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Since making the transition from military to civilian rule in 1999, Nigeria has witnessed intensive, but largely unfulfilled, pressures for comprehensive federal constitutional change. This article analyzes the multiple ethno-political drivers and institutional themes of Nigeria's constitutional struggles, the conflicting approaches to federal reform by governmental, civic, and ethno-regional groups, and potential pathways to a more effective governance of the country's constitutional challenges. The article contends that incremental constitutional change and non-constitutional renewal, including benign constitutional transgressions and creative legislative and judicial interventions, offer the most feasible path to federal accommodation and development in Nigeria in the absence of national consensus on the desirability and modality of wholesale, mega-constitutional reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the circumstances of the emergence of the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) in a period of political liberalization and considerable uncertainty as the armed forces began to prepare to relinquish their grip on power in 1999. It tracks MASSOB from its inception, shortly after a civilian government took office following controversial elections, through the imprisonment of its founding leader Ralph Uwazurike in 2005, precisely when the government, under pressure, convened a national conference to address the grievances of the various ethnic groups, to the present, even as members reassess their strategies in the face of the apparent reluctance of a significant section of the Igbo political elite to buy into a new secession project. Confronted with the task of discharging the burden of civil war memory, the young men of MASSOB sought to mobilize history, ethnicity and a parlous economic present to press their claims on an electoral authoritarian regime founded on an ethnic logic. In so doing, they threatened to derail Nigeria's democratization process. Countervailing forces, including civic actors in the Igbo heartland itself, intervened, powerfully illustrating the case that democratization is indeed a long-drawn-out and open-ended process. Properly nurtured, it could progress to the crucial consolidation stage in multi-ethnic states. Even so, the fact that MASSOB's project is presently struggling does not in any way detract from the validity of the grievances that gave birth to the ethnic militia in the first place. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the role of the civil service under a democratic regime with particular reference to the Obasanjo,S administration,1999-2007. The paper used secondary source of information in generating its data. A critical examination revealed that civil service is very central and critical in any type of government being it military or civil administration. While in a democratic regime, the civil servant must carry out the decisions and policies laid down by the political class, the civil servant must resist illegitimate political demands or pressures that might be inimical to the progress and image of the civil service. The paper concludes and recommends among other things that quota system and federal character principles should be wisely applied in a manner that it will not compromised the integrity and competence of the service under a democratic regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the West Africa sub-region, conflicts, tension and crisis have become the defining characteristics of their statehood with some escalating into full scale civil wars, as in Liberia, Sierra Leone and Cote D'Ivoire bringing in their wake deaths, destruction and despair. Even the cases of Somali and the Darfur Region in the Sudan have defied all known solutions with attendant consequences of total and near disintegration of the two states respectively. Ordinarily, Nigeria being a federal state, the general expectation had been a better management of conflicts and social tension within the polity. This is due to received wisdom that federal states are expected to accommodate more pluralities and cleavages within a polity as it allows for diverse groups representation through the instrumentalities of decentralised structures of states and sometimes local governments. However, this potential has not been fully maximised as the country still contend with so many crises that have almost stretched out its capacity for corporate existence with threatening disintegrative tendencies. This paper interrogates one of the sources of conflicts in the country, the crisis in the Niger Delta Region. This is done against the backdrop of different attempts at management of the conflict which rather being ameliorated has assumed different dimensions; from self-determination struggles to recent experiences of kidnapping among other vices in spite of the much acclaimed amnesty programme of the federal government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The violent outburst of Owerri's civil society in September 1996 arguably signaled a new order in the fighting of corruption - through self-help efforts. This outburst was a demonstration of public discontent over the activities of a few rich citizens in that town who were believed to have been involved in varied corrupt practices in making 'fast' wealth. It was also a vociferous indictment on the State and its agents for ineptitude in fighting corruption, and complicity in criminal acts. Drawing from both primary and secondary sources in social research, this study critically examines the chain of events preceding, and the dynamics of the developments surrounding the societal conflicts in Owerri, Nigeria, popularly dubbed 'Otokoto Saga.' It analyzes the varied dimensions of the societal conflicts, the authentic roles of civil society agency in a 'self-help strategy' and the responses of the State (and its actors) to the inadvertent eruptions. It further shows how Owerri's civil society agency 'forced' the state to take critical steps towards the restoration of sanity in the town. The paper argues that civil society's critical awareness of its own roles in maintaining a corrupt-free society was instrumental to their violent reactions. It concludes that deep-seated fear and frustration underlined the reactions of the civil society, while moral panic and outrage triggered such reactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines whether the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria reflects a reconciliation between the legal system and society. It presents a dialogue on the law between Greek statesmen Alcibiades and Pericles. It provides an overview of Nigerian politics and describes the impact of the military regimes on human rights.

Nigeria's successful transition to civil rule May 1999 unleashed a host of hitherto repressed dormant political forces such as the ethnic militias. Unfortunately, it has become increasingly difficult to differentiate between genuine demands by these forces on the state and outright criminality and mayhem. It is against this background of collective disenchantment with the Nigerian state, and the resurgence of ethnic identity politics that this paper sought to analyze the threat posed by ethnic militias on democracy and security of the Nigerian nation. Using the Desk Study(DS) and Focus Group Discussion(FGD) as sources of data gathering , we found out that the emergence of ethnic militias is a specific response to state incapacity and this development poses threat to democracy and the security of the Nigerian nation in many areas. We therefore recommended that there is the need for the creation of an enduring framework for the democratic resolution of disputes, and this is only possible when all stakeholders agree on this framework through a national dialogue whose outcome will be binding on all and that will lead to security in the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Generally, extra-judicial killings, summary and arbitrary executions in Nigeria were considered as part of the necessary evil of military dictatorship that dominated the polity of the country from independence to 1999. This is principally because once the military takes over the governance of the country they immediately suspend the Constitution (the supreme law of the land, which, amongst other things, guarantees and safeguards the fundamental human rights of the citizens) from operation. In the absence of the Constitution, the legal protection afforded individuals ceases to exist paving the way for arbitrary rule. However, the perpetration of extra-judicial killings under democratic administration, which is bound to protect and enforce the Constitution, raises a number of questions particularly as to whether the nation's democratic rule is in some way a mere extension of its military style leadership. This paper considers the reason-d'être of the continuation of the involvement of security forces, especially the police, in extra-judicial killings in spite of the existence of democracy in Nigeria; what is the implication of this trend on the rule of law and what measures ought to be taken to reverse it? In this analysis, the paper adopts the doctrinal methodology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study examines the place of the military in the unprecedented ten-year survival of Nigeria’s democracy. Two competing hypotheses are presented. Was democratic stability a product of (1) improvements in democratic governance or (2) characterized with the Nigerian armed forces? Although neither hypothesis can be rejected, military factors appear to provide the strongest explanation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In 1999 Nigeria witnessed its second transition to democracy. However, not only have authoritarian regimes existed in Nigeria for a substantial part of its history but also the successive democratic governments since 1999 have continued to mirror the characteristics of these regimes. Thus, in the article I analyze this paradox by examining the role of multinational corporations in preventing the growth of democracy in Nigeria. I observe that the rentier incomes provided by the multinational oil corporations to the Nigerian state have enabled the authoritarian regimes to maintain themselves in power. Furthermore the multinational corporations have also played a very important role in ensuring the continuation of an 'elite social class' supportive of these regimes, within the Nigerian society. These findings suggest that the important socio-economic position enjoyed by these multinational corporations within the Nigerian society, has resulted in the continuation of the authoritarian regimes and their policies within the Nigerian state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1999 Nigeria witnessed its second transition to democracy. However, not only have authoritarian regimes existed in Nigeria for a substantial part of its history but also the successive democratic governments since 1999 have continued to mirror the characteristics of these regimes. Thus, in the article I analyze this paradox by examining the role of multinational corporations in preventing the growth of democracy in Nigeria. I observe that the rentier incomes provided by the multinational oil corporations to the Nigerian state have enabled the authoritarian regimes to maintain themselves in power. Furthermore the multinational corporations have also played a very important role in ensuring the continuation of an 'elite social class' supportive of these regimes, within the Nigerian society. These findings suggest that the important socio-economic position enjoyed by these multinational corporations within the Nigerian society, has resulted in the continuation of the authoritarian regimes and their policies within the Nigerian state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines public finance reforms in the Nigerian federal system against the background of its transition from military to democratic rule in 1999 and the challenges posed to overall outcomes, especially by the fiscal health of the sub-national units. Using a before-and-after assessment of policies and performances, the article highlights the progress made in reforming public finance, and discusses the formidable political, institutional and social constraints that have made reforms difficult and inefficient. By focusing on the Nigerian case information, the article contributes to the debates on whether or not, and when federalism can contribute to economic growth and prosperity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the foreign policy of Nigeria from 1999-2007 with a focus on domestic factors in international relations. Topics include social politics in Nigerian geography, the political system of federalism in the country, ethnic and religious diversity in the country, and the role of political parties in its foreign policy.

On 10 July 2003, a civilian coup was attempted in Anambra state in South-east Nigeria. Barely two months after Chris Ngige was sworn in as the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governor of Anambra, a team of armed policemen disarmed his security detail and took him into custody. The governor's attempted ousting made public the breakdown of his relationship with his political godfather, Chief Chris Uba, and sparked a debate on godfather politics in Nigeria. Using the case of Anambra, this article investigates the complex network of personalised relationships that holders of state power maintain with their national and local clientelistic constituencies. It explores the political underpinnings of the crisis and its links to national-level power dynamics, particularly within the ruling party and the Obasanjo presidency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The powers of impeachment provided under the Nigerian constitution provide a means of checking the excesses of certain executive officers who enjoy the privilege of constitutional immunity against civil or criminal proceedings while they remain in once. Instead of being invoked in appropriate circumstances, however, this article shows that these powers have been abused. It examines cases of impeachment at the state level during the Obasanjo administration and shows how constitutional provisions were fragrantly breached. It provides evidence that the federal government was complicit in such cases, even though under the federal structure by which Nigeria operates, impeachment at the state level is exclusively a state business. It argues that the abuses are a symptom of imbalance of power between the executive and the legislature as well as evidence of the limits of constitutionalism in the face of politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an insider’s account of the vicious political struggles that shaped the April 2007 general elections in Nigeria which were adjudged to be fraudulent. It argues that the form of political struggles that gave rise that election derive from the enthronement of a particularly vicious and violent form of personal rule which is itself a product of Nigeria’s colonial rule and long history of military dictatorship which saw to the concentration of power and resources in the state in the context of the existence of a weak bourgeois class and generalized poverty for the generality of the population. The intrigues and power struggles in Nigeria during its 4th Republic 1999–2007, particularly the power struggle between the country’s President and his deputy are discussed to illustrate the character of Nigerian (and perhaps African) politics. Some suggestions are offered for a more just and stable Nigerian polity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The effect of ethnicity on party politics in Nigeria (1999-present) has been paradoxical. Policies designed to end ethnic outbidding and the ethnicisation of party politics have resulted in higher levels of ethnic violence. Policies pursued by the Nigerian framers to 'get the party system right' and engender broad, ethnically diverse parties were also expected to reduce the incentives for elites to encourage ethnic violence. They have not. The Peoples' Democratic Party (PDP) succeeds as a multi-ethnic coalition on the basis of informal bargains and accommodations. The practice of 'zoning', which distributes the spoils of office according to an ethnic formula, produces incentives for local elites to embark upon ethnic violence or ethnic mobilisation as a way of advancing the interests of their local constituencies. The institutional framework of Nigerian democracy creates incentives for 'two-faced' elites - cooperative nationally, but ethnically antagonistic in their home districts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A defining characteristic of 'Theatre for Development' is its 'unfinished' quality, whereby plays or scenarios remain more or less ongoing dialogues. In the following article, Samuel Ayedime Kafewo discusses the relationship between the fiction of the performance and the reality of the performed issues in one drama based on this technique, concerned with the divisive issue of citizenship rights in Nigeria. What is the role of processing and intervention in encouraging new attitudes towards the citizenship issues tackled in the project? What are the strengths and weaknesses of the methodologies adopted? And what was the overall impact of the project, Citizenship, Participation, and Accountability', as undertaken by the Theatre for Development Centre and the Nigerian Popular Theatre Alliance in 2001-2002 in Kaduna State, north-western Nigeria? Samuel Ayedime Kafewo is an active member of the Zaria Popular Theatre/Theatre for Development movement. He is Reader in the Department of Theatre and Performing Arts, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Nigeria, and has published extensively in both local and international journals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper undertakes a critical analysis of the 2007 Nigerian general elections, with emphasis on the 'garrison' process and its implications for the consolidation of democracy. It is argued that garrisoned electoral processes represent a powerful source of democratic instability that can threaten the consolidation of democracy. The paper illustrates these processes and concludes that much, however, will depend on how 'winners' and 'losers' manage their successes and failures, respectively. The greatest threats to the consolidation of democracy in the aftermath of the garrisoned elections relate to the handling of post-election issues, especially election petitions, tribunals and court processes, by all stakeholders in the democratisation process. So far, these issues would appear largely to have been properly handled by all affected parties, raising hopes of the possibility of mitigating potential pitfalls. Sustained efforts are required both to ensure that these democratic gains endure and to avoid democratic regression that could potentially lead to military intervention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Periodic free and fair elections are central to democratic consolidation in Nigeria as in other parts of the world. Electoral laws provide the legal basis for the conduct of such elections, and the reform of these laws is a part and parcel of the efforts geared towards consolidating the country's nascent democracy. The paper situates the Electoral Act 2006 within the specific historical experiences of Nigeria in the conduct of elections. It focuses on the remedial provisions of the act that are designed to address specific maladies of the Nigerian electoral system. It notes areas of continuity and change, highlighting the strengths and weaknesses of the act in addressing the critical issues involved. The paper concludes that while law remains important, and indeed indispensable, in electoral politics, a reform of the electoral laws has to be backed by structural changes in other spheres of the socio-political relations, in order to advance the course of sustainable democracy in Nigeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The collapse of the informal alliance between the Federal Government and ethnic minorities of the Niger Delta brought significant changes in their modes of power relations. The alliance had developed as a form of buffer against Igbo hegemony and domination over these minorities. The passing of a vote of no confidence on the alliance by the minorities was largely connected, then, as now, to oil and environmental politics and attendant distributive politics that place the minorities at the mercy of the government. These underscore the resort to dissent and excesses by the Niger Delta and the state, respectively. This article explores the rise and fall of the alliance and attendant intrigues. It illustrates the character of dissent and state excesses as well as their accomplishments and failures. It concludes that the resort to dissent by the minorities and excesses by the state has had mixed outcomes, making it difficult for both parties to fully actualize their goals. Finally, the article suggests the need to address the roots of observable contradictions, which lie in the asymmetrical system of power relations engendered by oil, environmental, and distributive politics. This calls for devising an acceptable and equitable method of power sharing and revenue allocation predicated on fairness, equity, and social justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of the political violence and socio-economic contradictions in the Niger delta region of Nigeria, which are fuelled by the inept activities of the ruling class and the multinationals, this study examines Tanure Ojaide's ideo-aesthetic predilections and views as Nigeria grapples with the tragedies of post-colonialism. Ojaide undertakes this artistic reconstruction in his recent work, The Activist. Ojaide's The Activist is a contemporary novel that deals with post-independence disillusionment about oil politics, ethnic marginalisation and environmental predation in Nigeria. The title of the novel evokes political activism or participation, which is needed in order to change Nigeria's landscape. Intellectual activism is central in effecting Nigeria's transformation. Intellectual activism deals with the ideological and political education or engagement necessary to raise the awareness of the masses about changing an unjust order. This sort of activism is relevant since acquiring political power by the intelligentsia is vital in combating the ills in Nigeria. Therefore to alter Nigeria's moribund politics, intellectual activism is a sine qua non. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Nigeria's transition from military to civilian rule in 1999, the country's Supreme Court has risen from a position of relative political obscurity and institutional vulnerability into a prominent and independent adjudicator of inter-governmental disputes in this chronically conflicted federation. Examined here is the Court's arbitration, during President Olusegun Obasanjo's two civilian constitutional terms (1999-2007), of fifteen different federal-state litigations over offshore oil resources, revenue allocation, local governance and public order. The Court's federalism decisions were remarkably independent and reasonably balanced, upholding the constitutional supremacy of the Federal Government in several findings, tilting towards the states in some declarations, and simultaneously underwriting federal authority and state autonomy in other rulings. Despite the Court's important and independent role, however, the Nigerian federation was vexed by violent conflicts, underscoring the structural, political and constitutional constraints on judicial federalism in this notoriously complex and divided country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes Christian-Muslim relations and the shaping of religious identities in the context of the Shari'ah debate in Northern Nigeria. Since Nigeria has regained credibility by its transition to democracy in 1999, the steps taken to implement the Islamic Criminal Law in some Northern states are watched with anxiety and have given rise to a great deal of discussion. There has been a tendency to perceive the situation as a conflict between two clearly defined antagonistic camps. However, interactions between Christians and Muslims in Northern Nigeria took many different forms since 1999. Apart from the widely reported clashes (which did not always run along clear-cut religious lines), there were also new efforts towards Muslim-Christian cooperation—both at the grassroots' as well as the states' level. Muslims and Christians are redefining their positions and adapting them in different ways to local circumstances, thereby developing some creative responses to the tensions of religious co-existence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nigeria, with an estimated population of 150 million, is currently the largest country in Africa. Notably, Nigeria has extensive natural resources, particularly the vast proven petroleum and other hydrocarbon reserves. It is internationally recognised for political and military contributions to the United Nations (UN), African Union (AU) and Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) for peace and security operations. Additionally, it has assumed a leading role in the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) and the African Peer-Review Mechanism. Within this context, the Nigerian presidential election held on 21 April 2007 is of utmost importance. President Obasanjo's handover of power to another civilian administration represents a milestone achievement in Nigeria's history as a sovereign state and an important consolidation of the nation's post military democracy. It represents a considerable contribution to regional stability and international security as well as democracy worldwide, which explains the use of the Defender of the Faith Role concept to explore Nigeria's presidential election vis-a-vis its past human rights records. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to explain the determinants of the probability of willingness to join rebel groups by youths in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria, using primary data from a sample of 1,337 individuals drawn from 18 communities. A cardinal objective is to test the theoretical explanations of the motivation for rebellion in resource-based societies and to examine the kind of factors that present rebel opportunity. Fifteen variables are used to reflect motives and opportunity for rebellion, and a logit regression model is employed to estimate the probability of willingness to participate. While grievance appears to be pervasive among individuals and is systemically explained by the data, it is not seen to have high statistical effect on the probability of having a disposition to rebel participation. Rather, individual-and community-level factors that reduce the opportunity cost and risk of participation, or increase the perceived benefits, appear to be more important. The findings suggest that strategies to achieve long-lasting civil peace in Nigeria's Delta must go beyond grievance to address individual-level factors that determine the opportunity cost of participation in violence, such as low income level and low educational attainment, and community-level factors that create an opportunity to profit from extreme forms of civil disobedience, such as low infrastructure. Some of these strategies choices are found also to have the potential to address grievance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite decades of police assistance and the recent introduction of reform plans, Nigeria's public police remain notoriously brutal and corrupt. This raises the question of whether even flawed reforms in a relatively democratic environment can make a significant difference to policing standards and practices. Based on developments in the Nigeria Police since 2005, this article suggests that reform can make a normative and organisational difference, but that in the absence of fundamental socio-political change, its effects tend to be superficial, localised and temporary. Reform's dynamic is better understood as a classic dialectic than a serial succession of movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the politics and policies that underpin election observation and monitoring, particularly as they relate to international assistance for democracy-building and post-conflict elections. Central to this is the nature of election observation, its linkages with democracy-building, and a critical evaluation of its effectiveness as a contributory factor in advancing the democratic project in Africa. The paper draws upon the case of the April 2007 elections in Nigeria, Africa's most populous nation and largest oil exporter, that were widely held by international observers and local election monitors to be deeply flawed, but were upheld by the government without any international sanctions/reprisals. The paper attempts to illustrate some of the difficulties and contradictions that are embedded in the election observer mission 'industry' as a tool of the international community for providing legitimacy for the conduct of free and fair elections, but which in some cases result in 'acceptable' outcomes that are neither fully free nor fair. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

African writers have a deepening susceptibility for social and political commitment as their texts depict socio-political events in their societies. Markedly, modern African literature arose to become part of the larger universal literary space; a weapon for re-establishing the cruelly denigrated African personality, and an effective slingshot against colonialism. Now, it is being employed as virus-resistant software; reflecting and refracting postcolonial disillusionment. Thus, African literature becomes an encyclopedic containment of the experiences of the people of the continent. It is within this space that we fixated on Nigerian literature. Tellingly, this paper tries to locate and establish the possibilities of unerring democratic ideals and good governance as the locus of postcolonial texts. Through pseudo-textual analysis practice, this essay seeks to contextualize post-independence pains and frustration. Finally, the paper offers a beacon of hope by calling on the people to transcend the post-independence of disillusionment, cynicism, fatalism, ethnicity etcetera, and to erect democratic governance based on positivist - oriented leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the legacy of General Olusegun Obasanjo as president of Nigeria in 1999. The general was perceived as a child of destiny who was chosen by God for a purpose amid the influence of superstition and religion in the country. Nigerians were able to enjoy freedom of expression and association during the early days of the Obasanjo administration. According to the author, the integration of dishonesty and fraud in Nigerian identity was an act of self-deprecation by the president in the 2007 elections.

The article explores the third general elections in Nigeria in April 2007. The People's Democratic Party (PDP) has won the elections at all levels in landslide. Umaru Yar'Adua of PDP has carried off the presidential poll with 24.7 million votes, 72 percent of all votes recorded. Numerous controversies had come out regarding the victory of Yar'Adua in the elections. Yar'Adua has earned a reputation for a relative degree of financial prohibity and for having delivered some tangible results as governor in Katsina. As he come into office, he is challenged over the re-establishment of public confidence in the anti-corruption crusade.

The article focuses on the political transition of Nigeria from military rule towards democracy. The author observes that the transition provided legitimacy for the political elite to monopolize state power, gain international credibility and control access to vast providential petroleum resources. It discusses the components of militarism that include political legacy, a culture steeped impunity and a reliance on force.

This article examines what it calls violence against democracy in Nigeria, epitomized by the perversion and gross inefficiency of democratic structures, institutions and processes by those saddled with the responsibility of nurturing them. It identifies the sources of the violence to be both internal and external, the former including the state, the constitution, political party, civil society, mass media and public bureaucracy; and the latter basically the so-called New World Order and its 'anarchic' globalization. The paper also examines the forms and character of the violence, which manifest largely in form of the criminalization and privatization of the state and its apparatus of governance. This may not be unconnected to the weak institutionalization of democratic structures and political culture, which was further exacerbated by prolonged military dictatorship with their attendant culture of violence. The major recommendation of the paper is for a continuous process of social mobilization and political reengineering at all levels of governance within the context of a reformist and developmental state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the political legacy of Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo. Obasanjo has established his legacy of engagement in two transitions from military dictatorship to constitutional government by his firm opposition to militarism. However, his dedication to democracy was tainted when he sought a constitutional amendment that would allow the extension of his term in office. Fueling the problem was the personalized nature of Nigerian politics which is dominated by powerful godfathers.

The article focuses on the political administration of Olusegun Obasanjo in Nigeria in terms of governance and democratization. The discussion includes the issues of a third term for President Obasanjo, constitutional reform, debt cancellation, conflict in the Niger Delta, and Obasanjo's leadership of the People's Democratic Party.