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When do attempts to control emerging technologies of warfare through multilateral agreements produce hollow agreements? This article contends that prospects for multilateral restrictions on new weapons technologies depend on how states assess the advantage from a new technology and the vulnerability it poses for them. However, they may misunderstand a new technology and develop hollow agreements restricting a technology that is never developed. Still, such agreements can create precedents that shape future governance efforts. To examine these dynamics, this article compares efforts govern emerging technologies in the context of the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW) Protocols I and IV. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the current scope and direction of the emerging global governance of hydrogen within the broader context of the energy transition, where technological innovation and institutional change intersect. Hydrogen, as a critical yet complex energy vector, requires coordinated governance efforts to navigate its development effectively. To this end, we critically engage with key challenges facing the hydrogen sector and examine how institutional frameworks are addressing these issues. Departing from the broader scholarship on global energy governance, we conceptually leverage the socio-technical transition and innovation system literature to understand the complexities underpinning the development of the global hydrogen economy. We identify three overarching issue areas pertaining to the nature and role of hydrogen in the global energy system: end-use sector development, infrastructure and trade, and environmental and socio-economic sustainability. Each of these areas presents distinct challenges to hydrogen's global governance, from stimulating supply and demand to managing geo-economic challenges and establishing comprehensive certification and standards. Through mapping multilateral institutions at the global and regional levels and their main objectives, we offer insights into the emerging institutional architecture related to hydrogen and identify potential gaps in current governance. Our findings suggest that while newer, hydrogen-specific institutions complement the broader agenda of the main established international organizations, the overall global hydrogen structure remains a patchwork of diverse actors and frameworks, each addressing hydrogen-related challenges to varying degrees. Our research contributes to a nuanced understanding of global governance in the hydrogen sector and advances scholarly discussions on how institutional and actor dynamics shape the emergence and development of new technologies. • Emerging global hydrogen governance reflects patchwork of new and incumbent actors. • Three key governance areas: end-use development, infrastructure, and sustainability. • Newer hydrogen-specific forums complement broader energy governance institutions. • Europe's dominance in hydrogen governance suggests potential representation gaps. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the role of hackathons for good in building a community of software and hardware developers focused on addressing global sustainable development goal (SDG) challenges. We theorize this movement as computational diplomacy: a decentralized, participatory process for digital governance that leverages collective intelligence to tackle major global issues. Analysing Devpost and GitHub data reveals that 30% of hackathons since 2010 have addressed SDG topics, employing diverse technologies to create innovative solutions. Hackathons serve as crucial kairos moments, sparking innovation bursts that drive both immediate project outcomes and long-term production. We propose that these events harness the neurobiological basis of human cooperation and empathy, fostering a collective sense of purpose and reducing interpersonal prejudice. This bottom–up approach to digital governance integrates software development, human collective intelligence and collective action, creating a dynamic model for transformative change. By leveraging kairos moments, computational diplomacy promotes a more inclusive and effective model for digital multilateral governance of the future. This article is part of the theme issue 'Co-creating the future: participatory cities and digital governance'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates trade shock transmission between selected African countries, the BRIC and the rest of the global economy with a view to understanding the likely disposition of African economies towards multilateralism in the years to come. The study extends the network approach of Diebold and Yilmaz [(2009). Measuring financial asset return and volatility spillovers, with application to global equity markets. The Economic Journal,  119(534), 158–171, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0297.2008.02208.x ] by constructing generalized trade linkage measures at various degrees of aggregation using generalized forecast error variance decompositions of an underlying global vector autoregressive model. The results indicate that the trade linkage between Africa and the rest of the global economy is substantial, with the total trade linkage index having an average value of 87%. We find that China, USA, UK, Japan, EU and Canada dominate Africa's trade and therefore have the potential to spread trade shocks to it. The results further indicate that apart from the BRIC, other regional trading blocs such as Asia, the Americas, and Europe play influential roles in Africa's trade. Overall, the findings show that African economies are predominantly net receivers of trade shocks originating from the aforementioned dominant sources. We conclude that these patterns of cross-country trade shock spillovers, coupled with the ongoing challenges of legitimacy facing the World Trade Organisation, would likely influence Africa's move from multilateralism to multi-polarism in the years to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The liberal world order is showing signs of disarray: two recent catastrophes in adjoining parts of the world (the Middle East and South Caucasus) have opened the fissures of the international governance gap; and the continuing ramifications of COVID-19 have already paralysed the world. On top of this post-pandemic disquietude, multiple conflicts this year are either in danger of precipitating or wars have already re-ignited over long-standing continuing conflicts, highlighting the failure of international governance institutions, including the UN system. In recent years, one of the central responses to the multilateral failures at multiple levels has been for states to form 'narrower' and 'more flexible' frameworks called 'minilaterals'. Thus minilateralism has been contrasted through the lens of receding multilateralism, which has been a long-standing hallmark of the American-led liberal international order. This paper examines how far global governance would be dependent on minilateralism by exploring this growing trend in the Indo-Pacific and explores how minilateralism models can enhance international governance structures. This paper also attempts to analyse whether minilateralism is a product of regional fragmentation, or whether it can reinvigorate the comatose multilateralism. Then this paper posits that minilateralism helps rejig the chaotic multipolar order and thus re-invent global governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the specificities of the new multilateralism made-in-China under Xi Jinping. We argue that China has been investing in a combination of Soft Power and Multilateralism to foster a friendly worldwide environment whilst promoting China's geopolitical reemergence. Drawing on role theory, we assess whether there has been a shifting trend on China's soft power and multilateralism, to cope both with international expectations on China's new role and China's own role conception. We conclude that China's gradual turn towards multilateralism and soft power is a complementary strategy to China's longstanding use of bilateralism. It provides China with new institutions and ways to prosper as Chinese interests are no longer effectively fulfilled within the old Bretton Woods system. This article aims to deepen the existing literature on China's soft power, whilst highlighting the novel developments in China's multilateral initiatives and soft power including the impact of EU's de-risking approach toward China – not yet addressed by current studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Informal groupings of states – either as stand-alone entities or as part of formal international organizations (IOs) – are playing an increasingly important role in sustaining multilateralism and global governance. But what is it about the informal nature of these groupings that makes them such a critical and increasingly popular fixture of international cooperation? To answer this question, the paper focuses on the role of informal groupings in European Union (EU) foreign policy negotiations. Within the EU, informal groupings provide a key venue for coordination, information-sharing, learning and consensus-building. As a result, these groupings are critical for the functioning of the formal decision-making process, providing necessary building blocks for the success of multilateral diplomacy. The proposed argument is explored in the case of two distinct instances of informal groupings, one extra- and one intra-EU grouping, by means of document analysis and elite interviews with national diplomats. First, the paper examines the role of the G7 contact group in the formulation of the Russian sanctions back in 2014. Second, it assesses the role of the PESCO 4 in driving the establishment of the Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO). In both instances, informal groupings provided important venues for coordination, as well as information-sharing, learning and consensus-building, which, in turn, enable and sustain multilateral negotiations among 27 member states. Critically engaging with the role of informal groupings in formal IOs, the paper sheds light on the dynamic relationship between informality and minilateralism, on the one hand, and formal multilateral institutions, on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history and current workings of the United Nations suggest it is not an effective vehicle for the promotion of Canadian interests and values. As it has generally been, the Security Council is paralyzed by great power vetoes, while the General Assembly has an overwhelming majority that reliably votes against the West, and against Canada. The creation of the postwar liberal international order owed more to other multilateral organizations and groupings with which Canada is associated than the UN. In its core function of underwriting global security and stability, the UN has generally failed and often been irrelevant, with the crucial understandings reached between the great powers directly. In an age of increased international polarization, the UN will remain of only modest utility and Canada would be better advised to forward its values and interests primarily through other multilateral vehicles, working with like-minded states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to Kerry Buck and Michael W. Manulak's recommendations for the future of the UN, this essay highlights two problems that Canada faces in its current UN engagement. First, diplomacy and Global Affairs Canada are underfunded. Second, Canadian leadership has failed to adequately meet the political challenges of twenty-first century multilateralism. Focusing on the second, I argue that Canada must address key political difficulties to make a meaningful difference in the future of the UN. Without a politically sound vision and policy, increased Canadian investment in the UN is insufficient. I propose three areas where Canada can shift its engagement and recommend further actions. These include: (1) Canada-US relations; (2) the UN Charter and international law; and (3) Canada's relationship with the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fostering trust in international relations is a critically important yet challenging endeavour. Over recent decades, trust deficits among states have intensified and become more widespread, resulting in a systemic condition of pervasive mistrust. The United States (US)-People's Republic of China (PRC) rivalry has played a pivotal role in generating this pervasive mistrust, as states pursue hedging strategies to mitigate their actual or potential vulnerabilities and safeguard their autonomy. A trust-building strategy is needed to counteract the detrimental effects of pervasive mistrust and bolster multilateralism in order to address critical global challenges in the 'dangerous 2020s'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores conflicting national perspectives and evolution of World Trade Organisation (WTO) through a flexible systems approach. It explores international trade system's conflicting thesis antithesis of global trade regimes/regional trade agreements vis-a-vis national perspective/interest. The multilateral trade framework acts as a facilitator for equal trade norms for all, accidentally creating a barrier for several developing and less developed nations to participate in the "free trade regime". Literary evidence suggests these nations participate in the regional trade agreements (RTAs) which may not be very beneficial for the nations participating in it. Adding to the damage, these countries distance themselves from WTO, heading for another dent on their economy. In the era of globalisation appearing like a "Zero Sum Game" for economies and therefore, a system in an institutional framework essentially desires "flexibility" and change with changing times. When an organisation gets nudged by the diverse views of its members and detects belligerence and discontent among member nations, it is time for organisational change, a change in the current institutional paradigm towards organisational flexibility. To explore these conflicting perspectives, the grounded theory methodology has been used in this study. The research design is exploratory in nature. Using judgemental and snowball sampling of international experts in the area of multilateral trade and international trade negotiations, the thematic coding paradigm has been drawn. The process has been iterated, and cross-validation has been done with the literature after deploying grounded theory methodology. Subsequent, open, axial, and selective coding has been performed and data triangulation for validation of themes has been done. In addressing the dominant theme evolved from the study, the institutional crevice within the global trading system requires a comprehensive approach. This begins with reinstating conducive conditions for negotiating global trade liberalisation and facilitating consensus among WTO member countries with modernised regulatory framework and augments its global decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the renewed importance of bilateralism for the UK's engagement with individual EU member states in relation to security and defence policy. By systematically scrutinising the bilateral agreements with 18 EU countries concluded between the EU membership referendum in 2016 and the end of Boris Johnson's premiership in 2022, we argue that the United Kingdom currently finds itself in the process of transitioning from one policy regime (multilateralism) to another (bilateralism); we try to make sense of this strategy by looking at it through the lens of four key aspects stemming from regime theory, namely (1) triggering factors; (2) institutional design and adaptation; (3) path dependency; and (4) regime sustainability. The analysis shows how the sustainability of a purely bilateral regime, with its high degree of customisation and intrinsic reliance on specific reciprocity, is precarious, albeit while leaving open the possibility to incorporate a future multilateral component. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International organisations (IOs) have never been more authoritative and potentially agential while simultaneously faced more intense threats to their continued existence. Amid these dialectic conditions, this article identifies a novel type of behaviour: IO Survival Politics. IO Survival Politics occurs when senior institutional actors perceive the organisation to face an existential threat and, in response, employ extraordinary strategies to ensure the organisation's continued existence. Survival Politics thus differs both in degree and kind from the ways in which secretariats exercise influence during conditions of normal policymaking. Two case studies illustrate the concept: (1) the European Commission's response to Brexit and (2) NATO's response to President Trump's withdrawal threats. Drawing on 87 interviews with senior officials, the article shows that IO Survival Politics occurs across a range of diverse IOs in face of diverse threats and can be a crucial factor in determining the fate of IOs in crisis. By conceptualising IO Survival Politics, the article intends to open new avenues for research and advance scholarly understanding of IOs and the crisis of multilateralism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the distinctive features of Latin American regionalism by examining its rhetorical justifications during the onset of the COVID-19 crisis. The pandemic offered an exceptional opportunity to witness the professed role of regional organizations in the Global South as bridges between national and international systems: how this role is discursively constructed and the practical limitations it faces in times of disruption. We address different attempts to (self-)justify the relevance of regionalist visions, analyzing how three (inter-)regional organizations of the Americas reacted discursively to the global public health crisis: the Common Market of the South (Mercosur), the Organization of American States (OAS), and the Ibero-American Summits (SEGIB). We examine three features that have traditionally shaped Latin American visions of regionalism: coping with world hegemony; striving for regional autonomy; and expressing transnational solidarity. The findings provide insights for further understanding the legitimation of regional and global governance under conditions of uncertainty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Covering two-thirds of the ocean and half of the planet's surface, the high seas are increasingly the focus of commercial activity and conservation ambitions. Contrary to narratives of a lawless frontier, they are governed by a dense network of sectoral institutions for shipping, fisheries, and other industries, although these collectively deal with conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity in a fragmented and uneven manner. These gaps were the subject of nearly 20 years of negotiation, resulting in the adoption of the Agreement on Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine Biological Diversity of Areas Beyond National Jurisdiction in June 2023. The Agreement was designed to address access and benefit sharing associated with marine genetic resources; the establishment of area-based management tools such as marine protected areas, Environmental Impact Assessments, and capacity building; and the transfer of marine technology. Achieving coherence across public and private governance mechanisms will be a significant challenge as human activity increases on the high seas, but it is key to achieving ocean sustainability goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Egypt's recent decision to address its disputes with Iran can be attributed to certain factors, including international and regional developments, as well as President al-Sisi's pursuit of stability and economic growth. Sisi's tactical shift toward Iran to revive Tehran-Cairo relations has surprised not only foreign policy institutions in Tehran but also Egypt's closest allies. On the other hand, the Global South-oriented multilateralism of the 13th Iranian government also caused Iran to pay attention to restoring relations with Egypt. The current research aims to explore the benefits and obstacles associated with the revival of relations between Egypt and Iran. The question arises whether Egypt and Iran are moving toward restoring diplomatic relations after several decades of disconnection. We propose the following hypothesis in response. This decision stems from al-Sisi's foreign policy that prioritizes safeguarding his regime, enhancing international freedom of action, and broadening Egypt's alliances despite potential conflicts with other countries' interests. Despite numerous obstacles, Egypt has chosen to engage in dialogue with Tehran rather than resorting to confrontation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations (UN) Summit of the Future was a once-in-a-decade summit to work on UN reform. This article studies the Summit from the perspective of the broader crisis of liberal international order as well as the lifecycle of international organizations. It identifies the leadership by Secretary-General Guterres as critical in terms of agenda-setting but also preparing the road towards the Summit. It furthermore stresses the embedding of the UN in a much broader external network of like-minded actors which have helped to increase the momentum of the Summit. It argues that the proposals by the Secretary-General should be considered an innovative attempt at institutional layering. Adding new governance layers, addressing common problems, clearly made sense to the UN, yet this approach was ultimately weakened in the inter-state negotiations between the member states leading up to the Summit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States has helped create and lead many international organizations (IOs). Yet in the last six years, the US announced its withdrawal from several IOs including the World Health Organization, UNESCO, and the Universal Postal Union. Do Americans care about US withdrawals from IOs? When do Americans support withdrawing from IOs and support candidates who propose this? We argue that Americans' support for multilateralism tends to divide along party lines, and that IO withdrawal can activate those preferences. We also argue that framing an IO withdrawal as benefiting US national interests can make Americans more likely to favor IO exit. Data from four US survey experiments during the 2016–2020 Trump administration support these arguments. Democrats tend to oppose IO withdrawals while Republicans tend to support them. Further, results show that IO withdrawal (and how it is framed) affects candidate choice and policy support. This suggests that announcing IO withdrawal can be used to rally domestic electoral support. Still, the data also show that a large proportion of the US public values remaining in IOs, even when IOs are imperfect or challenging. In these cases, we note that sunk cost fallacies, status quo bias, and loss aversion may pose friction points for supporting withdrawal. Our findings have important implications for research on public opinion about international cooperation, backlash against IOs, and their life cycles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since its inception, the United Nations (UN) system has been instrumental in fulfilling the objectives of the UN Charter. Despite these successes, environmental degradation has escalated to critical levels especially in the last six decades. The prevailing development model, reliant on infinite natural resource extraction, is unjust and unsustainable. Growing scientific evidence on planetary boundary warns that this unbalanced developmental model is driving the humanity toward irreversible damage to essential ecological processes. Radical transformations and extraordinary cooperation among nations are required to reverse these. This paper argues that the UN system is critical in facilitating this extraordinary cooperation and charting pathways to a sustainable planetary future by harnessing its convening power, scientific & technical expertise and global presence. To achieve this, the UN must strive for stable and sustainable pathways as a common good by all the 193 member states. This commitment will require structural reforms, robust governance architecture, strengthened multilateralism, and, above all, moving away from artificial geographical boundaries while recognizing the critical role of the UN member states. As a corollary, the UN needs to build capacity and assist sovereign states in translating the ambitious action plans for our planetary future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the ambivalent stance of Latin American governments towards Russia's actions in Ukraine. Using Proyecto Élites Parlamentarias de la Universidad de Salamanca (PELA‐USAL) data, it explores ideological self‐placement, Putin's approval and alliance preferences among Latin American Members of Parliament, highlighting the influence of anti‐imperialism and multilateralism on their international alignments and support for Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit (2023) in virtual format only exposed the growing disconnect between India and the members of this multilateral framework. Given the precarious state of India's relations with its immediate neighbors, China and Pakistan, and the growing camaraderie between Beijing and Moscow, this article examines the reasons behind New Delhi's continued need to engage with this multilateral framework. While India seeks to use the SCO as a "bridge" to improve its ties with Central Asian nations and act as a "check and balance" within the organization, Beijing's ascendancy as the "primary" external actor in the Af‐Pak and Central Asia region has meant that India's ability to gain advantages from its association with the SCO will be severely limited. As the protracted war in Ukraine continues unabated, India's attempts to find a "middle ground" between competing interests and principles will be put to the test. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While international historians and policy practitioners regularly highlight the utility of multilateral diplomacy as a quintessential "strategy of the weak," International Relations (IR) scholars have generally downplayed the impact of diplomatic choices. The tools within IR theory to assess the impact of diplomacy remain underdeveloped, contributing to an inability to account for a highly proximate source of international influence. This article argues for a theoretical reengagement with the subject of multilateral diplomacy and, using insights from Social Network Analysis, develops a Diplomatic Impact Framework. Building on the novel concept of replaceability, the article contributes theoretically to the literature on diplomacy, as well as on small and middle powers. This framework captures the fundamentally relational character of diplomacy, isolating analytically this form of structural power from the influence conferred by superior material or institutional resources. Drawing extensively on a multinational collection of diplomatic documents and first-hand accounts, this multidisciplinary article probes the plausibility of the framework through a detailed comparative case study of Canada's diplomatic influence at the United Nations General Assembly throughout two international security crises: the Korean War and the Suez Crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research shows that information cues influence public opinion on international cooperation, yet it is unclear whether all cues are equally effective in the context of a global crisis. This paper sheds light on this issue by analysing how frames in public discourse influence support for multilateral vaccine cooperation during Covid‐19. Building on research on in‐group favouritism, decision‐making under uncertainty, and public support for multilateralism, the paper argues that frames emphasizing vaccine nationalism are more potent than those emphasizing international cooperation and that nationalist political identities moderate these framing effects. An original survey experiment in the United Kingdom confirms this argument and shows that public support for multilateralism is substantial but vulnerable. A vaccine nationalism frame reduces support for multilateralism, while an international cooperation frame has no effect. Moreover, 'Brexit identities' moderate this framing effect, with 'Leavers' being more susceptible to the detrimental effect of the vaccine nationalism frame than 'Remainers'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On August 31, 2021, Joe Biden announced officially the drawdown of the United States military forces from Afghanistan war indicating the end of the longest war in American history for 20 years. This study posits that Biden's speech serves as a means of political engagement not only as the announcement of a decision but also as the cultivation of a shared perspective and consciousness on the role and position of the United States and its allies in the Afghanistan war. This study aims at examining the representation of social actors in his speech using van Leeuwen's approach of critical discourse analysis (van Leeuwen, 2008). This study investigates the ways how the social actors are depicted in the speech and uncovers the underlying ideology behind their portrayal. According to the result, the dominance of inclusion strategies (84.1%) indicates various ways of portrayal the social actors either. The recontextualization of the Afghanistan war in the speech is constructed significantly by beliefs and attitudes of social actors within US sides. The speech expresses the role of the current president, US forces and government aiming at the shape of public opinion positively for the future of Americans and the latest national interest of United States Furthermore, this speech emphasizes the American foreign policy during Biden's administration about the multilateralism. Its implementation is proposing the diplomacy, specifically using non-military means to protect the human rights and build strong international collaboration. Biden's decision to end the Afghan war is a deliberate attempt to promote peace and stability in the United States by focusing on its future rather than dwelling on the past.

Feminist foreign policy is analyzed in the speeches published on two international conflicts in some government accounts of Colombia, Spain, Argentina, and El Salvador. To do so, a statistical analysis of the discourse and categorization of emotions was used in more than 2000 messages on the social network X. Colombia and Spain show a more significant commitment to the multilateral agenda and use characteristics of a feminist foreign policy. However, they approach the conflicts of Russia-Ukraine (Spain) and Palestine-Israel (Colombia) differently. Regarding the emotional tone, negative emotions (hatred, distrust, anger) predominate --particularly in Colombia-- and in the case of positive emotions, trust --predominantly in Colombia and El Salvador--. The implications of the findings for adopting feminist foreign policy are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As artificial intelligence (AI) technologies spread worldwide, international discussions have increasingly focused on their consequences for democracy, human rights, fundamental freedoms, security, and economic and social development. In this context, UNESCO's Recommendation on the Ethics of Artificial Intelligence, adopted in November 2021, has emerged as the first global normative framework for AI development and deployment. The intense negotiations of every detail of the document brought forth numerous controversies among UNESCO member states. Drawing on a unique set of primary sources, including written positions and recorded deliberations, this article explains the achievement of global compromise on AI regulation despite the multiplicity of UNESCO member-state positions representing a variety of liberal and sovereignist preferences. Building upon Boltanski's pragmatic sociology, it conceptualizes the practice of multilateral negotiations and attributes the multilateral fragile agreements to two embedded therein compromises: Structural normative hybridity and situated normative ambiguity allowed to accomplish a compromise by linking macro-normative structures with situated debates of multilateral negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As countries formerly deemed to be "developing" and relatively powerless begin to exert more influence in global arenas, fresh attention is being paid by Western policymakers as well as scholars to the possibility of the creation of a multipolar system that is shaping up to be a highly diverse one. To assess whether this incipient multipolarity can be sustained, it is important to examine the evolving diplomatic strategies of the nations of the Global South, in particular their reliance on multilateral mechanisms for normative guidance and tangible gains. This requires an examination of the content of the foreign policies of current and potential leading nations of the Global South, not only those that are fortunate enough to exert influence at the global level, but also those that are in key positions at the regional and subregional levels. A study of selected leading countries found that organizational membership and leadership, regionalism, nonalignment, multialignment, and agility in adopting and operationalizing norms such as South-South cooperation and environmentalism are among the key strategies that are being employed by Global South states in their efforts to gain visibility in global affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Interventions Économiques is the property of Association d'Economie Politique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Preferential trade agreements (PTAs) are generally understood to promote political cooperation between members. I argue that institutional exclusion can damage political cooperation between members and non-members. Preferential trade agreements reflect strategic considerations, enabling countries to promote new trade norms, strengthen diplomatic networks, and redirect commercial flows to allies. Excluded countries are denied these benefits and may possibly be targeted by members. Thus, excluding PTAs may be perceived as threats. The record of the Trans-Pacific Partnership illustrates the theory. Statistical analysis of the near-universe of PTAs and countries' voting affinities in the United Nations General Assembly supports the argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The closure of the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) in December 2023 marked the end of Germany's largest personnel contribution to a UN peace mission in a decade. Given Germany's post-war history, its role as a middle power, and its status as the world's third-largest economy, multilateral action plays a crucial role in its foreign policy. The UN, as a global organization, is an indispensable pillar of Germany's multilateral orientation. Germany's generally cautious participation in UN peacekeeping occurs against the backdrop of a mixed record of UN missions and recurring reform discussions within the UN system. The German experiences from MINUSMA—including its abrupt end at the behest of the Malian government without improving civilian security—will influence future national mandate debates on German involvement in UN operations. This article analyzes the reasons for Germany's withdrawal from UN peacekeeping using the MINUSMA mission as a case study, within the context of the concept of multilateralism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The strengthening of the relationship between India and Africa has yielded mutual benefits and has opened up new vistas of cooperation. Given the evolving global order and the growing traction of China in Africa, this article examines the potential for New Delhi to become a significant player in the region, considering the opportunities and limitations of the India-Africa partnership. This article presents the argument that the disparity in capabilities between New Delhi and Beijing, along with Africa's strategy of 'hedging', may hinder India's progress in achieving its broader objectives of seeking to expand its footprint across the globe. In particular, even with its reputation as a 'vishwaguru' and a 'vishwa bandhu', India may lack the capability to significantly woo African countries to support its stance on 'hard' security issues. Worryingly, the lack of robust 'people-to-people' connections further limits India's ability to expand its influence on the African continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amid the evolving global economic landscape, the BRICS nations (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) have emerged as proponents of economic multilateralism, challenging traditional paradigms of economic governance and integration. This article explores the prospects and challenges of economic integration among the BRICS nations, with specific reference to calls for an optimum currency area (OCA). With diverse economic capacities and global aspirations, these countries face significant challenges in policy coordination and structural alignment. This comprehensive literature analysis reveals the potential for and the complexity of achieving economic integration among the BRICS, underscoring the necessity for enhanced cooperation and policy harmonisation. Achieving economic integration, including the establishment of a common currency, requires an understanding of the national and collective economic goals, disparities and challenges. Offering insights into the BRICS' role in reshaping the global economic system, this analysis contributes to the discourse on economic integration among developing and emerging economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2021 UNESCO report Reimagining Our Futures Together presented a compelling case for establishing a new social contract on education that addresses the persistent exclusion of vulnerable individuals and ensures that knowledge and learning contribute to a more sustainable future. Research literature highlights a global trend towards replacing "hard" with "soft" governance in education, whereby legally binding procedures are replaced by advice and persuasion. The report analyzed how this trend is amplified by the current spread of datafication and digitalization in the field of education, as well as by the increasing role of non-state actors, as exemplified by the early childhood care and education (ECCE) sector. In response to this analysis, this article proposes that the risk of developing a commercial model of soft governance can be moderated by creating an innovative, networked approach to educational governance, led by UNESCO as a global convenor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Debates and controversies surrounding the conceptualisation and conduct of US foreign policy during the George W. Bush presidency (2001–2009) are hardy perennials in scholarly discourse. This short introduction to the collection of articles that follows identifies and briefly discusses key underlying and connecting themes: the Bush administration's approach and attitude to multilateralism, the hegemonic unipolarity impulse underpinning its policy approaches, and a consistent interest in great power politics and relations. Appreciating the significance of these can help us to better understand and explain the main drivers behind Bush foreign policies as well as in evaluating the ways and extent to which the latter have continued to influence and inform policy approaches pursued by Bush's three successors to date. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global economic institutions that grew from the Bretton Woods conference of 1944 aimed to create a cooperative policy environment conducive to recovery, development, continuing prosperity, social stability, and democracy. Prominent in the minds of the architects were the macroeconomic and trade policy coordination failures of the 1930s, which accompanied a world depression and the march towards the Second World War. The assumption of 'embedded liberalism' underlying Bretton Woods gave way to a much more market-oriented system by the early 1990s, fuelling strong growth in several large emerging markets and a period of hyperglobalization—but also social tensions in advanced economies. The result has been a changed geopolitical balance in the world as well as a backlash against aspects of globalization in many richer countries, notably the main sponsor of post-war international cooperation, the United States. At the same time, global cooperation is threatened despite the emergence of a broader range of shared global threats requiring joint action. The rich industrial countries that dominate the existing multilateral institutions should recognize them as being instrumental for channelling superpower competition into positive-sum outcomes that can also attract broad-based international support. However, leveraging those institutions will require buy-in from middle- and low-income countries, as well as from domestic political constituencies in advanced economies. The future of multilateralism depends on reconciling these potentially conflicting imperatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) is entering a period of unprecedented challenge. Countries need its assistance to deal with debt distress, the post-Covid development crisis, new threats of financial instability, and the fallout of a decade of unconventional monetary policy. But the IMF faces two challenges of its own. As powerful countries 'reset' the rules on which the IMF's work proceeds, it must build a new paradigm for advising its borrowers. Equally, as those same powerful countries show less willingness to cooperate with each other in international organizations, the IMF must keep them involved and working together within the institution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Simple Summary: Intergenerational justice entitles future generations to the maximum retention of Earth's biodiversity. The 2022 United Nations COP 15, "Ecological Civilisation: Building a Shared Future for All Life on Earth", aims to safeguard 30% of Earth's terrestrial environment by 2030, and COP 28 addressed the climate catastrophe. Reproduction biotechnologies, biobanks, and conservation breeding programs (RBCs) are also needed to perpetuate amphibian diversity and prevent extinctions. We focused this review on three core themes: the need and potential of RBCs to satisfy sustainability goals, the technical state and current application of RBCs, and how to achieve the future potentials of RBCs in a rapidly evolving environmental and cultural landscape. The full potential of amphibian RBCs requires a democratic, globally inclusive organisation that focuses on developing facilities in the regions with the highest amphibian diversity. Intergenerational justice entitles the maximum retention of Earth's biodiversity. The 2022 United Nations COP 15, "Ecological Civilisation: Building a Shared Future for All Life on Earth", is committed to protecting 30% of Earth's terrestrial environments and, through COP 28, to mitigate the effects of the climate catastrophe on the biosphere. We focused this review on three core themes: the need and potential of reproduction biotechnologies, biobanks, and conservation breeding programs (RBCs) to satisfy sustainability goals; the technical state and current application of RBCs; and how to achieve the future potentials of RBCs in a rapidly evolving environmental and cultural landscape. RBCs include the hormonal stimulation of reproduction, the collection and storage of sperm and oocytes, and artificial fertilisation. Emerging technologies promise the perpetuation of species solely from biobanked biomaterials stored for perpetuity. Despite significant global declines and extinctions of amphibians, and predictions of a disastrous future for most biodiversity, practical support for amphibian RBCs remains limited mainly to a few limited projects in wealthy Western countries. We discuss the potential of amphibian RBCs to perpetuate amphibian diversity and prevent extinctions within multipolar geopolitical, cultural, and economic frameworks. We argue that a democratic, globally inclusive organisation is needed to focus RBCs on regions with the highest amphibian diversity. Prioritisation should include regional and international collaborations, community engagement, and support for RBC facilities ranging from zoos and other institutions to those of private carers. We tabulate a standard terminology for field programs associated with RBCs for publication and media consistency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article adopts a systemic-impact understanding of middle power as an analytical framework to provide a nuanced understanding of Look East Policy under the Raisi administration. It analyses three aspects of Raisi administration's policy in the regional context of (Eur)Asia: (1) embrace of 'Asian multilateralism' (2) ideational strategy drawing on Iran's identity as a civilizational State and a civilizational conception of Asia (3) projection of Iran as a 'bridge' connecting transcontinental connectivity initiatives by China, Russia and India. It concludes that Iran is driven by twin objectives of establishing itself as an independent regional power, while helping shape a post-Western, multilateral economic and security order in (Eur)Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior to the 2023 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change conference (hosted in Dubai) there were summits of global, so-called 'multipolar' and continental-African elites. An assessment offers the basis for pessimism about low-income African communities' ability to withstand further extreme weather events. In the Brazil-Russia-India-China-South Africa bloc, as well as in African Union, G20 and United Nations summiting in recent months, self-interest and internecine competition prevailed. A reassertion of climate justice and an expansion of African activism are in order, with some oppositional seeds beginning to bear fruit in even the most brazen sub-imperial climate power, South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]