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"The focus of this paper is represented by the display of female and male clothing pieces as well as luxurious ornaments, from the premodern and modern collections of The National History Museum of Transylvania, as exhibited in the temporary exhibition Cornucopia. Luxury in Transylvanian noble world.1 The aim is to underline the challenges the conservators had in mounting the items of dress, while considering the conservation restrictions (the mounting would not damage the object) as well as display requirements (an appropriate arranging of historic clothing). In order to properly display the dresses’ relationship with the human silhouette and due to the fact that some of the objects required prior restoration, the mounting itself proved to be extremely challenging. Since the exhibition’s curators had to work with a tight budget, that also meant that the costumes had to be mounted on standard sized, commercially available dress stands, as opposed to acquiring ‘museum mannequins,’ specifically designed to dress every individual object. Therefore, modern dress stands were adapted to fit the historical and archaeological garments: they were carved, cut‑down, padded, while under‑structures were created using horizontal and vertical tubes of cotton filled with puffed wadding sewn onto the inside of an underskirt‑like structure; as a result, the mounted mannequins, captured the body‑dress relationship the curators wanted, while, at the same time, considering the conservation and display requirements."

Being in an anniversary year (90 years since the National Ethnographic Park was founded that bears the name of its founder: Romulus Vuia) and we consider that a good way to render homage to the Romanian ethnographer's personality is to make some observations on a short study from his youth, published by Romulus Vuia in Dacoromania Magazine in 1922, a study entitled ”The Origin of the Călușari folk dance”. Therefore the lines below try to point out some of the important, relevant and sustainable aspects from Vuia's study, a study that I place among the ethnology studies of the dance that marked the perception of an archaic Romanian ceremonial practice: Căluș.

The workpiece approached in this paper is part of the category of port textiles (head adornment), with the purpose of emphasizing the social and economic status, but it also has a decorative role. The bonnet comes from the Odorheiul Secuiesc area and can be dated between 1880-1910. When the bonnet first entered the restoration laboratory it was investigated and the following degradations were found: functional wear, dust and dirt deposits, aging and brittleness of the fabric thread, dehydration and stiffening of the embroidery thread, stains of unknown origin, not very visible, improper interventions. The restoration work started with the dry mechanical cleaning of the workpiece, which was performed using the Minivacuum cleaner. Before the wet cleaning operation, the ribbons, bottoms and all the decorative elements of the piece, paper flowers, were disassembled, each component being cleaned and consolidated independently. The drying was controlled, the silk ribbons were dried on a glass support, and for the rest of the workpiece was made a drying support, which imitates the shape of the head. Together with the museologist, it was decided to coat the entire piece with transparent material (creplină) for the exterior, and a cotton cloth was used for the interior.

The paper describes the state of conservation of an oil painted icon on wooden support, with the theme “Mother of God of Sorrows”, from the collection of the Transylvanian Museum of Ethnography, presenting the degradations forms, and also describes the restoration stages,Troșan characterized by specific techniques and materials. The icon was painted in 1840 according to an inscription written on the back of the object.

The villages on Argeș river upper valley, some of them having a population of Transylvanian origin, have developed a type of shepherding determined by specific spatial coordinates: the boundary of the settlements is relatively reduces, the arable lands occupies small areas and there are no crops alternating with the parcels left to rest, factors that make it impossible to feed flocks in the border, during the summer time. As a compensation, the villages are in the proximity of Făgăraș Mountains, which generously offer alpine pastures for drowning. These conditions together with the zonal climate gave rise to a specific time coordinate describing the mountain-pendulatory system for sheep breeding specific also to the pre-mountain villages of Albeștii de Argeș commune, to a pastoral calendar and to a schedule that mark the pastoral day in this area. This time coordinate presents the following features: 1. Low-scale agriculture does not significantly condition the time sequences specific to the pastoral process, temporal limitations imposed on grazing being generated by the need to preserve the meadows. 2. The period of exploitation of the sheep's lactating potential is relatively short, probably due to a weaker autumn feeding determined by the lack of large miriște (agricultural plot where inferior parts of the cereal stalks or from other cultivated plants) and porumbiști (plot that was previously cultivated with corn) at the border of the village. 3. The degree of agricultural involvement of the sheep is low, not very strictly regulated and it is reduced only to the autumn interval. 4. Neither the pastoral calendar nor the pastoral day hours are subordinated to the rigors imposed by măsuriș (spring custom to measure the sheep milk in order to decide the quantity of milk products that belongs to each sheeps’ owner) and by the daily distribution of the milk to the associates („the turn to milk”), the system of dividing the products towards the owner being simplu, „on sheep’s head”. 5. Programming of the litters depends mostly on the optimal date, from the economic point of view, for sacrificing of the lambs and on the needs to leave enough time for lamps from the lamb birth till climbing lambs on the mountain.

The Transylvanian Museum of Ethnographic started an extensive multi-annual digitization program for museum heritage, designed to protect and value the Institution's negatives and slides on glass and celluloid. We ensure the saving and continuation of the existence in time of a very valuable and rare heritage through the conservation and protection activities of the negatives and slides on the glass and celluloid.

The authors aim to present to the interested public some moments of the valorification activity of the folk heritage by organising some exhibitions abroad in the period 1924-1956. From Brussels to Prague, from London to Vienna, Frankfurt or Geneva, from Paris to Sweden, the collections and artefacts of the Romanian folk culture have crossed and impressed the world. In addition, the article contains brief presentations of the events to which the Transylvanian Museum of Ethnography contributed with artefacts of its collections, and also part of the papers, correspondence, briefly minutes, the way of work in the mentioned period. The organisation, the way of cooperation between institutions and the responsibility of the ones involved in the transport of the artefacts are presented in this article. Not least, the paper presents information about the collections and artefacts lost, disappeared or damaged during the period they were abroad. We think that the topic can be an example of good practice nowadays through the interest, concern and seriousness with which the ethnographic collections were treated by the specialists and also the paper is a proof of the fact that the collections and artefacts of the Transylvanian Museum of Ethnography have been recognised abroad.

Romulus Vuia, the founder of Transylvanian Museum of Ethnography (founded in 1922) is a famous personality of the begining of the 20th century’s in Transylvania. As a museum founder and director, as a university professor, he was very active in academic life. He represented Romania at international congresses and conferences between 1924 and 1944 and his whole activity was, in a way, aimed to create a good image of Romanian traditional culture abroad, fact that is shown also in the German language press from Germany, in 1944.

Analyzing the historical, juridical and ethnographical information about treasures, the author points out at the links between the treasure legends and the mythologies of the Otherworld. The treasures, in their most archaic identifiable aspects, are a part of the Otherworld reality. The access to it is regulated by a system of rules governed by forgotten divinities of the underworld and, also, is a result of a form of initiation. One of the basic rules of treasure finding is that of non-intentionality, of the complete absence of any desire for enrichment. Also, there can be found interesting forms of the coincidence of the opposite, and in this respect, we can quote quite frequent situations in which Vâlva (spirit/deity protecting the treasure) appears to women in the form of a man and to men in the form of a woman. Treasure legends reveal a set of ethical rules and another set of archaic magic practices, all of which representing disparate survivals of ancient belief systems. The magical treasure-seeking rituals are recorded in both the occult / scholar literature and the folk traditions, and the burning of treasures at important dates associated with the great Christian feasts also refer to a belief system in which the treasure mythology plays an important place. The connection between the treasure and the religious holidays is also an indication of the relationship between the opening of treasures and a belief system that has as its central point the communication with the Otherworld.

A nu arăta o operă de artă înseamnă a nu-i permite să fiinţeze. (Boris Groys) Museums and their public haven’t always been as we know them today. In 17th century, curiosity cabinets (mirabilia) have been realized by nobles and aristocrats; the only public of these cabinets was the collector and his fellows, belonging to the same social class. The first museums as public institutions appear in 18th century, continuing to develop during 19th century, but their image and accessibility is very different from nowadays. The situation changes after the World War II, when appear a lot of theoretical studies about museums and their public. The Museum-Temple is transforming into Museum-Forum, where every member of the community must feel represented. In the second part of the article we realized a classification of the museums and a description of each specific class which form this cultural diversity: art museums, history museums, anthropology museum, natural history museums, technical museums, monetary museums. Historical and contemporary examples of museums can be found through this study.

The authors present some legal habits found in the answers sent to the legal questionnaires of B. P. Hașdeu (1877) and I. Mușlea (1938). In the first part named the Village, the authors present on the basis of the information found in the answers to the questionnaires from 1877 to 1938 the ways of villages establishment: very old, from the giants’ time, set up by the shepherds as temporary shelters, by groups of persons who left their native localities for various reasons, by landowners in order to have a workforce on their properties, through administrative measures, etc. There are presented the ways of getting the territory and delimitation by landmarks as well as the connection between this territory and the members of the community. There are also presented the social differences between the villages of free peasants and the ones with dependent peasants before and after the abolition of the serfdom as well as the elements of the belonging territory (the hearth of the village, the arable fields, the meadows, the pastures, the forest, the roads of communications). In the end of the first part, the authors present the ways of defending the property in the traditional village. In the second part, the Courts of Law and the Causes of Judgement in the Romanian village in the 19th century, after showing that at the introduction of the Civil Codes, the norms of coexistence between the members of the Romanian rural communities were coordinated by the church and lay courts on the basis of some customs and habits transmitted from generation to generation. The church, by its representatives, priests, was able to guide and control application of the rules of Christian coexistence, to give forgiveness of punishments. Based on some documents, the authors present ways of choosing the village priests, the material and moral rights and obligations in the village communities as well as the duties of believers. Concerning the lay authorities of judgements, there are presented ways of choosing their members, before and after the abolition of serfdom, the causes under the judgement and the punishments.

In 2009, a project funded by AFCN proposed for the first time the development of a methodology for the cultural integration of persons with visual impairments and its application to museum techniques, the outputs of which was a tactile exhibition having a permanent character. In the project "BaGMIVI PROJECT: Bridging the Gap between Museums and Individuals with Visual Impairment", the Transylvanian Museum of Ethnography has proposed the development and deepening of certain areas, presented briefly in the tactile exhibition through museum educational activities.

The paper presents some important aspects of the restoration- conservation process of a painted canvas, belonging to Ştefan Popescu, a romanian painter, whose creation, at the beginning of the 20th century, was famous especially through its landscapes. Stylistic and technological aspects of the painting were analyzed. The painting depicts a realistic landscape, with a house and an imposing stone church. A detailed account of the conservation state of the painting prior the restoration was made. The actual restoration process started with the cleaning of the superficial dirt and dust from the back of the painting. After protecting the entire face of the painting (by applying the Japanese paper), the old patch on the back of the painting (covering a small area of torn canvas) was replaced with a new one. The cleaning process (the removal of the light dirt and the old varnish layer) was followed by the filling of all the gaps of the painted layer with putty. The chromatic integration and the final varnishing ended the restoration process of the painted canvas.

In order to preserve and restore the wooden icon “Bunavestire” belonging to the Transylvanian Museum of Ethnography, non-destrictive (XRF) and destructive (FTIR spectroscopy) investigation methods were employed. Spruce fir is the wood species for the icon and several painting materials were employed: Scheele green, diluted with lead white, red iron mixed with Vermillon, gold foil for gilded areas and copper oxide for black. For restoration malachite, titanium white, lead white, orpiment, lead yellow and red iron were employed. Before restoration a scientific investigation is necessary.

The traditional folk costume of the Romanian peasant is one of the identity marks specific to us as a people. This costume has both common elements and elements of distinction from one geographical area to the other. Nasaud region has succeeded to preserve the traditional costume almost the same as a hundred years ago. The economic life in the villages around Nasaud, the specific life, the piedmont and mountain climate, the existence of the military border for almost a hundred of years and the material needs specific to the peasant-soldiers were the factors that influenced the way of making the traditional costume. The Austrian military border had long term effects on the inhabitants’ evolution, on their emancipation, and it imposed in the inhabitants’ conscience the preservation of local traditions and the assertion of the national identity at the linguistic, literary, social, cultural, folkloric level.

An event considered profane in the traditional Romanian village, the village dance is still little studied even today, despite the importance the event has had for the traditional socio-cultural life. In connection with an ethno-choreological interview, the paper aims to highlight some of the issues that we considered relevant to understanding the network of social and cultural significations surrounding the event - as it occured until the establishment of collectivization in a small ethnographic area (around Mociu village). In this respect, the paper discusses rules, prohibitions and customs governing the event; the connection between the establishment of communism and the disappearance of the event discussed here; the repertoire that was performed at the village dance and some observations on premarital importance of the village dance.

The authors present some aspects of the activity carried out by the Department and the Seminar of Ethnography and Folklore, in the context of celebrating nine decades since the inauguration. Setting up the Department was decided by the Commission for organizing the University of Cluj, but implementation of this decision was delayed by the lack of a material base (library, photograph library and film slide library), the lack of suitable space for seminar works, and not least because of titular’s absence. The authors further present the activity of the Ethnographic Museum of Transylvania to create the material base, of the Romanian Ethnographic Society for research and exploitation of popular culture, and G. Vâlsan’s activity to train specialists. Finally, we presented courses held within the Department and the work done in the Seminar, indicating themes of the papers presented by students.

La zone ethnographique Codru, située au nord de la Transylvanie, est un espace bien délimité du point de vue ethnographique, avec des caractéristiques qui le définissent clairement, mais aussi avec de fortes influences de Ţara Chioarului, de Oaş ou de la zone Crişul Repede. En ce qui concerne le nom de la zone, Codru, les scientifiques ont conclu que le nom provient des vastes forêts de feuillus, forêts qui sont mentionnés dans les premiers documents médiévaux qui font référence à cet espace. Au fil du temps, le relief et le climat ont permis le développement d'une économie basée autant sur l'agriculture que sur l'élevage du bétail. Parmi les créations de la culture populaire de la zone Codru, le costume populaire occupe une place tout à fait particulière. Sobre ou bien coloré, il a marqué la joie et la tristesse, la jeunesse et la vieillesse, le mariage et les funérailles, ce qui représente un document des métiers liés à sa création : le traitement des fils, la teinture, le tissage, la couture, la broderie et la fabrication des touloupes ou des vêtements d’hiver en étoffe de laine feutrée. Grâce aux pièces spécifiques vêtues à l’occasion de certaines cérémonies, des coutumes liées au cycle de la vie ou aux saisons, le vêtement fait partie de la culture populaire de la région Codru de Maramures.

Der Autor beschreibt eine traditionelle Eindeckungstechnik, die bei allen alten bäuerlichen Wirtschaftsgebäuden mit krummen Sparren auf dem Gheţarplateau (Westkarpaten, Rumänien) bis in die Periode 1950-1955 verwendet wurde. Die krummen Sparren waren aus den Fichten mit einem Maximaldurchmesser von 18 cm verfertigt, die mit den krummen ausgegrabenen Wurzeln zusammen geerntet wurden. Nachdem die 7 Meter langen Sparrenpaare unten auf den cununi, mit “Schultern” in den “Nestern” und mit den Holzzapfen befestigt wurden, stützten ihre um 30-35 cm. geschnittenen krummen Wurzeln zwei waagrechte dünnere Balken (streşinare), die eine Plattform für die Dacheindeckung bildeten. Auf diese Plattform wurde zuerst eine 90-100 cm breite und etwa 60 cm große Schicht von Wacholderzweigen Stück für Stück gelegt (mit den Spitzen nach außen und mit der anderen Seite zwischen die Latten geflochten) und ständig festgetreten. Darüber wurde eine 10-12 cm große Schicht von Holzspänen gelegt und festgetreten. Diese Holzspäne (aşchii de văsărit) sind als Abfall während der Herstellung und der Verfeinerung der Faßdauben entstanden und wurden nur für Feuerentzündung und als Eindeckungsmaterial verwendet. Sie haben die Eigenschaft, dass sie rasch nass, aber ebenso rasch trocken werden, ohne zu verfaulen. Über die Holzspäneschicht wurde eine Schicht von frischen Fichtenzweigen (ebenso breit wie die Wacholderschicht, aber nur 8-10 cm hoch) Stück für Stück gelegt und ständig festgetreten. Die Fichtenzweige sind insbesondere mit den Spitzen nach außen und mit dem Hauptwind gerichtet und das andere Ende ist zwischen den Latten nach oben geflochten. Man legte aber einige Zweige auch längs neben den Latten, einerseits weil dieser Teil immer ein bisschen höher als Aussenteil der Reisigsschicht sein musste (um das Wasser ablaufen zu lassen), andererseits weil neben den Latten mehrere später getrocknete Nadeln über der Holzspänenschicht nötig waren, um das Dach dicht zu machen. Auch die Verbindung der Reisigschichten war in diesem Fall fester. Man wählte die Zweige von den Fichten, die am Rande der Wiesen wuchsen (de pă câmp), weil es “sanfter” (mai gras) ist. Wenn die Nadeln des Reisigs größer und dichter sind, machen sie die Holzspäneschicht, auf die sie getrocknet fallen, dichter. Die Schichten von Holzspänen und Fichtenzweigen wechseln bis 100 cm über die Spitze der Sparren. Die alten Informanten behaupten, dass die Breite der Schichten nach etwa 1,5 m über dem Vordach etwas größer sein muss, um das Dach steil zu machen. Sie behaupten auch, dass nur die vierte oder fünfte Reihe von Fichtenzweigen zwischen die Latten geflochten werden muss. So ist das Eindeckungsmaterial stabil genug und das Reisig „setzt sich“ besser und kompakter. Ganz oben, auf dem Dachkamm, der etwa 30-40 cm breit blieb, wurde eine Schicht von hölzernen Resten gelegt, die nach dem Hanfbrechen geblieben sind. Diese verfaulen sehr langsam und schützten eine lange Zeit den Kamm gegen Regen. Gegen den Wind wurde den Kamm entlang ein dünner Balken gelegt. Er wurde von Pfählen gestützt, die über ihn als Paar gekreuzt und schräg im Reisig befestigt sind. Drei Arbeiter bereiteten den Reisig vor (drei Dimensionen: kurz für die Schicht, länger für das Binden, sehr lang quer gelegt), die anderen zwei hoben das Reisig und die Holzspäne mit dem Schwengel, die anderen zwei schichteten das Material auf die Plattform. Für eine polygonale Scheune brauchte die Mannschaft drei Tage. Ein gutgemachtes Reisigdach hielt etwa 40 Jahre und konnte danach noch geflickt werden. Diese Form von Reisigdach ist einzigartig in Rumänien, und war in der Fachliteratur nicht erwähnt. Die Frage ist: warum ist das Dach mit den krummen Sparren und mit der Reisigeindeckung gerade auf dem Gheţarplateau und im oberen Ariestal entstanden? Meiner Meinung nach ist diese Form von Reisigdach mit der hiesigen Besiedlungsform und der hiesigen Hauptbeschäftigung in Verbindung. Im Gebirge, bei mutături (saisonale Unterkünfte), in einem Wald- Wiesengebiet, wo kein Stroh produziert wurde, wo Heu ungeeignet als Eindeckungsmaterial ist (es verfault schnell) und wo Schindeln viel zu teuer für das Dach saisonaler Wirtschaftsgebäude waren, war Fichtenreisig das einzige Eindeckungsmaterial, das billig und leicht zu finden war. Es war undicht, aber die Erfahrung der Bewohner hat diesen Nachteil beseitigt: sie haben die Holzspäne, die bei Mutături als Abfall nach dem Fassdaubebau blieb, als Eindeckungsmaterial benutzt, um zusammen mit Reisig das Dach dicht zu machen. Eine solche technische Idee konnte nur dort erschienen, wo es große Mengen von Holzspänen gab, also nur dort, wo die Hauptbeschäftigung der Bewohner der Holzgefäßebau war. Die Holzspäne und das Fichtenreisig brauchen aber eine breite Plattform, auf die sie geschichtet werden. Wo die Wirtschaftsgebäude eine Decke haben, bilden die Enden der Deckenquerbalken die Plattform, auf die das Eindeckungsmaterial (im Tal Stroh) geschichtet ist. Die saisonalen Wirtschaftsgebäude von Mutături hatten aber keine Decke. Wo die Deckenquerbalken fehlen, kann es eine Plattform aus mehreren kurzen (1 m langen) waagrechten Stangen sein, die mit einem Ende auf die unterste Latte der einfachen Sparren und mit demanderen unter dem obersten Balken der Wand befestigt wurden. Die Nachteile in diesem Fall waren, dass die nur mit Holzzapfen auf den Sparren befestigte Latte zu schwach für ein schweres Dach (wie Reisigdach) wurde und eine solche Plattform zu viel Handarbeit für eine saisonale Unterkunft brauchte. Die krummen Sparren waren in solchen Umständen die einzige einfache Lösung, eine Plattform für dieses sehr schwere Eindeckungsmaterial in Ermangelung der Deckenquerbalken zu gestalten. Es ist zu vermuten, dass diese Techniken zuerst bei den kleineren Bauten ausprobiert wurden und erst danach bei den großen Bauten benutzt wurden. Da für die Entstehung der zwei Techniken (krumme Sparren und Reisigdach) drei Bedingungen unerlässlich sind (gebirgiges Nadelholzgebiet, saisonale Unterkünfte und Holzgefäßebau als Hauptbeschäftigung der Bewohner), ist erklärbar, warum diese Techniken anderswo nicht gefunden wurden.

The authors present the less known activity held at the Transylvanian Museum of Ethnography from 1937 to 1957 towards: Research and Conservation of the Folk Cultural Heritage; Development of a network of ethnographic museums; Establishment of circles of ethnographic researches; Capitalisation through exhibitions and publications. For the research and preservation of the folk cultural heritage there were organised research and acquisition campaigns and there were made questionnaires for finding the buildings for the National park which unfortunately could not be completed because of the war, and after the war because of the political changes. The preservation and capitalisation of the folk heritage could be done successfully only by institutions and qualified individuals, so that the Museum intervened with the bodies of central and local authorities for the establishment of some museums or ethnographic sections in Iasi, Cernauti, Timisoara and Craiova and by ensuring qualified staff trained within the Department and Seminar of ethnography and folklore. An intense activity was made during 1939-1946 towards organizing Circles of ethnographic researches in the main cultural centres of the country, so that their union to re-establish the Romanian Ethnographic Society. The opening of the permanent exhibition in the building of Bărnuţiu Garden represented a very important moment for the Romanian museography by the implications it has had on the followings: the exhibition furniture, the theme and the exposure system, which represented a model for efforts of some institutions to present the collections of objects which they held between 1937-1940. The authors present then some aspects of Museum work during the refuge in Sibiu (1940-1945) and the difficulties for restoration of the building in the Park in order to organize the Exhibition following the model of the one in 1937. The change of political regime in 1947 coincided with the forced retirement of Professor R. Vuia. There are presented the attempts to continue in 1948-1950 the projects started after returning from refugee interrupted by the change of the director (May 1950) and of the staff (1951). In November 1951, by the Decision of the Committee for Higher Education, the Museum was passed to the Committee for Cultural Settlements, receiving the name "Historical-Ethnographic Museum of Cluj Region". In 1951, the Museum staff have drawn up a Directory for the organization of the new museum exhibition, which the authors, taking into account the fact that this is the only document on how a permanent exhibition theme is made, publishes in its entirety. The theme was sent to the Committee for Cultural Settlements that rejected and outlined the directions the exhibition named "The issue of living and evolution of the society beginning with human formation until nowadays " to be made. The intense discussions regarding the exhibition theme were held in 1953, after which it was established the thematic plan of the exhibition, which was opened on 24th of May 1955, for which it was made an illustrated guide that was to be printed in 1957.

The work that is subject to the restoration interventions presented in this article is a painting done in oil colors on cardboard. The subject of this painting is represented by a landscape with an isolated castle on a lake island, surrounded by mountains. The painting’s degradations cumulated multiple cracks and gap areas affecting the painting and the primer layers, together with areas of damage due to the painting’s exposure to excessive heat. The restoration operations (consolidation of the painting layers, the cleaning of the surface, filling the gaps in the primer and the chromatic integration of painting lacunae) have rendered the painting its original image.