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Individuals differ in their ability to perceive and learn unfamiliar speech sounds, but we lack a comprehensive theoretical account that predicts individual differences in this skill. Predominant theories largely attribute difficulties of non-native speech perception to the relationships between non-native speech sounds/contrasts and native-language categories. The goal of the current study was to test whether the predictions made by these theories can be extended to predict individual differences in naive perception of non-native speech sounds or learning of these sounds. Specifically, we hypothesized that the internal structure of native-language speech categories is the cause of difficulty in perception of unfamiliar sounds such that learners who show more graded (i.e., less categorical) perception of sounds in their native language would have an advantage for perceiving non-native speech sounds because they would be less likely to assimilate unfamiliar speech tokens to their native-language categories. We tested this prediction in two experiments in which listeners categorized speech continua in their native language and performed tasks of discrimination or identification of difficult non-native speech sound contrasts. Overall, results did not support the hypothesis that individual differences in categorical perception of native-language speech sounds is responsible for variability in sensitivity to non-native speech sounds. However, participants who responded more consistently on a speech categorization task showed more accurate perception of non-native speech sounds. This suggests that individual differences in non-native speech perception are more related to the stability of phonetic processing abilities than to individual differences in phonetic category structure.

Purpose: Sleep-based memory consolidation has been shown to facilitate perceptual learning of atypical speech input including nonnative speech sounds, accented speech, and synthetic speech. The current research examined the role of sleep-based memory consolidation on perceptual learning for noise-vocoded speech, including maintenance of learning over a 1-week time interval. Because comprehending noise-vocoded speech requires extensive restructuring of the mapping between the acoustic signal and prelexical representations, sleep consolidation may be critical for this type of adaptation. Thus, the purpose of this study was to investigate the role of sleep-based memory consolidation on adaptation to noise-vocoded speech in listeners without hearing loss as a foundational step toward identifying parameters that can be useful to consider for auditory training with clinical populations. Method: Two groups of normal-hearing listeners completed a transcription training task with feedback for noise-vocoded sentences in either the morning or the evening. Learning was assessed through transcription accuracy before training, immediately after training, 12 hr after training, and 1 week after training for both trained and novel sentences. Results: Both the morning and evening groups showed improved comprehension of noise-vocoded sentences immediately following training. Twelve hours later, the evening group showed stable gains (following a period of sleep), whereas the morning group demonstrated a decline in gains (following a period of wakefulness). One week after training, the morning and evening groups showed equivalent performance for both trained and novel sentences. Conclusion: Sleep-consolidated learning helps stabilize training gains for degraded speech input, which may hold clinical utility for optimizing rehabilitation recommendations.

Purpose: Individuals vary in their ability to learn the sound categories of nonnative languages (nonnative phonetic learning) and to adapt to systematic differences, such as accent or talker differences, in the sounds of their native language (native phonetic learning). Difficulties with both native and nonnative learning are well attested in people with speech and language disorders relative to healthy controls, but substantial variability in these skills is also present in the typical population. This study examines whether this individual variability can be organized around a common ability that we label "phonetic plasticity." Method: A group of healthy young adult participants (N = 80), who attested they had no history of speech, language, neurological, or hearing deficits, completed two tasks of nonnative phonetic category learning, two tasks of learning to cope with variation in their native language, and seven tasks of other cognitive functions, distributed across two sessions. Performance on these 11 tasks was compared, and exploratory factor analysis was used to assess the extent to which performance on each task was related to the others. Results: Performance on both tasks of native learning and an explicit task of nonnative learning patterned together, suggesting that native and nonnative phonetic learning tasks rely on a shared underlying capacity, which is termed "phonetic plasticity." Phonetic plasticity was also associated with vocabulary, comprehension of words in background noise, and, more weakly, working memory. Conclusions: Nonnative sound learning and native language speech perception may rely on shared phonetic plasticity. The results suggest that good learners of native language phonetic variation are also good learners of nonnative phonetic contrasts.

A challenge for listeners is to learn the appropriate mapping between acoustics and phonetic categories for an individual talker. Lexically guided perceptual learning (LGPL) studies have shown that listeners can leverage lexical knowledge to guide this process. For instance, listeners learn to interpret ambiguous /s/-/[esh]/ blends as /s/ if they have previously encountered them in /s/-biased contexts like "epi?ode." Here, we examined whether the degree of preceding lexical support might modulate the extent of perceptual learning. In Experiment 1, we first demonstrated that perceptual learning could be obtained in a modified LGPL paradigm where listeners were first biased to interpret ambiguous tokens as one phoneme (e.g., /s/) and then later as another (e.g., /[esh]/). In subsequent experiments, we tested whether the extent of learning differed depending on whether targets encountered predictive contexts or neutral contexts prior to the auditory target (e.g., "epi?ode"). Experiment 2 used auditory sentence contexts (e.g., "I love "The Walking Dead" and eagerly await every new . . ."), whereas Experiment 3 used written sentence contexts. In Experiment 4, participants did not receive sentence contexts but rather saw the written form of the target word ("episode") or filler text (########) prior to hearing the critical auditory token. While we consistently observed effects of context on in-the-moment processing of critical words, the size of the learning effect was not modulated by the type of context. We hypothesize that boosting lexical support through preceding context may not strongly influence perceptual learning when ambiguous speech sounds can be identified solely from lexical information.

Purpose: Children and early adolescents seem to have an advantage over adults in acquiring nonnative speech sounds, supported by evidence showing that earlier age of acquisition strongly predicts second language attainment. Although many factors influence children's ultimate success in language learning, it is unknown whether children rely on different, perhaps more efficient learning mechanisms than adults. Method: The current study compared children (aged 10-- 16 years) and adults in their learning of a nonnative Hindi contrast. We tested the hypothesis that younger participants would show superior baseline discriminability or learning of the contrast, better memory for new sounds after a delay, or improved generalization to a new talker's voice. Measures of phonological and auditory skills were collected to determine whether individual variability in these skills predicts nonnative speech sound learning and whether these potential relationships differ between adults and children. Results: Adults showed superior pretraining sensitivity to the contrast compared to children, and these pretraining discrimination scores predicted learning and retention. Even though adults seemed to have an initial advantage in learning, children improved after a period of off-line consolidation on the trained identification task and began to catch up to adults after an overnight delay. Additionally, perceptual skills that predicted speech sound learning differed between adults and children, suggesting they rely on different learning mechanisms. Conclusions: These findings challenge the view that children are simply better speech sound learners than adults and suggest that their advantages may be due to different learning mechanisms or better retention of nonnative contrasts over the broader language learning trajectory.

Purpose: This study investigated changes in oral-verbal expressive language associated with improvements following 2 treatment periods of constraint-induced language therapy in 4 participants with stroke-induced chronic aphasia. Generalization of treatment to untrained materials and to discourse production was also analyzed, as was the durability of the treatment effect. Method: Participants with aphasia were assessed using standardized measures and discourse tasks at 3 to 4 time points to document behavioral changes throughout each of two 30-hr treatment periods of constraint-induced language therapy. Daily probes of trained and untrained materials were also administered. Results: Despite participant heterogeneity, behavioral results for each person with aphasia indicated a positive response to treatment following each treatment period indicated by performance on standardized tests, trained materials, or both. Treatment effects generalized to some degree to untrained stimuli and to discourse measures and were generally maintained at follow-up testing. Conclusions: Data support the utility of a 2nd treatment period. Results are relevant to rehabilitation in chronic aphasia, confirming that significant language gains continue well past the point of spontaneous recovery and can occur in a relatively short time period. Importantly, changes are not confined to a single treatment period, suggesting that people with aphasia may benefit from multiple doses of high-intensity treatment.

Individuals can use both linguistic and non-linguistic featuresof the speech signal to identify talkers. For instance, listenershave more difficulty identifying talkers in unfamiliarlanguages compared to a native language (languagefamiliarity effect), implying that language-specific knowledgeaids talker identification. In the present study, the source ofthe language familiarity benefit on talker identification wasinvestigated as listeners identified talkers in their nativelanguage as well as non-native languages. Experiment 1 wasdesigned to explore the influence of L2 proficiency on talkeridentification across languages. Experiment 2 furtherinvestigated individual differences in L1 phonetic perceptionand their contribution to talker identification by comparingEnglish listeners’ performance across different languageconditions that varied in the availability of linguistic cues.Results imply that familiarity with a specific language (L1 orL2) did not explain individual variation in languagefamiliarity effect. Rather, in addition to the native languagebenefit, talker identification may be supported by generalsensitivity to sound structures in language, modulated by theavailability of higher-level linguistic information

Purpose: We investigated speech and nonspeech auditory processing of temporal and spectral cues in people who do and do not stutter. We also asked whether self-reported stuttering severity was predicted by performance on the auditory processing measures. Method: People who stutter (n = 23) and people who do not stutter (n = 28) completed a series of four auditory processing tasks online. These tasks consisted of speech and nonspeech stimuli differing in spectral or temporal cues. We then used independent-samples t-tests to assess differences in phonetic categorization slopes between groups and linear mixed-effects models to test differences in nonspeech auditory processing between stuttering and nonstuttering groups, and stuttering severity as a function of performance on all auditory processing tasks. Results: We found statistically significant differences between people who do and do not stutter in phonetic categorization of a continuum differing in a temporal cue and in discrimination of nonspeech stimuli differing in a spectral cue. A significant proportion of variance in self-reported stuttering severity was predicted by performance on the auditory processing measures. Conclusions: Taken together, these results suggest that people who stutter process both speech and nonspeech auditory information differently than people who do not stutter and may point to subtle differences in auditory processing that could contribute to stuttering. We also note that these patterns could be the consequence of listening to one's own speech, rather than the cause of production differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Infants begin to segment words from fluent speech during the same time period that they learn phonetic categories. Segmented words can provide a potentially useful cue for phonetic learning, yet accounts of phonetic category acquisition typically ignore the contexts in which sounds appear. We present two experiments to show that, contrary to the assumption that phonetic learning occurs in isolation, learners are sensitive to the words in which sounds appear and can use this information to constrain their interpretation of phonetic variability. Experiment 1 shows that adults use word-level information in a phonetic category learning task, assigning acoustically similar vowels to different categories more often when those sounds consistently appear in different words. Experiment 2 demonstrates that 8-month-old infants similarly pay attention to word-level information and that this information affects how they treat phonetic contrasts. These findings suggest that phonetic category learning is a rich, interactive process that takes advantage of many different types of cues that are present in the input. (Contains 1 table and 3 figures.)

The current study examined the neural systems underlying lexically conditioned phonetic variation in spoken word production. Participants were asked to read aloud singly presented words, which either had a voiced minimal pair (MP) neighbor (e.g., cape) or lacked a minimal pair (NMP) neighbor (e.g., cake). The voiced neighbor never appeared in the stimulus set. Behavioral results showed longer voice-onset time for MP target words, replicating earlier behavioral results [Baese-Berk, M., & Goldrick, M., "Mechanisms of interaction in speech production." "Language and Cognitive Processes, 24," 527-554, 2009]. fMRI results revealed reduced activation for MP words compared to NMP words in a network including left posterior superior temporal gyrus, the supramarginal gyrus, inferior frontal gyrus, and precentral gyrus. These findings support cascade models of spoken word production and show that neural activation at the lexical level modulates activation in those brain regions involved in lexical selection, phonological planning, and, ultimately, motor plans for production. The facilitatory effects for words with MP neighbors suggest that competition effects reflect the overlap inherent in the phonological representation of the target word and its MP neighbor.

The current study investigated the neural correlates that underlie the processing of ambiguous words and the potential effects of semantic competition on that processing. Participants performed speeded lexical decisions on semantically related and unrelated prime-target pairs presented in the auditory modality. The primes were either ambiguous words (e.g., "ball") or unambiguous words (e.g., "athlete"), and targets were either semantically related to the dominant (i.e., most frequent) meaning of the ambiguous prime word (e.g., "soccer") or to the subordinate (i.e., less frequent) meaning (e.g., "dance"). Results showed increased activation in the bilateral inferior frontal gyrus (IFG) for ambiguous-related compared to unambiguous-related stimulus pairs, demonstrating that prefrontal areas are activated even in an implicit task where participants are not required to explicitly analyze the semantic content of the stimuli and to make an overt selection of a particular meaning based on this analysis. Additionally, increased activation was found in the left IFG and the left cingulate gyrus for subordinate meaning compared to dominant meaning conditions, suggesting that additional resources are recruited in order to resolve increased competition demands in accessing the subordinate meaning of an ambiguous word.

Previous studies examining explicit semantic processing have consistently shown activation of the left inferior frontal gyrus (IFG). In contrast, implicit semantic processing tasks have shown activation in posterior areas including the superior temporal gyrus (STG) and the middle temporal gyrus (MTG) with less consistent activation in the IFG. These results raise the question whether the functional role of the IFG is related to those processes needed to make a semantic decision or to processes involved in the extraction and analysis of meaning. This study examined neural activation patterns during a semantic judgment task requiring overt semantic analysis, and then compared these activation patterns to previously obtained results using the same semantically related and unrelated word pairs in a lexical decision task which required only implicit semantic processing (Rissman, J., Eliassen, J. C., & Blumstein, S. E. (2003). "An event-related fMRI investigation of implicit semantic priming." "Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience, 15", 1160-1175). The behavioral results demonstrated that the tasks were equivalent in difficulty. fMRI results indicated that the IFG and STG bilaterally showed greater activation for semantically unrelated than related word pairs across the two tasks. Comparison of the two task types across conditions revealed greater activation for the semantic judgment task only in the STG bilaterally and not in the IFG. These results suggest that the pre-frontal cortex is recruited similarly in the service of both the lexical decision and semantic judgment tasks. The increased activation in the STG in the semantic judgment task reflects the greater depth of semantic processing required in this task and indicates that the STG is not simply a passive store of lexical-semantic information but is involved in the active retrieval of this information.