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This study of the production, representation, and reception of post-colonial advertising in India reveals a politics of consumer respectability. The post-colonial politics of consumer respectability is located at the intersection of center–periphery relations, class divisions, and colorism in a way that it frames neocolonial consumption. Advertisers depict middle-class consumer respectability by asserting Indian nationalism and by degrading the West as a symbol of colonialism. Such depictions are class- and color-based and show under-class and dark-skinned consumers in subordinate positions. Furthering such neocolonial frames of consumption, Indian advertising advances the middle-class desire for Eurocentric modernity by reinforcing the colonial trope of India as temporally lagging behind the West. Finally, middle-class consumer respectability involves a neocolonial whitening of self with epidermalized shaping of inter-corporeality and agency. In uncovering the theoretical implications of advertising as a site of avenging degradation, desiring modernity, and whitening of self, this study contributes by offering insights into how the politics of post-colonial consumer respectability furthers neocolonial frames of consumption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractBased on a literature review, this article analyses the role of China and India in the new scramble for Africa and tries to determine whether their activities represent a new form of development or a neocolonial endeavour. The article investigates how the strategies of China and India in Africa differ from one another in terms of sectors of activity and methodology of implementation, and it compares their practice, policies, and narratives with the traditional actors in Africa—international financial institutions. In this context, the article pays special attention to the phenomenon of the “Chinese debt trap,” which is used to portray the Chinese presence in Africa as negative. The article highlights that the practices of the new global actors differ from the old actors, especially in regard to respecting local cultural norms and the specific needs of the African context. The article argues that the new global actors offer a development alternative to African countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasingly, the 'Australian model' of offshore detention is promoted to restrict asylum seeker migration and preserve national sovereignty. This article analyses metaphor usage within press coverage of immigration to examine the origins of this discourse. Focusing on two high points of asylum seeker arrivals (2001–2002, 2012–2013), I demonstrate how negative metaphor use constructed asylum seekers as racialized, illegitimate, illegal Others, who breached Australian sovereignty. I argue that this was a response to a crisis of settler-colonial legitimacy, exacerbated by calls for Indigenous sovereignty, with anti-asylum discourse utilized as a tool to negate and neutralize Indigenous sovereignty claims and legitimate settler-colonial state power. I further argue that sovereignty claims were employed to reinforce Australia's positioning within regional hierarchies of power, through the enactment of offshore processing agreements with less powerful, ostensibly 'sovereign' nations, thereby reaffirming and legitimating a racialized, neo-colonial ordering of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neocolonialism amounts to the contemporary practices conducted by imperialists to exploit underdeveloped countries after decolonization. Initially, neocolonialists performed indirect methods, such as economic and logistic support to the monarchs or governments and radical groups that were heavily influenced by political Islam, in the Middle East, but it has then evolved into an extreme form through direct military interventions after the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The study argues that those practices have dislocated Middle Easterners, and their dislocations are associated with the unfixity of identities. Grounding on Deleuze and Guattarian nomadology and identifying their dislocations as neocolonial deterritorialization, the study examines the changes Middle Easterners experience due to their exposure to the factors in neocolonial spaces and in new territories. In this regard, tthe study aims to analyse the deterritorializing impacts of neocolonialism on Middle Easterner immigrants in Mohsin Hamid's The Reluctant Fundamentalist and Exit West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A consensus is emerging among academics regarding the rise of a multipolar world order, defined by the diminishing hegemony of Western powers and the growing power and influence of nations in the Global South. However, consensus on the extent of multipolarity, its metrics, and its implications remains elusive. In this paper, we examine the ‘New South–South relations’ to highlight the growing significance of trade, finance, and cooperation among Southern nations, driven by neoliberal globalization and the rise of emerging powers like China. This phenomenon has created both opportunities and disparities within the Global South, intensifying debates on neo-colonialism, dependency, and development. Using the ‘semi-periphery’ framework, the article examines these shifts, exploring trends in trade, finance, and security, alongside power competition between the US, China, and middle powers, ultimately questioning the stability of the evolving global hierarchy and the limits of the rise of the South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes Spanish and Portuguese intellectual and political discourse on Iberism between the fin de siècle and the postwar period, focusing on its multifaceted interactions with the concept of Latinity. The nineteenth century saw the development of different conceptualizations of Europe and the world, including utopian and/or imperialistic conglomerates of nations united by language, culture or race. This study examines Iberism and Latinity as two transnational projects that sparked public debate and influenced the shaping of the idea of Europe. The interactions between the two projects were complex and shifted over time, marked by moments of mutual reinforcement, contradiction and conflict. The intricate relations between Iberism and Latinity affected Spain and Portugal's relation to other geopolitical blocks: Latin America, with which they maintained a link that fluctuated between brotherhood and (neo-)colonial nostalgia; and the Anglo-American and Germanic blocs, each maintaining their own imperialistic aspirations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beau Travail (1999) and High Life (2018) may appear as two films that are far too incongruous to be used to compare and contrast the models of post-colonial critique in the work of Claire Denis. However, this essay asserts that both films actively world in their consideration of space as they engage with colonial histories and consider new queer futures in the medium of film. This concept of "worlding" comes through Pheng Cheah's (2016) construction of the idea of world in temporal terms as normative basis for transformation as made by capitalist forces. By extension, world literature, and I argue world film, both contributes to the process and acts as agent in world-making. It also attends to how the work of such queer world practitioners shares a commonality under-considered across transnational artistic and scholarly spaces: that of troubling and thereby queering, to borrow from Judith Butler (2006 [1990]), the otherwise creatively liberating but often normatively containing of "a world." Despite the fact that these films were made nearly 20 years apart, these two films offer a frame for Denis's critique of contemporary neocolonial efforts both terrestrial and beyond. These two films world, albeit in different desert settings; one in the setting of the Global South, documenting the current occupation of spaces in the Global South by the neocolonial power of the Global North, and one that projects that neocolonial power onto citizen subjects (who are launched into outer space). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper starts with the introduction of the "neo-colonial division system" as a core problematic, which both historically and geographically inscribes subalternity in South Korea. Then it explains the subalternity in Taiwan, Chen Yingzhen's literary practice as an intellectual movement, and the significance of referencing Taiwan to South Korea. With this it revisits the setbacks of the South Korean intellectual movements in the 1980s and explores a new starting point for the intellectual movements in South Korea. Within this framework of reference, the thesis on people's literature proposed by Park Hyun-chae in the 1980s is re-evaluated. Although Park Hyun-chae was deeply restricted by the asymmetry of knowledge within the neo-colonial anti-communist system, as one of the few surviving left-wing intellectuals, he insisted on loving the people and consistently reflected on the ethical issue of intellectuals. However, he was unable to escape the constraints of the intellectual asymmetry in knowledge and the pitfall of the absence of reference points within the Cold War/division system. Thus, rereading Park Hyun-chae illuminates the starting point, method, and direction of restarting the intellectual movements in South Korea, that is, "people, region, and culture." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores counter-hegemonic madness as resistance strategy against European colonialism, American imperialism, and neocolonialism in Imbolo Mbue’s ecocritical novel, How Beautiful We Were. Mbue plunges the reader in the middle of what La Marr Jurelle Bruce terms “psychosocial” madness, havoc perpetuated by an African dictator, His Excellency, who is also a stooge of an American oil company called Pexton. The plot unfolds in the village of Kosawa, located in an unnamed, fictional African country. Mbue’s characters put a timer on the West’s impunity, attacking it by any means necessary, thus inspiring an honestly brutal discussion about the difficult and often-times deadly routes to the beauty of true freedom. How Beautiful We Were begins with disruptive psychosocial madness at an individual level, an intervention eventually undercut by a transition to a collective, albeit elitist resistant movement which privileges both negotiated and violent solutions. The individualistic resistance movement toward social change, led by Konga, the “village madman,” lays the foundation for a nationwide popular struggle toward social justice led by a woman, Thula, who is predictably discounted as “fickle” and unwomanly by the patriarchal community that sabotages her important interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By comparing the colonial era under the British colonization and Chinese presence in Nigeria, this study challenges the so-called "neo-colonialism" regarding Chinese activities in Nigeria and argues that China and Nigeria have a strategic cooperation which pursues each political and economic benefits through analyzing China's state-business relationship with Nigeria. Regarding studying China–Africa relationship, this study emphasizes to focus on specific African countries' domestic history, social development, and political and economic institutions. The paper contributes to the existing literature by involving the study on Nigeria's domestic political situations and social institutions and how these link with Chinese engagement in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While play in its various forms is universally recognised as developmentally important, it is neither universally accessible nor inclusive. Examining different forms of play is crucial for decolonising our understanding of play – particularly formal play provisions. This paper addresses the challenge of accessing these spaces by following one family's journey in Pune, India, from their home to a designed formal play space. It explores how play is intertwined with aspirations of a certain type of romanticised formal play, imagined lifestyles, and access. This discussion highlights how the design and accessibility of formal play spaces reflect the influence of colonial histories and neo-colonialism on the everyday lives of children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the decolonisation project in Africa, including the lingering concerns about Africa's decolonisation, and proposes ways for Africa to break out of the lingering shackles and appearances of colonialism. Despite several years of decolonisation in Africa, the continent is still enmeshed in neocolonialism, imperialism, and other forms of subtle colonial control. While previous scholarly attempts have interrogated the subject matter, emphasis has often been placed on the political aspect of decolonisation. There appears to be a dearth of a most recent attempt to provide an eye opener to the other lingering concerns in Africa's decolonisation project beyond political decolonisation. More so, beyond being an eye-opener, there is a need to propose a practicable way out of these lingering concerns about Africa's decolonisation. This is the gap this paper fills. The paper adopts descriptive and explanatory research designs, relying on documentary secondary data sources. Hence, data were sourced from extant relevant literature on the subject matter. It also adopts the decolonisation theory as a theoretical framework. Data was analysed using qualitative content analysis. Among others, the paper unravelled the lingering concerns in Africa's decolonisation project, such as socio-cultural concerns, economic concerns, governance/political concerns, and teaching and learning (knowledge production) concerns. The paper recommends that for Africa to gain total liberation in every ramification, there is an urgent need to completely decolonise its educational systems – learning and teaching methods and curricula, and seek first the kingdom of knowledge, and all else will be added. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Logos: A Journal, of Religion, Philosophy Comparative Cultural Studies & Art (08687692) is the property of Logos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cultural appropriation—a complex convergence of capitalist, racist, and colonial structures—is embedded in popular brands such as Urban Outfitters, a U.S.-based multinational lifestyle retail corporation. Through an innovative blend of participatory visual research, augmented reality (AR) technology, and theoretical frameworks informed by intersectional feminism and postcolonial theory, I expose cultural appropriation by Urban Outfitters in the rebranding of the Palestinian scarf and the unauthorized use of the Navajo Nation tribe's name and design. Concerning intersectionality, belonging, objectification, and neocolonialism, the study reveals university complicity in cultural appropriation intertwined with systemic inequalities. The essay culminates with a call to action, advocating for the broader application of participatory visual research and AR technology to challenge social injustices, thereby enriching the discourse on cultural appreciation, equity, and justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Israeli genocide of the Palestinians in Gaza and the Brazilian genocide against Black and Indigenous populations provide an opportunity to investigate the processes of elimination in settler-colonial nations. This article aims to examine the conditions under which settler states can exercise sovereign power against subaltern populations. It is argued that the escalation of structural genocide to expand settler colonization and govern surplus populations was facilitated by the rise of far-right governments. Nevertheless, the Brazilian state's capacity to exercise sovereign power has been restricted by the transition to neocolonialism, which enabled Brazilians to contain the far right. The space for the promotion of the largest genocide in recent history in Gaza was created by the Israeli effort to abort any possibility of transition to neocolonialism in Palestine, resulting in the maintenance of direct settler colonialism, the far-right government, and its close alliance with the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay discusses settler-colonialism in Palestine and the world system during late neocolonialism. It offers a materialist methodology for interpreting settler-colonial social formations, showing the linkage between settler-colonialism, class, imperialism, and world accumulation. It then considers how race continues to structure local reactions and condition local and international attempts at transformation. It concludes with some reflections on contemporary orientations to Palestine in the periphery, especially within racialized social formations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Film Quarterly / Kwartalnik Filmowy is the property of Kwartalnik Filmowy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study explores how African news media frame China's role in digital technology. China's engagement in Africa is portrayed as an ambiguous trend by Western media, which point to risks of Chinese influence. Themes of exploitation and support for autocratic regimes are common in media narratives about Chinese-African collaborations. Yet claims that China pursues a neo-colonial project in Africa seem exaggerated. While Chinese geopolitical ambitions drive its foreign policy decisions, African actors often appear absent from these discussions. African perceptions and assessments of China are nuanced, indicating a complex relationship. They point to benefits and risks with China as an economic, political, and cultural partner. It is crucial to analyze local contexts where stakeholders "get to speak" about China and technology, offering interpretative frameworks and engaging with opposing perspectives. News media are vital sites where technology narratives are conceived and circulated. The present study analyses Nigerian and Ghanaian news media as examples. Both countries share a complex history of development collaboration with China. Using a news framing approach linked to sociotechnical imageries, the study focuses on how African media discourses give meaning to digital technology and assess it in relation to foreign partners, including geopolitical implications in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The African populace met the end of colonialism in Africa with jubilation. There was hope that its demise would lead to socioeconomic emancipation after decades of segregation, discrimination and denial of local values and traditions. Nevertheless, what emerged has been the total opposite: corruption, never-ending conflict, the rise of violent non-state actors, elitism, poverty, and inequality. This gave rise to a new scramble for Africa, as major powers compete for influence on the continent. To investigate the difficulties of consolidating inclusive development in post-colonial Africa, this paper employed a semi-systematic research approach. The authors searched for peer-reviewed, English-language literature published from 1998 to 2023 through five online databases (Google Scholar, Sabinet, SAGE journals, Social Science Citation Index, Web of Science and EBSCOhost). The new scramble for Africa appeared to have presented so far both opportunities and risks. As great powers compete for influence and deeper relations, Africa is caught in the middle. It remains to be seen whether this scramble will be different from the previous colonization and whether it will foster the consolidation of inclusive development in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This commentary expounds on the obstacles and tensions introduced by Grewal, Guha, and Becker using a neo-colonialist perspective to examine the impact of Artificial Intelligence (AI) development as it related to non-renewable resources, datasets and labeling, and global labor exploitation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the decolonisation process, France has retained a considerable degree of influence over its former colonies in Sub-Saharan Africa. However, in recent years, this influence has diminished markedly. The purpose of this article is, therefore, to examine the extent of French economic influence in its former colonies in West and Central Africa. The paper begins by examining the long-term impact of France on the extraction of two key commodities, oil and uranium, on the African continent. This is primarily accomplished through French multinational corporations, which have historical ties to the French government and which exert dominant control over the extraction of the aforementioned mineral resources in the countries under examination. The paper then presents a case study of the Bolloré Group, another French multinational firm that has been active on the continent for an extended period of time across a range of sectors within the economies of the countries under study. In conclusion, the article presents a tabular overview of France's position as a trading partner for fourteen of its former colonies in West and Central Africa. The conclusion is that the decline in France's influence on its former colonies is much slower than one might assume based on recent developments in the political and military spheres (where French influence seems to be declining much faster in the 2020s). The decline is also more noticeable in African countries' exports to France than in their imports from France. The gradual and fluctuating nature of this decline makes it premature to ascertain whether the general decline of French influence, whether economic or political-military, in recent years represents a turning point in the emancipation of France's former colonies, or whether it is merely a transient phenomenon.

The article employs structural analysis to examine the evolution of Cuban antiimperialist ideology. It begins by analyzing the historical context—Cuba’s struggle against colonial dependence on Spain and its subsequent incorporation into the U.S. sphere of influence—which shaped the foundations of its anti-imperialist thought. Central to this ideological framework are the ideas of Cuban national hero José Martí, who articulated two core principles that later became structural components of Cuban anti-imperialism: resistance against oppression and the unification of regional countries in this struggle. The article traces the development of Martí’s ideas as they were adopted and expanded upon by diverse political movements, including radical patriots, socialists, and communists. Particular attention is given to the interpretation of anti-imperialist thought by Julio Antonio Mella, the founder of the Communist Party of Cuba and the Cuban section of the Anti-Imperialist League of the Americas. After the Cuban Revolution's victory in 1959, a new structural component emerged under Marxist-Leninist influence: the principle of proletarian internationalism. This principle was institutionalized in Cuban anti-imperialist ideology and codified in official documents, including foreign policy declarations and the 1976 Constitution. Following the collapse of the "world system of socialism" and the USSR, during the "Special Period in Peacetime," Cuba was compelled to reevaluate its economic foundations and foreign policy. This period saw the removal of proletarian internationalism from the Cuban Constitution and the termination of military assistance to national liberation and revolutionary movements. Cuban internationalism shifted its focus to humanitarian missions, marking a significant ideological transformation.The VI Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba (2011) reinforced these changes, with humanitarian missions increasingly commercialized where feasible, and foreign policy emphasizing the defense of international law, advocacy for multipolarity, and the pursuit of an alternative, fairer world order. In contemporary Cuban anti-imperialism, the Marxist-Leninist components—such as class analysis and proletarian internationalism—play a reduced role, reflecting the leadership's adaptability to changes in the international system.This analysis highlights the evolution and resilience of Cuban anti-imperialist ideology as it adjusts to shifting geopolitical realities while maintaining its foundational principles.

The book under review is a new monograph by L.S. Voronkov ‘Liberal values in theory and practice. On the issues of intellectual decolonization of Russia’, published in 2024. The reviewer discusses in detail several key topics and central ideas of the book under consideration. The first section covers the author’s views on a set of problems related to the specifics of power relations and the role of political elites in Western liberal democratic states. It also highlights the political and economic contradictions inherent to the liberal democratic model of social development, propagated by the countries of the ‘collective West’ in order to maintain their own dominance in the system of international relations. It is shown that, along with economic and political instruments, Western elites do not disdain practices of cultural hegemony, arising from the colonialism and neocolonialism. The second section considers L.S. Voronkov’s views on the issues of intellectual colonialism. Special attention is paid to the role of Western approaches within the theory of international relations in legitimizing and promoting the interests of the United States and its allies. It is shown that these approaches, positioned as strictly scientific, actually represented a sophisticated system aimed at concealing the real economic interests of Western countries. In this context, the book by L.S. Voronkov is of particular interest since it makes a strong case for the development of Russia’s own perspective on international relations, with due regard to its specific historical features. Although some author’s conclusions and observations can be contested, L.S. Voronkov’s monograph will hopefully contribute to the emergence of Russian sovereign international relations studies.

This paper is a comparative exegesis of Zimbabwean novelists' visualisation of female characters. It avers that in addressing business management issues through literature, selected Shona novelists' projection of female characters fosters hopelessness and despair into the unsuspecting readership since works of art is never neutral but rather ideological. Utilising Chakwesha (The Boss), Huturu Hwemavanga (Vernom from the Scars) and Nguva Yakaoma (Hard Times) as the prisms for the study, this paper holds that in business management and administration issues; women are cast as tricksters, opportunists, fraudsters and responsible for businessmen's downfall in their pursuit of business triumphalism. In all the selected primary sources for this paper, women are the perpetrators, whereas their male counterparts are the victims. Furthermore, the paper argues that this illumination fosters pessimism instead of a life-affirming and life-guaranteeing consciousness in the audience through the manner these Shona novelists pit male and female characters against each other. Since literature helps shape people's attitudes and identity, novelists have to elucidate on the predatory nature of the capitalistic economic system, which undergirds a neo-colonial system, which in turn impacts on respective female characters' morality that these novelists tend to magnify. Appreciation of these selected African literary works is guided by Africana Womanism against the backdrop that it places cultural and historical circumstances in the explication of issues related to the condition of African women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Situated within the context of increasing "adult regulatory practices" in skateboarding, this article draws attention to and interrogates the ways normative ideas of "youth," "adolescence," and "youth/adolescent development" often interplay with such efforts. In doing so, this article offers a critique, from a Critical Youth Studies perspective, of dominant, developmentalist notions of youth that typically cast young people as deficits in need of specific forms of intervention and surveillance. The article concludes with areas of inquiry emergent from critiques of dominant renderings of youth to be considered when engaging in processes of forming regulatory programs, policies, and practices related to skateboarding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The document "The security implications of the militarization of the Horn of Africa" examines the increase in foreign military bases in the region to combat piracy and serve global and regional interests. This militarization leads to increased instability, support for coercive regimes, and neocolonialism. Countries in the region, such as Ethiopia, Somalia, Djibouti, and Eritrea, are at the heart of this geopolitical and strategic dynamic. [Extracted from the article]

The article focuses on two poems including "Festac . . . Souvenirs de Lagos" ("Festac . . . Memories of Lagos," by Mariama Diop nee Ba and another by Younousse Seye, which aimed at African women in Pan-Africanism.It mentions that these poems were circulated at the Second Festival of Black Arts and Culture) FESTAC event in 1977 and Pan-African Festival of Algiers (PANAF) in 1969. Topics discussed include creative expression and intellectual thought of neocolonial African women.

This article revisits the political thought of Filipino statesman Claro M. Recto (1890–1960), with a focus on the idea of nationalism. Upon his return to Congress in 1952, Recto advocated for Filipino nationalism in response to the so-called "special relationship" between the Philippines and the United States in the post-independence period. He claimed that the Philippines, though granted independence in 1946, remained under the disparaging political and economic influence of the United States because of one-sided treaties. In Recto's mind, this "special relationship" was the main reason for the country's retrogression in attaining political and economic growth and development. Throughout his post-independence career in Congress, Recto was consistent in his posture of advocating Filipino nationalism. This article uncovers that Recto's nationalist crusade was anti-imperialist in principle against American neocolonialism thus only protective of the welfare of the Filipinos. This rereading of Recto's political thought hopes to add more nuance understanding about him, but it also deepens our understanding of the essence of nationalism in the postcolonial period in the Philippines and Southeast Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Matigari, an influential work, by Ngugi wa Thiong'o was brought into the public attention in 1986 which reveals resistance to the dominating system of post-colonialism and neocolonialism. Pursuing Kenyan independence, the novel which is set in Kenya discloses the story of Matigari Ma Njiruungi, who symbolizes the fight against injustice and inequality. Ngugi assesses the fiascos of the governments of post-colonialism to address a corrupt system of inequality by assimilating mythological themes, social criticism and cultural symbols. This novel thoroughly portrays resistance as both an individual and communal struggle firmly established in cultural traditions. The novel examines the persisting existence of oppressive colonial system in distinct ways and points out the critical role of unity in overwhelming the oppressive system. This analysis of the novel concentrates upon symbols, communal unity and language to demonstrate resistance, offering a transparent observation of Ngugi's assessment of neocolonialism and struggle for genuine freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Socioloski Pregled is the property of Srpsko Sociolosko Drustvo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the 2000s the EU has used African conflicts as "laboratories" to develop its Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and to mature its profile as a security actor; half of all CSDP missions have been deployed on the continent. However, the ineffectiveness of these missions, accusations of neocolonialism and the increasing appeal of Russian security assistance have raised fundamental questions about the legitimacy and efficacy of the CSDP model. Using a postcolonial decentring framework, which facilitates a clearer focus on African agency, I analyse why the EU has been unable to make sense of Russia's increasingly prominent role in African security. Through interviews with EU staff, document analysis and fieldwork in Mali, this paper explores how the EU's instrumentalisation of Africa as a "laboratory" – which positioned the continent as a depoliticised testing ground, with limited regard for the effectiveness of these tests – has had counterproductive effects on its long-term influence. It has left the EU unable to fathom why its geopolitical rivals enjoy popularity in Africa or to respond appropriately. In its preoccupation with its own maturation process, the EU has disregarded the agency of Africans and this myopia has been deliberately exploited by Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public international law cloaks the process of government recognition with neutrality. It does this by concealing its political, discretional nature and disregarding the far-reaching consequences for the citizens of the country concerned. The dispute over Venezuelan gold in the Bank of England provides a case study as the gold reserves or its proceeds remain out of the reach of the Venezuelan people. It presents unique features as the UK courts have to determine which of the two competing governments represents Venezuela's legitimate interest. This article focuses on the relationship between government recognition and coloniality to illustrate how the law reproduces neocolonial rationalities under the guise of neutrality. It conceals a morally superior self-perception of those advancing an international political order dehumanising the lives of 'the other'. Ultimately, government recognition has far-reaching implications for the international order since it risks becoming a discretionary practice to support or boycott regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Global mobility programs for pre-service teachers are an increasingly integral aspect of many teacher education courses. They are seen as important opportunities for pre-service teachers to engage with sociocultural diversity and develop skills for their work in increasingly multilingual and multicultural classrooms. However, such programs may also reinforce cultural stereotypes and neo-colonial attitudes, as well as promote a sense of superiority and legitimacy. Using the framework of 'sense-making', this paper presents an analysis of Australian pre-service teachers' experiences in an overseas teaching practicum in Santiago, Chile. Such an analysis has two aims: first, to add to current understandings of transnationalism in mobility programs from a student perspective; and second, to examine how historically constructed and discursively (re)produced binary categories of cultural self and other which tend to continue to shape intercultural encounters could be more critically interrogated. The results arising from this analysis indicate that there is a need to support pre-service teachers in finding new discursive ways to engage with the complexity of their experiences.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the recent migration of diasporic Somalis to Turkey. Drawing on ethnographic studies, we examine the interplay between mobility and place within this context. Through an analysis of historical ties, geographical location, and geopolitical implications, we investigate how diasporic Somalis' sense of Turkey as a place emerges as a preferred destination. We argue that Turkey's engagement with Somalia and its growing presence in the region have not only been valued but also highly regarded, thus motivating diasporic Somalis to choose Turkey as their new migration destination. However, the issue of diasporic Somalis' migration to Turkey extends beyond its perceived moral and strategic appeal, encompassing aspects of neo-colonialism and a place of exclusion. In conclusion, this article highlights the complex interplay of political and geopolitical factors that contribute to the uncertain future of diasporic Somalis in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The imbrication of depth psychology, textual genealogy, and Postcolonial Studies has not received much attention when healing trauma caused by slavery, colonization, and neocolonialism in the Caribbean. However, the white Trinidadian British author Monique Roffey, who was in Jungian analysis for many years, explores the efficacy of reconfigured myth in recuperating indigenous memory in her novel, The Mermaid of Black Conch (2020). Foregrounding Adrian del Valle's Cuban version of the oral Taíno (Aycayia) myth from Tradiciones y Leyendas de Cienfuegos (1919), Roffey's novel re-imagines the representation of patriarchal gender relations by empowering the mermaid through self-determined, conscious sexuality and turning the male gaze through relatedness. At the same time, however, the novel problematizes woman-on-woman envy, jealousy, and implication in androcentric power structures to show the limits of self-realization due to systemic racism. Thus, the novel calls for a reconsideration of psychological growth across gender and color lines in a trans-Caribbean context and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Education systems globally are increasingly being shaped by the logics, assumptions and pedagogical underpinnings of educational technology (EdTech) products, services, programmes, policies, and systems. These often promote rationalistic, secular, universal, objectivist, (post)modernist, written, behaviourist, and individualistic ways of being, marginalising religious, spiritual, oral, subjective, critical, and communitarian ways of being. Given that technological ways of being have been propagated globally, these logics are no longer predominantly promoted by those in the Global North, but by techno-solutionists globally, although the core-to-periphery flows of ideology and funding are still prominent. This article develops a conceptual and analytical framework for decolonising and desecularising the field of EdTech. Concepts are drawn from various discourses: the desecularisation of knowledge to set the ontological framing; embodied cognition to set the epistemological framing; and social justice and decolonial discourses to set the axiological framing. From this, the article develops the Dimensions of Human Injustice Analytical Framework—covering material, ontological and epistemic, and (geo)political injustices—to assist policymakers, educators, EdTech developers, and international development practitioners in identifying and confronting coloniality in their EdTech. Acknowledging the complexity and contentions within decolonial thought, this article does not claim a unified stance on achieving justice but aims to offer a tool for deconstructing and questioning injustices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Parasite (기생충, 2019), a genre hybrid film by South Korean auteur Bong Joon-Ho, skillfully blends comedy, thriller, and tragedy to depict the stark power differentials between impoverished families and wealthy elites. Serving as a microcosm, the film unveils the entrenched hierarchy perpetuated by hypercapitalism in South Korea, echoing real-life disparities exacerbated since the 1997 Asian financial crisis. Through an analysis of the economic dependency, sociocultural divides, and neocolonialist ideological discrimination depicted in the film, alongside Bong's filmmaking with inextricable ties to Hollywood capital, this study reveals the pervasive nature of imbalanced power relations. It underscores how hypercapitalism self-replicates and transmits social stratification and structural inequalities to create the next warped generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neo-colonialism is considered by many writers to be a strategy of the former colonial powers and the new superpowers to implement various socioeconomic and political strategies in developing countries. The Horn of Africa, as a parcel of a developing region, is recognized as a piece of the ‘grand chessboard’ of world geopolitics. In particular, US neo-colonialism has become an invisible government in almost all countries in the Horn of Africa. Therefore, the main objective of this paper is to examine and write about the origin, discourses, concealment (mask), normative agents, and potential perils of American neo-colonialism in the Horn of Africa. Indeed, the paper also answers the question of whether the US is a straightforward ally or a neo-colonialist in the Horn of Africa. To document this, the paper would be limited to primary sources such as letters, reports, and published secondary texts that have been available to this writer to date.

This article addresses the issue of neocolonialism and, in particular, the context in which this issue is addressed within the framework of Russian official foreign policy. The article gives an idea of the emergence and modern understanding of the concept of neocolonialism within the framework of political science. The authors use the method of content analysis of speeches, statements and articles by Russian officials that contain references to neo-colonialism and the fight against it on the African continent. It is shown that the narrative of neocolonialism occupies a fairly important place in the Russian Federation’s construction of its foreign policy identity as a form of building a discursive dialogue with Western countries. The peculiarities of the Russian discourse on neocolonialism are its focus on problems in the spheres of economics and security, as well as some abstractness in relation to specific forms and manifestations of neocolonialism in African countries.

In this article I explore two intersections with live art as a conceptual and cultural strategy in relation to migrant cultures in and from 'Eastern' Europe, with a focus on Romania. Whilst live art is a debated term whose parameters have changed over time, its scope continues to remain strategic, framing a multiplicity of practices with differing and uneasy relationships to categorisation, institutionality and legibility. I am not interested in arguing for an expansion of live art as an art historical frame, but in developing a methodology for the analysis of work whose poetics sits uneasily across borders, in circulation. Through an engagement with 'vibe' I build on resonances of live art as they entangle with art histories of performance in Eastern Europe. I locate a radical possibility offered by 'vibes' as refusal and circulation of political agency. Taking up the provocation from that disaffection can act as a refusal to feel in the face of white sentimentality, I explore how an anonymous Instagram account called 'Latifundiar', which superimposes urban scenes, usually from Romanian towns and cities, against Western canonical art historical landscapes, manifests 'live art vibes' – seeking to capture the entanglement between complicity, affective regimes and political accountability in neo-colonial regimes in East and West Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sections of higher education in Argentina in the last approximately ten years are covered, trying to show a line of continuity with respect to certain traces of undisguisable academic neocolonialism, not noticing notable differences despite the change in university policies from the different national administrations. In order to show this line of continuity -despite the abysmal difference regarding public policies in Higher Education in the last two governments-we are located in the Argentine North Patagonia, analyzing as a witness case of what is maintained here (namely: the capital plot / market / Higher Education) hydrocarbon exploitation since the boom of what is called Vaca Muerta. It is interesting to show how this plot occurs in Higher Education, it is at the expense of academic capitalism. This article closes by reporting a certain impassiveness on the part of the Social Sciences and Humanities, which, to a large extent, ignore these issues, remaining in a state, if not of complicity, then of epistemic ataraxia and immutability in the face of affliction of the present. We maintain the importance of paying attention to the re and neo-colonizing dimension of higher studies and education in general, today as yesterday, and silence regarding this present of devastation and death that has colonized minds, bodies and knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lawyers, scholars, and activists have long sought to incorporate ecocide into the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court to address corporate and governmental impunity for massive and severe ecological damage, including the hanms caused by climate change. This Article uses the framework of racial capitalism to examine and critique the proposed criminalization of ecocide. Coined by South African scholars and activists and refined by political theorist Cedric Robinson, the theory of racial capitalism offers valuable insights on the root causes of the elimate crisis and the manifold injustices it inflicts on marginalized states and peoples. While most discussions of climate justice focus on the disproportionate impacts of climate change on those who contributed least to the problem, this Article examines the processes through which racial capitalism plunders the land, labor, and natural wealth of states and peoples racialized as inferior to generate profits for global elites. These processes immiserate most of the world's population, subject marginalized communities to the "slow violence" of polluting industry, destabilize the planet's ecosystems, generate prodigious quantities of greenhouse gases, and deprive subaltern populations of the resources needed to adapt to climate change and other socio-ecological crises. In other words, the fossil fuelbased capitalist world economy that caused the climate crisis was sparked and sustained by slavery, colonialism, and neocolonialism (including its latest incarnation, neoliberalism). The Article highlights two core features of racial capitalism: its racial stratification of humans for the purpose of profit making and its eco-destructive logic. It explains international law's complicity with these core features through legal doctrines that construct nature as property and justify the subordination of non-European peoples by portraying them as the backward and barbaric "other" who must be civilized through continuous economic, political, and military interventions. Applying these insights to the proposal to codify ecocide, the Article concludes that the proposed definition ofecocide may reinforce rather than subvert racial capitalism's core features by ( 1) focusing on individual culpability and spectacular acts of ecological destruction while obscuring racial capitalism's inherently predatory, eco-destructive logic; (2) perpetuating international law's civilizing mission through the selective prosecution of the racialized "other'; and (3) devaluing nature, subaltern communities, and world views antithetical to racial capitalism through the incorporation of cost-benefit analysis into the definition of ecocide. Recognizing the interconnectedness of slavery, colonialism, neocolonialism, and climate change, the Article calls for reparative and restorative forms ofjustice instead ofpunitive approaches that scapegoat individuals for the structural ills of racial capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]