Search

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Routledge) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Routledge) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Routledge) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Routledge) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Routledge) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Routledge) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper seeks to understand the construction of a broad alliance between the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), a socialist inspired guerrilla group, and various Latin American liberal and authoritarian governments, mainly Venezuela, Costa Rica, Panama and Cuba, between 1977 and 1979. I will seek to understand the construction of this unusual partnership, as well as the deep conflicts and mistrust that existed between the parties during the revolutionary upheaval in Nicaragua. This process will be examined by analysing the way Cold War politics and Latin American regional tensions shaped the events leading to the Sandinista revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In December 1981, Nicaragua's Sandinista government forcibly resettled some 8,500 Miskito Indians, killing dozens and displacing thousands in a controversy known as la Navidad Roja - the Red Christmas. Two starkly contrasting narratives exist around this episode: one which viewed the affair as a domestic one driven by longstanding ethnic tensions, and another which saw a CIA plot behind the violence. This article explores the chasm between those narratives and traces the breakdown in the FSLN-Miskito relations in 1981, ultimately showing how both indigenous action and Latin American state interventions played an understudied role at the onset of the Nicaraguan Civil War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the midst of the Cold War, the Sandinista Revolution shook US objectives in the Central America and Caribbean. During the Reagan Administration, the United States stepped up intervention in the region to overthrow the Sandinista Government. This paper intends to demonstrate that even in the orthodox field of American politics, the role of the United States in the face of the revolution in Nicaragua was not exclusively defined in a single perceptions and that therefore there were competing proposals that even understood the reality in the region from its own dynamics, and not only because of the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the benefits provided by the security policy led by the U.S. to the national security system of Nicaragua. It mentions that the peace agreements signed by two countries result to the ending of the civil war in Nicaragua in the 1980s and contributes to the safety of the country through technical assistance, training, and equipment from the U.S.

Following the ends to the civil wars in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala, the revolutionary coalitions that had led the fight against authoritarian regimes began to fracture. However, none of the splinter parties that broke from the Sandinista National Liberation Front, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, and Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unit has succeeded on their own as political parties. In this article, I argue that there is no single reason to explain the poor performances of the Democratic Party (PD), the Renovating Movement (MR), and the Democratic Front Party (FDR) in El Salvador, the Sandinista Renovation Movement (Renovate-MRS) and the Movement to Rescue Sandinismo (Rescue-MRS) in Nicaragua, and the New Nation Alliance (ANN) in Guatemala. However, their limited financial resources, alliances with non-revolutionary centrist and centre-right parties, and voter tendency to overlook internal ideological and personal debates within the original political parties, especially the FSLN and FMLN, have not helped. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A personal narrative is presented which explores the author's experience of traveling to Nicaragua in the middle of the Contra War.

Copyright of Revista de Indias is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper revisits the historical relationship between Sandinismo and Feminism in Nicaragua, to explain the increasing antagonism between them. Drawing on the personal accounts of women's rights, sexual rights, and reproductive rights activists who participated in the Sandinista Revolution and movement, I show that the current conflict--far from being a radical break with the past--can be traced to antagonisms that have long existed within the Sandinista movement. The Sandinista leadership actively mobilized an anti-feminist discourse that marginalized sexual and reproductive rights from the revolutionary struggle. By constructing feminism as antagonistic to the revolution and forcing a split in loyalties, this discourse produced complex processes of (self)disciplining and (self)silencing. The article seeks to highlight the complexity of these processes and the internal dilemmas they produced. It questions not only the primacy of the economic or material sphere over issues of gender and sexuality, but also the very division of these into different spheres of experience and politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 23 December 1972, a major earthquake occurred near Managua, Nicaragua. Followed by two strong aftershocks, the earthquake had devastating consequences for the people of Nicaragua's capital, and corruption and mismanagement during the relief efforts gave impetus to what would become the Nicaraguan Revolution of 1979. The earthquake also dramatically altered the landscape of the capital, destroying most of the city's historic center. Abandoned after the earthquake, the area nevertheless maintains a prominent symbolic role in Nicaragua, and in many ways remains the heart of a vastly changed modern city. The revolution was celebrated in the historic core, and memorials, government buildings, and ongoing revitalization efforts have all shaped it in the nearly four decades since its devastation. Though initially abandoned, it remains a powerful and dynamic place. This article investigates landscape transitions in the historic heart of Managua since the tumultuous events of the 1970s, with particular emphasis on the ways in which visions of Nicaragua's past, present, and future are reflected in the competing currents of the built landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Carmen Aguirre (1931–1971) was a young woman who lived as a self-made man in the 1960s under the brutal, yet populist, right-wing Somoza dictatorship in Nicaragua. Carmen was known as Carmelo or la Caimana (the alligator woman). This article sheds light not only on la Caimana's life, but on how he is remembered today in Nicaragua. It addresses dynamics of Nicaragua's sexual past, present, and future, as well as theoretical questions dealing with identity, sex, and politics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In January 2007, the Left won the elections for the Nicaraguan Presidency for the first time since the Sandinista Revolution ended in 1990. President Daniel Ortega proclaimed himself a champion of the poor and spent millions on subsidized housing, food, livestock, and low-interest loans for women. To distribute these goods and services, he created popularly elected neighborhood and municipal councils called Citizen Power Councils (CPCs). To determine the extent to which the CPCs empowered the poor, this article examines ethnographic data collected during ten months of fieldwork in six Nicaraguan municipalities. The study concludes that despite the intrinsic value of citizen participation, systems of participatory governance pose risks due to possibilities for corruption and the intensity of partisan rivalries. These risks are especially pronounced in highly polarized, low-income countries with weak state capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Sociológicos is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes the radical imagination of lesbian and gay activism in solidarity with the Nicaraguan Revolution. It examines the reasons US lesbian and gay radicals supported that revolution and investigates the ways that homoerotic, especially lesbian, desire shaped their solidarity. Drawing on Herbert Marcuse and Michel Foucault, the article argues that lesbian and gay radicals viewed the Nicaraguan Revolution in erotic and heterotopic terms. Posters, fliers, and interviews reveal that US activists, people of color and white, represented the Revolution and solidarity through tropes of female masculinity and women's affection. Many Nicaraguan lesbians and gay men shared these nonnormative images of socialist change. Yet while Nicaraguans claimed Sandinismo as their own, for US activists revolution remained a distant object of desire and solidarity a "seduction," "crush," or embrace. United States activists who embraced developmentalist views of Latin American sexualities remained unable to witness lesbian and gay life inside Nicaragua, while lesbian and gay Sandinistas kept silent about FSLN homophobia so as not to undermine solidarity against the Contra war. Desire served as a powerful tool for mobilizing transnational solidarity. By failing to examine desire critically, however, US activists limited their communications with Nicaraguan lesbians and gay men and weakened the relationship they sought with revolution itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the author offers observations on Susan Meiselas' photo project "Reframing History." Particular focus is given to the project's aim of installing photographs from Meiselas' book, "Nicaragua: June 1978 to July 1979," throughout Nicaragua. Meiselas' collaboration with the filmmaker Alfred Guzzetti on a film about the project is also discussed.

A personal narrative is presented which explores the author's experience of the Nicaraguan revolution in 1984 and her subsequent interest in war trauma that persuaded her to pursue a doctor's degree in Social Work to share her understanding on war trauma to others.

Copyright of Anthropologica is the property of CASCA and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El artículo analiza el proceso de las revoluciones de Cuba en 1959 y Nicaragua en 1979. Se analizan las papeles de la inteligentsia y la doctrina comunista en los revoluciones, así como las influencias de poderes extranjeros como los Estados unidos y la Unión Soviética. Se describen las caídas de las regímenes de Fulgencio Batista y Zaldívar y Anastasio Somoza Debayle y las políticas instituidas después de las revoluciones, particularmente las de Primer Ministro cubano Fidel Castro.

This essay examines the local politics of indigenous activism among Nicaragua's Miskito population before and after that country's Sandinista Revolution. It recounts details of the transformation of Miskito political representation in the wake of the 1979 Sandinista Revolution and immediately prior to the Miskito rebellion of the 1980s. Perspectives presented here are of Miskito activists of the pre-revolutionary and pre-rebellion era. These are perspectives that in the 1980s were silenced by intraethnic political rivals among the Miskito leadership and by a complicit Western scholarship that at the time was engaged in promoting subaltern voice in Central America as stories of ethnic rebellion. In revising accounts of a local political power struggle, this essay examines the process of history creation in an indigenous community. By including alternative perspectives and reviving previously silenced voices in Nicaragua, it more broadly charts the evolution of oral history as methodology since its popularization in the area of Central American indigenous studies in the 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article explores the betrayals of the Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua. It relates the legacy of the revolution to the government of President Daniel Ortega. It notes that Ortega's fiscal and economic policies are continuous with those of the previous governments, despite his anti-imperialist rhetoric and denunciations of neoliberalism. Moreover, the article stresses that the government and the Sandinista party are harassing and repressing their opponents.

Focuses on the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) and the national reconstruction of Nicaragua. Government structures that have been replaced by the revolutionary regime with new systems; Countries and region that supported FSLN; Ideology and objectives of FSLN; Sociopolitical condition of Nicaragua under the Sandinista government.

Examines the role of the Protestant Moravian Church in the politicization of Miskitu ethnic identity and on the mobilization of the Miskitu against the Sandinistas in the 1980s. Effect of changes in the institution of the Church on Moravianism; Socio-economic context and internal conflicts within Miskitu society; Encounters with the pastoral tactics of a Catholic priest.

The article discusses the progress of the transitional society in Nicaragua in the cultural domain, following the 1979 Sandinista revolution. According to the author, the Nicaraguan transitional society is facing difficulty in achieving progress in the area of cultural production. During the first years of the revolution, cultural activity increased with the help of state and mass organizations. However, the country is now facing a crisis in cultural policy. It is said that the lack of cultural producers' confidence and direction is affecting cultural achievements in the country.

Reviews different essays on the Nicaraguan revolution in 1979-1990. `Revolucion y Politica Alimentaria: Un Analisis Critico de Nicaragua' by Brizio N. Biondi-Morra; `Sandinista Communisn and Rural Nicaragua' by Janusz Bugazski; `Post-revolutionary Nicaragua: State, Class, and the Dilemmas of Agrarian Policy' by Forrest D. Colburn; More.

Discusses housing policies in Nicaragua when the Nicaraguan Revolution succeeded in 1979 and the Sandinistas started to convert the capitalist economy into a mixed economy with a strong social bias. Sectoral and regional priorities; Housing as not always considered a social expenditure or a consumptive item; Planning of a hierarchical system of towns and smaller population centers.

Analyzes the impact of the Sandinista revolutionary project on the Nicaraguan countryside in 1979. Debate concerning democracy in the Nicaraguan Revolution; Promises of the Frente Sandinista de Liberacion Nacional (FSLN) after taking power; Objectives of popular hegemony; Sandinista concept of democracy; Development of participatory forms of democracy.

The article discusses the artistic framework that evolved which lead to the Nicaraguan revolution of 1979 and the effect of the U.S. sponsored electoral defeat of the Sandinista government in 1990 on Nicaraguan visual arts. Wall murals are a dominant revolutionary medium that are examined. The Sandinista government's successful and hailed National Crusade for Literacy of 1980 and the growth of the opposition are described as fostering a new diversity in Nicaraguan art.

The article discusses the development of art during the transformation of contemporary Nicaragua, which was labeled as a revolution of poets. It is found that cultural and art programs played significant roles in the revolution in the Central American country. Before the revolution, it is reported that access to art and culture was limited. Some of the known painters from the country are Roger Pérez de la Roche, Leonel Vanegas and Francisco de Asís Fernández. It is asserted that most primitivist paintings made in the country focused on daily life.

A previous paper in this Journal presented a resource mobilization-political opportunities paradigm about violent revolution in the Third World Key propositions put forward in the previous paper find empirical support in a study of the Nicaraguan revolution. In keeping with the paradigm, the Nicaraguan revolution occurred after a period of economic growth during which urbanization, school enrollments, and the size of the middle class increased. Also consistent with the paradigm was the existence of an organization of professional revolutionaries espousing a Marxist-Leninist ideology which received resources from abroad, especially from Castro's Cuba. The Sandinista National Liberation Front put into practice a number of strategems which the paradigm considers to be promising in a revolution, including staging paralyzing acts of institutional disruption, enlisting the aid of social and economic elites, and deceiving the public and its allies about the true goals of the organization. Also, the FSLN was adept at exploiting political opportunities and realignments which left the Somoza regime weakened and vulnerable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El artículo presenta una introducción a los contenidos de la revista, la cual se centra en el tema de los revoluciones de Cuba y de Nicarágua. Se discuten maneras de interpretar los eventos que ocurrieron y las fuerzas que participaron en el conflicto, como la intervención de los Estados Unidos y el concepto de racismo cubano.