19th century. In this study, the headdress problem in the Ottoman Empire is discussed around the archive documents containing the hat ban practices between 1876-1914. In this study, the headgear problem in the Ottoman Empire is discussed around the archive documents containing the hat ban practices between 1876-1914. In addition, the characteristics of the regions where measures are taken not to wear hats, the occupations of hat wearers and the socio-economic environment they belong to, expressions that clearly reveal the perception of the fez and hat, and the motives that are effective in hat bans are revealed. This study, though, does not ignore this cultural and historical background, it reveals that the main determining factor in the hat ban practices during the periods of Abdulhamid II and The Second Contitutional was the political conjuncture. Abdulhamid II, who pursued an Islamist policy and emphasized the caliphate, gave importance to symbolic elements such as the fez. In this period, due to the concern about the rupture of the critical provinces of the Empire, the importance of a "sovereignty" symbol indicating the presence of the state in these regions was attributed to the fez. The Practices during the Second Constitutional period were affected by the public order problem and concerns about the security of a regime that had not yet been consolidated. İttihat ve Terakki Fırkası (The Union and Progress Party) was concerned that the people might be agitated and led to an anti-Constitutional movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of RumeliDE Journal of Language & Literature Research / RumeliDE Dil ve Edebiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of RumeliDE Uluslararasi Hakemli Dil & Edebiyat Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of RumeliDE Journal of Language & Literature Research / RumeliDE Dil ve Edebiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of RumeliDE Uluslararasi Hakemli Dil & Edebiyat Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Bu çalışmada Ahmet Rıza'nın Türk Modernleşmesine yön veren siyasi görüşleri, pozitivizm, din, merkeziyetçilik ve müdahale karşıtlığı yaklaşımları üzerinden ortaya konulmaya çalışılmıştır. Öncelikle Ahmet Rıza'nın siyasi görüşlerinin oluşumu hakkında fikir vermesi açısından hayatına kısaca değinilmiş; ardından eserleri incelenmiştir. Son olarak Ahmet Rıza'nın siyasi görüşlerinin nasıl bir modernleşme modeline işaret ettiği, bu modelin sistematik ve tutarlı fikirlerden mi yoksa çelişkili fikirler karmaşasından mı oluştuğu sorularına cevap aranmıştır. Bu amaçla öncelikle Ahmet Rıza'nın benimsediği Pozitivist görüşle tezat oluşturan İslami düşünceye eserlerinde sıkça yer vermesi üzerinde durulmuştur. Ahmet Rıza'nın bu İslami görüşlere karşı söylemlerini siyasal ve toplumsal alanın dışında dile getirmesi, onun dine pragmatik bir yaklaşım benimsediğini göstermektedir. Rıza'nın benimsediği bu pragmatist din anlayışının, benimsediği merkeziyetçi ve müdahale karşıtı yaklaşımlarla ve nihayetinde pozitivist görüşle yakın ilişki içinde olduğu bilinmektedir. Ahmet Rıza'nın düşüncelerini şekillendiren Pozitivist düşünce aynı zamanda Türk modernleşme hareketini de şekillendiren bir düşüncedir. Bu anlamda Türk modernleşme hareketi merkeziyetçi ve müdahale karşıtı bir harekettir. Alternatif bir modernleşme görüşü olduğu iddia edilen ve Ahmet Rıza'nın fikirlerine karşı konumlandırılan görüş ise anti-merkeziyetçi ve müdahale yanlısı bir görüştür.

Şerif Mardin ve Nilüfer Göle, Türk sosyolojisinde referans değeri yüksek ve yankıları hâlâ devam eden izler bırakmıştır. Türk modernleşmesini anlama ve anlamlandırma girişimleri ve ortaya koydukları perspektif söz konusu olduğunda iki ismin yaklaşımlarıyla ilgili literatüre göz ardı edilemeyecek katkılar sundukları söylenebilir. Kullandıkları kavramlar, söylemler, ortaya koydukları kurgular, Türk modernleşmesinin nirengi noktalarına dair vurgular, mikro ve makro teorik yaklaşımlar iki düşünürü bazı noktalarda birbirlerine benzer kılarken bazı noktalarda da farklılaştırmaktadır. Bu çalışma; siyasal, tarihsel ve sosyo-kültürel analizleri ile ön plana çıkan iki öncü ismin Türk modernleşmesini tasvirine ilişkin kurgularının, kullandıkları “söylem”ler ekseninde karşılaştırmalı olarak incelenmesini amaçlamaktadır. Bu çerçevede literatür taramasından istifade edilmiştir. Çalışma iki ana bölümden oluşmaktadır. İlk bölümde iki düşünürün Türk modernleşmesi kurgularının temel yapı taşı olan kavramlar ele alınmıştır. Ardından Türk modernleşmesinin genel kuramsal çerçevesi iki düşünürün karşılaştırılması suretiyle ortaya konulmaktadır. İkinci bölümde ise iki düşünürün ön plana çıkan söylemleri ekseninde Türk modernleşme kurguları karşılaştırılarak tasvir edilmektedir. Merkez-çevre ayrışmasının, tarihî ve sosyo-kültürel sürekliliklerin, “ulus-devlet” çatısı altında bütünleşmenin, tepeden inmeci ve projelendirilmiş bir siyasî yapının vurgulandığı bir kurguyla karşılaşılmaktadır. Aynı zamanda bu unsurlarla “din” olgusu arasındaki çok boyutlu ilişkinin yansımaları ilgili söylemler çerçevesinde ortaya konulmaktadır. İki düşünürün de Türk modernleşme deneyimi kurgularında “din” olgusunu başat bir unsur olarak nitelendirdikleri sonucuna ulaşılmaktadır. Diğer unsurların ise bu nitelendirmeyi destekleyici mahiyette olduğu tespit edilmiştir.

Sosyolojinin ve din sosyolojisinin önemli konularından biri olan modernleşme, yaşam biçimlerini etkilediği gibi dini anlama ve yorumlama biçimlerinde birtakım zihniyet değişimlerine yol açmıştır. Bu zihniyet değişimi sonucu birey, aklının yüceltildiği ve iradesinin öneminin vurgulandığı bir "aktör" şeklinde tanımlanmış, bu rolünün gereği olarak geleneksel din anlayışlarına karşı dinin modern yorumunu ortaya koymayı amaçlamıştır. Türkiye'de bütün kurumsal alanlarda ilk modernleşme çabalarının görüldüğü Tanzimat döneminde Osmanlı Devleti, yaşanan askeri başarısızlıklara çözüm olarak kurumsal yapılarını Batı'nın bilim ve tekniğini örnek alarak yenileme ihtiyacı hissetmiş, bu durum modern kültürün Osmanlı toplumunda yer edinmesinin yolunu açmıştır. Modern kültürün aktarımında eğitim, hem yeni bir dünya görüşü hem de bireysel tutum kazandırma açısından önemli bir işlev üstlenmiştir. Tanzimat döneminde modern değerleri benimseyen muhafazakar kesim, İslam'ın inanç ve ibadet gibi temel esaslarının geleneksel anlayış biçimlerini çeşitli eleştirilere tâbi tutmuş, reddedilen geleneksel din anlayışının yerine modern değerle uyumlu yeni yorum biçimleri ortaya koymaya çalışmıştır. Dini bireyselleşme olarak değerlendirilen bu tutum, "Yeni Muhafazakar Aydın" olarak adlandırılan bir aydın tipini ortaya çıkarmıştır.

The village institutes project is an educational initiative that emerged as a rural development project in the history of the Republic. When we look at the education programmes implemented, it is seen that although the aim was to train teachers for the villages, artistic and cultural education constituted an important part of the programme. From this point of view, it can be said that the village institutes aimed to transform villages into places where modern individuals who follow the Republican revolutions live and have urban characteristics. The acceleration of migration from villages to cities and the increase in internal migration with industrialisation coincide with the period of the closure of the village institutes. Although various educational and sociological studies have been conducted on the founding and early periods of the Republic, research on the modern human type that the village institutes wanted to raise is limited in the literature. The aim of this study is to evaluate the educational programme and practices in the village institutes in the context of creating modern human beings and to examine the experiences of the students in their villages in the example of Çifteler Village Institute. The article is designed as a document-based research. The steps of the document analysis method were analysed. The studies obtained as a result of the search among postgraduate theses and academic articles on village institutes were subjected to content analysis. In addition, the letters written by the teachers graduated from Çifteler Village Institute to the school administration were also analysed in the context of the desired human type. It was observed that the education given in the village institutes had many artistic and cultural practices aiming to teach village life as well as urban consciousness, and that the education given included elements that would contribute positively to the awareness of living together. In the letters written by the graduates to the directorate of Çifteler Village Institute, it was concluded that they could not be happy in the village where they were working and that they could not reach the environments where they could exhibit the new behaviours they had acquired at school. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]