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In 2004, South Africa was awarded the opportunity to host the 2010 FIFA World Cup. The opportunity to reshape their national identity in the spotlight of the World Cup came at a particularly useful time for South Africa. Despite the country's seemingly miraculous transition from apartheid to democracy—a transition lauded around the world—the country's reputation was soon dragged down by concerns about crime, unemployment, and a rising rate of HIV infections. Although a number of scholars have looked at the long- and short-term effects of South Africa's effort at creating a national identity during the 2010 FIFA World Cup, questions of process remain to be explored. What rhetorical strategies were employed to build this national image? What role did developing social media platforms play in the World Cup campaign? What were the communication tactics that led to a successful World Cup campaign? Using the theory of dialectical vernacular, I argue that South Africa was able to use the stage and emotional setting of the World Cup, in combination with a unique moment in time in branding and social media, to cultivate and deploy user-generated content to create a sense of authenticity that successfully sold a positive image of South Africa to the world. Essentially, South Africa was able to take digital material that was submitted by citizens around the country, and around the world, and use it to build a campaign that was vernacular, transnational, and embodied in nature. This allowed them to manufacture a national identity that effectively (at least in the short term) redirected conversations away from the more complicated issues affecting the country to, instead, showcase South Africa as a successful democratic nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the struggles of second‐generation Tibetan refugees under an exclusionary Indian citizenship regime. Confronted with a national orthodoxy that entwines legal status, entitlements, and national identity, Tibetans respond by “disaggregating” citizenship. First, stateless Tibetans, born in India to refugee parents, won legal appeals by demonstrating that Tibetan nationality was no bar to Indian citizenship. In response, Indian authorities demanded that Tibetans give up refugee entitlements and remove themselves from their national space and political community in exile as the price of Indian citizenship. This article explores the diverse responses of Tibetans to the citizenship‐on‐offer: some aspiring for it, some accepting it, and others actively rejecting it. These responses illustrate strategies refugees employ to navigate citizenship regimes that often render them liminal. Refugees act both to mitigate the precarity of statelessness and to preserve their identity, community, and political aspirations against erasure. In doing so, they not only disrupt the national orthodoxy of states that negates refugee experiences but also reveal the incompleteness and contradictions of citizenship regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We propose that political polarization stems in part from differing conceptions of one's nation. Four studies tested the hypothesis that national essentialism – conceiving one's nation as possessing an inherent, unchanging essence – underlies three political ideologies: right‐wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, and nationalism. Study 1 (n = 263) provides correlational evidence that essentialist thinking about the U.S. positively predicted all three ideological variables, as well as support for conservative policies regarding religion, taxes, the environment, and immigration. Converging experiments show that prompting participants to think about the U.S.’s essence increased support for RWA and nationalism, but not SDO. Study 2 (n = 164) compared an essentialist to a non‐essentialist framing of the U.S., while Study 3 (n = 150) compared essentialist framings of the U.S. to an unrelated concept (music). Parallel mediation analyses show that support for RWA and nationalism mediated the relationship between primed national essentialism and support for conservative policy positions. Study 4 (n = 174) directly replicated Study 2 and went further to test mediators, showing that perceptions of intergroup threat mediated the effect of national essentialism on RWA, while national identification mediated the effect of national essentialism on nationalism. Data and materials are publicly available at: (https://osf.io/srvxk/?view_only=d803fbf4c59c4b7e912f5a345ddb09b9) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the significance of fun and solidarity in constructing national belonging. Drawing inspiration from Erving Goffman's analysis of social occasions, the article examines the establishment of an Irish‐American Gaelic Athletic League in New York City from 1904 to 1916. Tracing the gradual shaping of the games, it shows how organizers used sporting competitions to draw participants and regulate the interactions between immigrants from different counties in Ireland. Successful regulation of the games allowed immigrants from various counties in Ireland to engage each other in a spirit of friendly competition and develop solidarity. Far from being an obstacle to national belonging, these differences became the basis for fun sociability, leading to broad Irish belonging and pride. The enjoyment derived from participation in well‐regulated occasions contributes to the formation of social bonds and solidarity among potential members, ultimately fostering national identification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses Jalil Mammadquluzadeh’s drama, The Book of My Mother (Anamın Kitabı), to understand Azerbaijani nationalism in the early twentieth century. Under the repression of industrialization and colonialism, Azerbaijani national identity found its expression in literary products. Through Fredric Jameson’s concepts of national allegory and political unconscious, we examine The Book of My Mother as a fictional representation of Azerbaijani nationalism during its formative period. Ultimately, this article addresses a gap in the growing literature on Azerbaijani nationalism by applying Jamesonian critical literary theory to encourage further research in subaltern nationalism for other cases, especially within the Central Asian context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on national solidarity is puzzled by the question of how solidarity can bridge social differences and has not asked how it works through sameness; that question was relegated to the literature on national identity. But can solidarity create nationhood through sameness? This theoretical article rehabilitates Durkheim's underused concept of mechanical solidarity and proposes to study sameness not as a human given, identity or group quality, but as a social performance that constitutes similarity between people and thus also solidarity. Whilst mechanical solidarity can function in all types of groups, it is particularly prominent in the context of nationhood. To explain how, the article explores performances of national customs related to food, which convey a conformist and unreflective subjectivity as well as horizontal unanimity. When people do things collectively, they perform national solidarity without necessarily indicating a collective identity that exists out there or agreeing about ideas and values. Contrary to common stereotypes of modern societies as ‘complex’, the article underscores sameness as crucial to modern nationalism—still the most significant socio‐political principle of our era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study seeks to determine to what extent the Baghdadi Shahsavans have been successful in maintaining their tribal identity after years of living in Qom and what strategies have they employed for this? The method used in this research for data collection and analysis is the Grounded Theory. The findings show that the majority of Baghdadi Shahsavans have a much greater sense of belonging to tribal identity compared to urban identity. Even their interest in Qom arises through tribal affiliation, which is strengthened through intra-group relations. The findings show that the preservation of tribal identity has been possible because of three strategies: (1) the demarcation of identity, which results from cultural pride and attributing positive features to own tribe, (2) the preservation of cultural identity, which includes the preservation of customs and traditions, adherence to intra-group visits, cherishing tribal music, and speaking in Shahsavani, and (3) insisting on the tribal identity in response to threatening dangers. This study shows that Baghdadi Shahsavans prioritize their Iranian national identity over urban identity indicating that both tribal and national identities hold more significance for them compared to urban identity. This study also examined the lifestyle of Baghdadi Shahsavans after making settlements in Qom. The findings show that their settlement in the city provided them with a new tribal identity in accordance with their new urban environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increased public awareness of environmental problems and the strengthening of diverse identities may lead to the emergence of 'ethnic environmentalism'. These movements make environmental claims associated with the interests of an ethnic community. We develop this concept by examining protests in the Russian regions. Our findings suggest that ethnic identity facilitates environmental activism under the following conditions: the ethnic group claims a special cultural relationship to the natural environment; environmental concern and ethnic identity are linked to the unfair distribution of resources; and blame is directed towards regional actors rather than the federal government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Japanese-Australian debates over immigration and racial exclusion over the course of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. By examining the development of collective national identity in Japan and by drawing on archival materials in Japan and Australia, including official correspondence between the two countries and policy-related primary source materials such as internal government correspondence and parliamentary debates, it shows how the local discourse on national identity in both Japan and Australia was an important factor in what would be Japan's heated response to the issue of Japanese exclusion under the auspices of White Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Black M, a French hip-hop artist of Guinean origin, delves into race and belonging in his 2016 song “Je suis chez moi” (“I Am at Home”). The track responds to a far-right campaign that opposed his participation in the centenary celebration of the Battle of Verdun, claiming he didn’t represent France. The song contrasts his sense of belonging in France with a longing for Guinea, reflecting the complexities of his immigrant identity. This article analyzes how Black M’s music navigates themes of race, belonging, and national identity, using hip-hop as a tool for these articulations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We investigate relations between benign and malicious in-group envy and the two types of national identity (i.e. secure national identification vs. national narcissism). In two studies (Ns = 1000 and 633), we found that secure national identification was negatively linked to malicious envy, while national narcissism was positively related to both malicious and benign envy. In Study 2, we additionally analyzed how in-group envy and two types of national identity shape in-group altruism. We found that low malicious envy significantly mediated the relationship between secure identification and in-group altruism. We discuss the role of envy in shaping the links between secure (vs. narcissistic) identity and positive intragroup attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present research empirically examines the links between political knowledge, national narcissism, and climate change conspiracy beliefs. National narcissism (i.e., an unrealistic belief about in-group's greatness which is maladaptive both from the perspective of intra- and inter-group processes) was previously linked to conspiracy beliefs. In this research, we hypothesized that low theoretical political knowledge would boost national narcissism and further lead to adopting climate change conspiracy theories. Methods: This hypothesis was tested in a two-wave study conducted among Polish participants (N = 558). Results: We found negative effect of political knowledge on climate change conspiracy beliefs. Moreover, national narcissism mediated between theoretical political knowledge and conspiracy beliefs. Conclusion: People having low political knowledge are prone to believe in climate change conspiracy theories. Moreover, those less informed about the way political system works in their country are more narcissistically identified with their nation and, thus, deny the climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The prevailing narrative from the Brezhnev era to the present holds that Moscow's relations with Tokyo failed to achieve a breakthrough due to a territorial dispute lingering from 1956. Japan had demanded the return of all four islands seized by the Soviet Union after Japan had announced its surrender, but Moscow had insisted on no islands or hinted at two. A different argument is made here: The primary culprit in the two periods when diplomacy took off was Moscow's skewed thinking about Japan. Rejecting arguments for complementarity, historical parallelism, and balance of power, Russian writings in the late 1980s and 2013–2023 saw little value in Japan. Regardless of Gorbachev's 'New Thinking' and Putin's 'Turn to the East', the intellectual groundwork for rapprochement never materialized. This was a harbinger of other negativity about Japanese history, the Japan-U.S. alliance, and Japan's 'disrespect'. Failure to assess Tokyo accurately, including its many reasons for pursuing Moscow, testifies to a warped understanding of geopolitics as well as geo-economics owing to a distorted national identity. Misjudging Japan in each period paved the way to greater hostility to the West that followed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the digital-cultural labor of three Cuban Instagram comedians and the worldmaking they promote. The comedians, Marlon, Chupetin, and Kende, immensely popular among Cuban audiences, create content that centers their Black working-class and street-smart identity. Through a close analysis of how these comedians utilize performance as rhetorical tools, I examine the entanglements and possibilities that marginalized content creators face when making symbolic and embodied meaning not sanctioned by the nation-state's meta-narratives of normative identity. I draw on theories of performance studies, media anthropology and Caribbean studies, to conceptualize the political, cultural, and personal stakes that come with the 'world-making' labor of Cuban Instagram comedians. I argue performances of estranged ways of being, distributed through transnational digital networks, enact aspirations of redressing long-standing desires and anxieties about national identity and personal agency. Ultimately this article situates social media platforms as vital spaces of worldmaking in a digital era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Estonian nationalism has undergone a transformation from 'state-seeking' to 'state-led' since acquiring independence, which has affected the Estonian national identity. Estonia is commonly labelled as an 'ethnic democracy'; however, we propose a dichotomy between open and closed ethnic democracies. The process of national state-building in Estonia is still going on, with the concept of 'Estonianness' consisting of the 'Finno-Ugric,' 'Nordic/Scandinavian,' and 'European' identity structures. These form the basis for an inclusive, or open ethnic democracy. Though Estonianness is primarily defined in cultural and linguistic terms, a newcomer may ascribe oneself to it and become a member of the ethno-civic nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The survival of Bulgarian Jewry during the Holocaust was exceptional. Bulgaria was a Nazi ally, but due to strong opposition within the Bulgarian government, church and population, Bulgarian Jewish citizens were never deported. Almost all 48,000 survived the Holocaust. Through critical discourse analysis of primary documents, this article identifies an inclusive conception of national identity as key to their survival. Most Bulgarians believed that Jews were fellow citizens, not threatening outsiders, and perceived that it was 'not Bulgarian' to deport them. Ethnopolitics thus played a critical role in the survival of Bulgarian Jewry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The intellectual and political debates surrounding the Treaty of Trianon continue to play a significant role in Hungarian public life today. However, findings from a representative survey conducted on the centenary of the treaty reveal that these debates are less prominent in public opinion, where a broader consensus appears to have formed regarding the perception of “Trianon”. According to this consensus, the treaty is viewed as unjust and excessive. At the same time, explanations emphasising external factors, particularly the nationalist movements in Central Europe and the geopolitical ambitions of the victorious great powers, dominate public reasoning regarding the causes leading to the treaty. Explanations focusing on internal factors, such as the poor decisions of the political elite at the time or Hungary’s prior nationality policies, appear far less prominently. Objective knowledge about the treaty is also lacking: more than half of the Hungarian population cannot recall the exact year of its signing. This suggests that while the perception of “Trianon” remains a significant topic within the intellectual and political discourse, it is more prominently represented as a form of cultural memory in public opinion and less as an event that shapes national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is generally accepted that members of diasporas tend to maintain a connection with and identification with their home nation. This is often expressed as a hyphenated identity and may be maintained through generations; later generations may become involved in family research to reactivate ties to the homeland. The Scottish diaspora is a classic example of such an identity but, although that sense of identity with the homeland is expressed by the diaspora, it is not clear if this is reciprocated by the homeland, whose attitude to diaspora members may not necessarily be an inclusive one. Contemporary Scotland, a nation with a very large diaspora, provides us with an opportunity to examine this closely. In this paper, we explore attitudes towards the Scottish diaspora and how things have changed, with a Scottish Government proactively connecting with its diaspora. In particular, we explore their recent diaspora policy framework document, which has begun to redefine 'Scottishness' to be a more inclusive and transnational identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses data from the 2021 Scottish Election Study to apply both established and relatively rare or unique approaches to understanding the interrelationships between personal national identities, attitudes regarding the (Scottish) nation and independence, and people's own/family migration histories. Analysis broadly substantiates previous research in Scotland on the effects of birthplace, parentage and length of residence on national identities, and similarly highlights that previously established 'non-alignment' between national identities and position on Scottish independence extends to how the latter is associated with personal and family migration histories. The paper also makes at least three distinctive contributions. First, it highlights the significance of socialisation in Scotland, particularly in early childhood, for migrants' personal national identities and attitudes to Scottish nationhood and independence. Second, it suggests only limited variation in the degree to which personal biographical characteristics are associated with perceptions that Scotland has distinct values compared to other parts of the UK. Third, it demonstrates that social connections to England via birthplace, family and/or prior residence do not invariably affect national identities and attitudes to Scottish independence, but that those with the strongest associations to England are substantially less likely to prioritise a Scottish identity or support Scottish independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An increasing number of scholars have studied the role of identity in shaping states’ foreign policy. In Europe, the existence of diverse national identities renders shared senses of European identity an important foundation for any foreign policy requiring supra-national coordination. Most studies support the view that strengthening senses of European identity promote ‘Europeanist’ foreign policy paradigms that emphasize the importance for Europe to act as an autonomous and independent global player. However, we suggest that the effects of European identification on citizens’ foreign policy preferences remain poorly understood. In this paper, using novel survey data, we statistically assess the linkages between citizens’ sense of European identity and their preferences to align with the United States. We find European identity to be strongly tied to ‘Atlanticist’ foreign policy attitudes and attribute much of this effect to feelings of ideational proximity. Our results provide insights into the future of Europe’s international positioning and showcase the importance of considering the relative proximity in actors’ identities when studying the impact of such identities on foreign policy attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction to the themed section on ‘Mechanisms of National Solidarity’ explores key questions and challenges related to studying national solidarity as distinct from national identity. Focusing on the ‘how’ rather than the ‘what’, this section highlights the importance of examining and theorising the social mechanisms that shape different manifestations of national solidarity. These mechanisms include interpersonal interactions, social networks, communicative processes, socio‐political institutions and iconic material objects. Additionally, the introduction briefly outlines the six contributions in this section, which examines specific solidarity mechanisms within particular national contexts. The contributions offer valuable insights into the study of nationhood and nationalism in both everyday life and public events, helping to unravel the under‐explored relationship between collective identity formation and the creation of solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We currently inhabit an era marked by increasing economic inequality. This paper delves into the repercussions of perceived economic inequality on individual‐level pro‐environmental engagement and puts forth an explanatory mechanism. Across three empirical studies encompassing an archival investigation employing a nationally representative data set (Study 1), an online survey (Study 2) and an in‐lab experiment (Study 3), we consistently unearth the inhibiting effect of perceived economic inequality on individuals' pro‐environmental involvement, whether assessed through pro‐environmental intentions or behaviours. Furthermore, our findings reveal that individuals' identification with their country elucidates these results. Specifically, perceived economic inequality diminishes individuals' national identification, encompassing their concern for the country's well‐being and their sense of shared destiny with fellow citizens, thereby curbing their pro‐environmental engagement. Additionally, we conduct a single‐paper meta‐analysis (Study 4), revealing small to moderate effect sizes for our key findings. Theoretical and practical implications stemming from these novel findings are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The red telephone kiosk or box has become synonymous with Britain, standing as an icon of national identity. Yet, of all the versions of kiosk that have been introduced, only two have achieved this exalted status. This paper explores how the telephone box evolved within the UK, details the circumstances that led to an architect becoming involved in their development, and describes how Sir Giles Gilbert Scott’s design was transformed into Britain’s K2 kiosk, the first of the iconic red telephone boxes. Thereafter the paper considers issues of kiosk deployment, explains why few K2s can be found outside London and concludes with a description of the onward development of the K2 and its eventual replacement by a second Scott design, the K6. Sir Giles Gilbert Scott’s K2 kiosk forms an important part of Industrial Heritage for it not only enabled the growth of public telephones in London but also established the humble telephone box as a thing of utility combined with beauty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the interaction between Renaissance humanism and Martin Luther's Reformation in fostering the emergence of nation‐states in Europe. It argues that the emphasis on individualism, critical thinking, and a return to classical ideals during the Renaissance provided a fertile ground for Luther's challenge to the Catholic Church's authority. Luther's Reformation, with its focus on Scripture and a direct relationship between believer and God, further eroded the Church's control and transnational influence. This convergence of intellectual and religious transformations created a space for the development of distinct national identities and the consolidation of power by European monarchs. The article will examine how these movements challenged the existing political and religious order, ultimately contributing to the rise of nation‐states as the dominant political entity in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Béla Tuka started his career as a Hungarian academic, but later he transformed into a Slovak nationalist politician, and renamed himself Vojtech Tuka. In 1939, he became the prime minister of the Nazi-oriented Slovak State. This study intends to reveal, how national narratives struggled to interpret this life path. After national explanations of trespassing the cultural boundaries between Slovak and Hungarian national identity did not prove to be coherent and convincing, the memory of Vojtech Tuka has been disregarded by both (opposing) national groups, mutually, since it questions the organic existence of nations and their boundaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since gaining independence in the early 19th century, Mexico embarked on a path toward building a nation-state. In criticizing the evolutionism that promotes white supremacy, Mexican society has embarked on a journey of introspection, delving into the essence of its indigenous national character. Following the Mexican Revolution at the turn of the 20th century, a nationalism advocating for integration was firmly established. The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) government incorporated the principles of national integration into the broader building of the nation-state. On the one hand, it affirmed the crucial role of indigenous peoples and their cultures, tracing the origins of the Mexican nation-state back to these roots. On the other hand, the promotion of unified education, coupled with the implementation of a land-centered state corporatist system, aimed to achieve the integration and governance of Indigenous peoples, thereby incorporating them into the nation-building process and ultimately facilitating the integration of the nation-state. While the PRI government's integration efforts led to tendencies towards marginalization and assimilation of indigenous peoples, alongside insufficient attention to their rights and political participation, it fundamentally changed the historically unrecognized status of indigenous communities since the colonial era. These efforts primarily addressed the issues that had challenged Mexican social development concerning indigenous peoples since the colonial era, contributing to maintaining national stability over an extended period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vera Lynn’s ‘We’ll Meet Again’ maintains an omnipresence throughout modern British culture, apropos of its Second World War roots. And while a growing body of literature has focused on the propagandistic role of music during the Second World War, these studies have yet to link any select musical work’s historical popularity with its enduring preservation in the national cultural memory. This paper analyses the semiotic meanings and influence of ‘We’ll Meet Again’, both in its wartime context and in the ongoing British cultural memory of the war. In so doing, this research extrapolates the song’s inherent connections to wartime ideals of gender and the nation and concludes by presenting a theorised rationale for the song’s cultural longevity in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Nationalism and Culture, now a largely forgotten book, the anarchist thinker Rudolf Rocker offers a compelling account of the nationalist phenomenon, from its origins and development to its influence (or lack thereof) over the linguistic and cultural practices of the large groups of people that typically encompass a nation‐state. The present paper aims to revisit and update Rocker's book, highlighting its relevance and potential contribution to the modern study of nationalism. In particular, I employ the tools of Noam Chomsky's generative study of language to characterise the roles language and culture play in the formation of national identities, in so doing unearthing some of the psychological underpinnings of nationalist beliefs and thus, furthermore, clarifying the actual effects of nationalist policies on language, culture, and artistic creativity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research has shown that majority group members are more willing to help minority group members of the same nation, particularly when the majority group members strongly identify with the national group. However, existing research has overlooked the extent to which the majority group's perception of how strongly minority groups identify with the national group (i.e., the perceived national identification of minority groups) explains minority helping (i.e., the majority group's intentions to help minority groups). To fill this void, we conducted a correlational survey among 980 Javanese, the ethnic majority in Indonesia. The results revealed that the perceived national identification of non‐Javanese minorities positively corresponded with the majority group's national identification. More perceived national identification of the minority groups and the majority group's national identification significantly correlated with more positive attitudes, liking, and helping intentions toward the minority groups. Finally, the perceptions that the non‐Javanese rejected the majority group's aspiration to exert control over them (i.e., the perceived denial of the need for power) negatively predicted the perceived national identification of the minority groups and minority helping. The perceived national identity of minority groups can influence minority helping; however, the perceived denial of the need for power may hinder it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Organized crime's governance raises questions about mechanisms facilitating the exercise of illegal authority in society. The present research tested the association between masculine honor ideology and the justification of connivance practices facilitating criminal groups' activities. We examined the novel idea that national identification would attenuate and territorial identification would strengthen such a relationship, reflecting different sources of authority at the national and territorial levels. In Studies 1a and b (N = 398 and N = 399), we measured individuals' endorsement of masculine honor, justification of connivance practices, and national and territorial identifications. In Study 2 (N = 390), we experimentally manipulated the salience of these identities. Results supported the hypotheses that the link between masculine honor and justification of connivance was weaker at higher levels of national identification and stronger at higher levels of territorial identification. Implications and future directions are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How are new generations of policymakers and subjects introduced to ‘the world out there’ – and to their own state’s ambitions, practices, and impacts within that world? While multiple studies have explored the role of education in fostering national identities more broadly, the relationship between education, mass media and foreign policy identity has attracted limited scholarly attention. Using Norway as an exploratory case, this article takes a first stab at addressing this knowledge need. Theoretically, we institute a dialogue between scholarly work on how foreign policy identities are (re)produced through everyday representations and practice, and work on how education and mass media shape public debate and the subjects partaking in it. Empirically, we offer the first study of how foreign policy is communicated to children through tailored media outlets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In foreign language textbooks, cultural representations embedded in texts and images not only facilitate the acquisition of linguistic knowledge but also construct ethnic or political identities. Over the past century, the mainstream ideology in Taiwan has changed due to the rotation of ruling parties and generational shifts. This change is also evident in contemporary English-as-a-Foreign-Language textbooks. In light of this emerging issue, this study employed critical discourse analysis to examine three sets of textbooks that are widely used in high schools in Taiwan. The study reveals that textbooks produced in Taiwan generally: (1) highlight the indigenous culture of the island, (2) extensively depict contemporary Taiwanese celebrities, specialties, and natural landscapes, (3) embellish the period of Japanese and Dutch-Spanish colonisation, and (4) strategically differentiate between ‘China/Chinese’ and ‘Taiwan/Taiwanese’. The findings expose the Taiwan-centric perspective of the textbooks while downplaying the significance of the national title – ‘the Republic of China’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the implications of Indonesia’s official state ideology, Pancasila, and its articulations in contemporary Indonesia from the perspective of ‘post-foundational’ agonistic theories of democracy. A set of five precepts created by Soekarno, the nationalist leader and founding president of Indonesia, Pancasila was integral to strategies of social control during the authoritarian ‘New Order’ regime of Soeharto and continues to function in Indonesia as a potent empty signifier, well over two decades after the fall of that regime in the Reformasi of 1998. By engaging with domestic scholarly and political discourses of Pancasila and Pancasila democracy from the agonistic perspective on democracy shaped by theorists such as Étienne Balibar, Chantal Mouffe, and Jacques Rancière, this article points to the tension between the aspiration of the advocates of Pancasila to present Pancasila as democratic and their commitment to seeing Pancasila as an embodiment of traditional culture and values that is essential to the consistency of Indonesian national identity. The relation between the two terms that constitute ‘Pancasila democracy’ is further complicated by the tendency of contemporary proponents of Pancasila to attempt to ‘immunize’ the state ideology from the possibility of interruption and contestation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the works of Alfonso Daniel Manuel Rodríguez Castelao (d. 1950) from the lens of art historiography, to show how Galician art historical contributions from the beginning of the twentieth century connected art and artistic styles from the past with identity significations. My discussion is mainly based on the discourse analysis of Sempre en Galiza (1944) and As cruces de pedra na Galiza (1950), along with mentions to other texts such as Alba de Groria (1948) or several essays from Revista Nós. The examination of these texts is complemented with the study of Castelao's visual production. Two main arguments are extracted from Castelao's approach to the history of Galician art: the Celtic ethnic foundation of Galicia and the establishment of two national styles, Romanesque and Baroque, which are seen as intrinsic to this territory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the role that cultural diplomacy has played as a tool of nation-building for sub-state public entities led by movements representing stateless nations. It exemplifies this with the case of Catalonia's search for recognition in Germany, 1901–1939. The analysis highlights the ambivalence that characterized the actions of the Catalan sub-state public entities, between resigning themselves to their status as regional actors and aspirations for a different political constitution. We argue that this ambivalence was a strategy to maximize the effectiveness of their cultural diplomacy policies considering state and international contexts reluctant to recognize sub-state entities as political actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While language is widely recognized as one of the elements upon which nations have been built, emphasis has been placed on codified languages, rather than the uncodified vernacular spoken within a particular territory. Drawing on thematic analysis of qualitative surveys and political documents, this paper examines how Cypriot Greek, a local language variety, is claimed by counter-hegemonic perspectives in Cyprus to foster a sense of collective belonging designating the island as an independent cultural entity. By highlighting how such perspectives challenge the hegemony of Greek Cypriot nationalism, the paper underlines that uncodified vernaculars can shape senses of national belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research article studies selected songs telecast by Doordarshan, the national channel from the 1980s to the 2020s to understand the representational politics of India's national culture. It explores how the national culture has been imagined and propagated by the state-owned channel by adopting a comparative focus on the selected songs. The discussion is foregrounded on Partha Chatterjee's theory of 'the spiritual' domain which is at the core of the national identity for a postcolonial nation. The article also attempts to understand the dynamic nature of India's national culture and how its transformation can be read from the songs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I investigate the co-production of genetic research and national politics in post-martial law Taiwan. This entails analyzing two co-produced phenomena: the nationalization of biomedicine—in which the national discourse over racial/ethnic categories and ancestral origin increasingly shapes scientists' biomedical research; and the biomedicalization of the nation—in which people in public discourse increasingly use biomedical categories in characterizing national differences and identities. I analyze how the production and representation of scientific knowledge of the ancestral origins and genetic make-up of Taiwan have been embedded in Taiwanese politics. This includes the emergence of a new categorization into four great ethnic groups, multiculturalism, and the assertion of a distinct Taiwanese national identity, particularly in response to the People's Republic of China's claims of common ancestry. I also examine how the scientific findings produced in the lab have spilled out into both Taiwan and China through journals, media, history textbooks, and public disputes since the 1990s and brought about significant social impact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the research on national identity investigates its negative aspects through the form of nationalism. However, what happens at the opposite end of the spectrum, when someone does not glorify the national ingroup but actively rejects it? Across two studies conducted in Serbia (N s = 349 and 554), we investigated national identification and disidentification, their antecedents, and consequences. We found no evidence to distinguish between (low) national identification and disidentification. Regarding antecedents of national identification, we found that self-stereotypes (positive and lack of negative) were the most important contributors, followed by right-wing social ideology. Regarding consequences, low national identifiers endorsed wider identities (e.g., European, world citizen) and had higher intentions to migrate. Most strikingly, low identifiers blatantly dehumanized ingroup members, even more so than high identifiers dehumanized (high-status) outgroups. In analyzing qualitative data, we contextualized the quantitative findings by showing that low identification is mainly articulated as a mismatch between self and ingroup prototype, consequently leading to dehumanization. We conclude that low national identification can have detrimental effects, but that more research in the non-Western context is necessary to properly understand this phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that children's media can be a powerful source for embedding nationalist assumptions from an early age, by looking at Avatar: The Last Airbender and its sequel The Legend of Korra. In the shows, the world is divided into four discrete nations. Drawing on Billig's concept of banal nationalism, I intend to explore how, despite being critical of nationalism, they nevertheless reinforce and communicate core tenets of national ideology: that nations are the natural way of organising the world. This then leads to wider conclusions about how children's media can communicate and embed these ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Food television offers a new and unique lens on national identity, the Anglo-Scottish relationship, and their cultural representation in contemporary Britain. This article is based on the analysis of three British travelogue cooking shows, first broadcast between 1995 and 2011, about Scotland and its food. The programmes analysed exemplify and reinforce long-standing cultural constructions of the relationship between England and Scotland as sub-state nations of the United Kingdom, as well as illustrating and creating new national scripts, notably in relation to class and gender. These 'homeland' travelogue cooking shows consistently associate Scotland with a defined set of local and traditional foods, closely associated with a Romantic construction of Scotland, its history and landscape. However, the programmes also indicate wider changes in British and Scottish food culture during this period, including the rise of the local food movement and the increasing economic success and cultural confidence of the Scottish food and drink industry. The article highlights the role of celebrity chefs in the cultural construction of contemporary British sub-state national relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics took place when American public opinion about China was already predominantly negative as media reports had a lot of highlights of human rights violations happening in China. Besides, earlier, the global image of China was undermined by the COVID-19 pandemic. In this study, we explored whether American public opinion about the Olympics and China can be influenced by images of the Olympics shared in the media. Findings from the 2 × 2 between-subject experimental design suggest that the opinions about the Olympics can be predicted by people's beliefs about China's role in the global pandemic. In addition to that, our findings suggest that pre-existing opinions and feelings held by most of the population can mitigate the effects of visual primes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do home‐state elites react to emigrants who form diaspora communities abroad, and how do these attitudes change over time? The article explores these questions through an analysis of the discourse and policies of Israeli elites towards emigrants who created distinct diaspora communities and established ties with local Jewish diaspora communities between 1977 and 2023. The article highlights the important role that ethnic and national identities and the prospects of emigrants' eventual return play in such attitudinal shifts. The home state may initially see diaspora formation as harmful for precipitating emigration and obstructing repatriation and ethnic immigration. However, when it becomes clear that the return of many emigrants is unlikely, home‐state elites may come to support and even promote the formation of new diaspora communities and their ties with older diaspora communities to offset emigrants' assimilation into their host society and increase their attachment to the home state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper foregrounds Khair’s two novels, The Bus Stopped and Filming: A Love Story, examining the concepts of home, representation, (dis)locations and its non-belongingness, focusing on the discourses of Indian nationalism and national identity. There is a massive gap between the living styles of rural and urban people in India. How people live in a country is vital to a modern nation and its nationalism. Khair says, ‘houses do not make homes’ because the concept of home varies according to the socio-economic conditions. Many poor people in India do not have a permanent home and constantly migrate from one place to another. They mostly make a temporary one-night stand for home, but unfortunately, their journey becomes a permanent home. That makes their existence neither inside nor outside society, creating a different kind of third space, but far more precarious than Bhabha’s notion of a third space. In Khair’s novels, the concept of third space is far less empowering than Bhabha’s notion of third space in postcolonial studies. Khair also shows that home is an illusion, not a permanent place that constantly changes like a dream and never gets concretised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent farmer protests across Europe demonstrate the complex challenges facing modern agriculture. This article examines the human story behind these protests. It explores how farmers' roles have changed from respected innovators and providers to a group caught between environmental demands, economic pressures and shifting societal expectations. Neoliberal policies, green regulations and new workforce patterns have precipitated an identity crisis among European farmers. Their protests are not just about money but also about deep‐seated anxieties concerning their place in a rapidly changing world. Farmers struggle to balance traditions with new environmental imperatives, to maintain viable livelihoods in a global market and their unease with an increasingly diverse rural workforce. European farming is at a crossroads, pointing towards possible paths for a future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues for a rethinking of the ambivalences of privileged subjectivity and feelings of belonging when it comes to North-to-North mobility of queer populations. A sense of belonging is determined by sociocultural and socioeconomic factors, as well as one's social locations, such as race, ethnicity, gender, language, and nationality. The paper examines how these contested categories intersect and shape interlocutors' imaginations of queer belonging, and their privileged sense of belonging, through the premise of predominant political projects of belonging. The analyses are based on 27 semi-structured interviews, a focus group discussion, and participant observations. This analysis demonstrates how images of Icelandic national identity and cultural belonging are political projects, just like the rights and responsibilities of migrants, and are thus adaptable to diversification and deconstruction. The analyses further show how imaginative geographies persistently construct hierarchies of affective queer belonging, and how transnational relations of privilege operate in queer migrations, as in other forms of migration. In line with the analyses, I thus advocate for locating one's own belonging-in-difference through queer temporalities, rather than embracing a nationalistic and normative arrangement of society. Further endorsing anti-racist, transnational, feminist, and queer solidarity across differences as well as queer worldmaking practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How migrants negotiate and adjust to new cultural settings and how they transmit culture to their children are key questions for migration researchers. This paper explores how culture is experienced and negotiated among Russian-speaking migrants, drawing on interviews and observation data collected in Perth, Australia, and Madrid, Spain, together with online forum data and documents. Analysis reveals that long-term socio-historical processes taking place within the post-Soviet space generate certain similarities among its inhabitants. These shared features, which Norbert Elias (1996) called 'national habitus', include internalised dispositions and behavioural patterns evident and reproduced in everyday life, such as hygiene and healthcare practices, norms of conduct in public places, and practices and beliefs related to the control of children's behaviour and discipline. Many migrants come to realise that they are bearers of these similarities only in the process of the migration experience. This process of recognition of their habitus, including realising the cultural nature of certain standards of behaviour perceived as 'civilised' and 'rational' in the past, and the making of decisions about what is important to keep and what is not, we refer to as 'cultural continuity dilemmas'. Participants resolve these dilemmas in three main ways: reinforcing their cultural classification systems through condemnation or attempts to correct; adopting the new standards; or adjusting perceptions to find a compromise. In these processes, certain practices and norms may come to be recognised as Soviet in both positive and negative senses, as being acceptable, or outdated remnants of a totalitarian system. Solving such dilemmas creates a unique combination of practices, forming a common cultural hybridity and generating new awareness of cultural and national identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within recent years, the choice of whether to employ local culture consumer positioning (LCCP) strategies has gained considerable interest in both international marketing research and practice, particularly due to the recent rise in nationalism around the world. This current research focuses on the individual-level drivers of consumer attitudes toward LCCP strategies by creating a more comprehensive framework of the antecedents of attitudes toward LCCP strategies. Utilizing an institution-based view, social identity, self-verification, and personality trait theories, we develop a framework that encompasses elemental personality traits (agreeableness and need for material resources), perceptions of national identity, international travel, world-mindedness, and national identification as direct and indirect antecedents of attitudes toward LCCP strategies. Within three studies, we test the hypothesized relationships in the proposed framework across two different markets (the US and India) and discover several interesting findings that contribute to understanding in both international consumer marketing theory and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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