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This study delves into the intricate dynamics between tribal communities and states, acknowledging their complex relationships. While not aiming for exhaustive understanding, it aims to illuminate the convoluted nature of these connections, which often puzzle the average citizen entrenched within other societal structures. By examining the relationships between tribal societies and the Iraqi, Syrian, Saudi Arabian, and Israeli (Palestinian) states, focusing on the interplay between tribal and public spheres, this study presents four fundamental models. Its primary goal is to discern whether these connections reflect harmony, conflict, or accommodation with established authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined how labour migrations, which provide a veritable platform for nation-building, has been thwarted in Nigeria by the political elite through the politics of indigene-settler phenomenon. Though extant studies had examined the indigene-settler syndrome, the prospects of labour migration for nation-building in the country, which this entails, has been understudied. This paper, therefore, provides an insightful investigation into how the intricate web of politics of inclusion, exclusion, and deprivations between the indigenes and labour migrants or settlers in various states has tended to thwart nation-building efforts in the country. The study argues that the indigene-settler phenomenon undermines the facilitative capacity of labour migration for the actualization of the nation’s productive potentials and the construction of a common nationhood. It found that the indigene-settler syndrome is an elite construct to advance and protect their economic and political interests within the polity. It further contends that the elite’s coincidence of interests over scarce resources leads to inter-elite competition in which the indigeneity card is deployed as a potent politico-economic tool to gain advantage over contending elites. The study advocates for inclusive politics as the route to true nationhood devoid of mistrust, fears of marginalization and acrimonious competition for power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While scholars commonly see nation-building as a modernist project or a cultural assertion, we suggest that a "third way" is equally important. Analysing data from a representative survey of 2,001 Singaporean residents collected in 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic, we demonstrate that everyday social networks have been key to creating and maintaining Singaporean nationalism. We make the point that despite ambitious plans at transforming society, modernist projects must rely upon organic, routinised, and quotidian mechanisms such as friendship-making within and between ethnic groups for national cohesion to materialise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite Turkey's changing political regimes, sports have remained under state governance since 1938. This article analyzes the ideologies, influences, and politics that have shaped this state monopoly over the sports system across three phases from the 1920s to the 1990s: establishment, stabilization, and instrumentalization. The establishment phase aimed to align sports with nation-building ideals, incorporating nationalist ideology and paramilitarism. The stabilization phase embraced a statist approach influenced by socio-economic conditions and Soviet influence. The instrumentalization phase, beginning with the Özal years, utilized sports for political discourse and socio-economic purposes, retaining the state-run system even during the era of neoliberalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the creation of Pakistan in 1947, the state has been struggling in nation-building efforts because of mainly ethnic differences in the country. This is most evident in Balochistan, Pakistan's largest province, which has been suffering from insurgency since the late 1950s. Being home to the Gwadar Port, there is a growing Baloch resistance to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) since 2015. This situation necessitates a thorough examination of how the locals view and have reacted to the CPEC. This research investigates Baloch reactions to the CPEC and how the federal and provincial governments as well as Beijing have tried to address these challenges. China's investment is seen by the Baloch as neo-colonialism—something they must fight at all costs. Therefore, the CPEC, and particularly projects like the Gwadar Port, have added to the locals' grievances against the state, reflected through an increasing number of terrorist attacks in Balochistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study, based partly on archival research, tackles a number of interrelated issues regarding the sociolinguistic dynamics of language politics in Sri Lanka from the colonial era to the present. In colonial Ceylon, such politics initially manifested as resistance against foreign elements, but later evolved into internal conflicts when majoritarian Sinhala-focused linguistic purism movements appropriated Sinhala as a national identity marker. The resulting civil war until 2009 indicated that misguided prospects of linguistic purism in the name of ethnic nationalism have been a costly mistake for this small state, threatening to tear the nation apart. Regarding more recent issues of language planning and policy reforms, which also concern the place of English, the focus turns specifically to the rapid digitalisation of communication and related impacts of global virtual language environments. These substantially reduce the significance of any specific language or local vernacular, while individual and group identity is strengthened through inclusive use of linguistic registers within multilingual digital spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Abant Social Sciences / Abant Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Journal of Abant Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper, I investigate the co-production of genetic research and national politics in post-martial law Taiwan. This entails analyzing two co-produced phenomena: the nationalization of biomedicine—in which the national discourse over racial/ethnic categories and ancestral origin increasingly shapes scientists' biomedical research; and the biomedicalization of the nation—in which people in public discourse increasingly use biomedical categories in characterizing national differences and identities. I analyze how the production and representation of scientific knowledge of the ancestral origins and genetic make-up of Taiwan have been embedded in Taiwanese politics. This includes the emergence of a new categorization into four great ethnic groups, multiculturalism, and the assertion of a distinct Taiwanese national identity, particularly in response to the People's Republic of China's claims of common ancestry. I also examine how the scientific findings produced in the lab have spilled out into both Taiwan and China through journals, media, history textbooks, and public disputes since the 1990s and brought about significant social impact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Singapore's founding Prime Minister, the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew, commented poignantly that a country's citizens are only as good as its teachers. This underscores the important role that teachers play not just contributing to a high-quality education system but also to the more pivotal role of nation-building. The mission of teacher education in preparing teachers to rise up to this grand challenge of nation-building becomes of primary importance. The papers of this special issue stem from a webinar where five scholars recounted the underpinning philosophy of the initiatives they had led and implemented in their tenure as deans of teacher education of the National Institute of Education, Nanyang Technological University in Singapore. They provide an "insider" look at the challenges and opportunities faced. This editorial will expound on the key trends of teacher education as reflected the contributors in this special issue and discuss them against the concerns in each educational phase of Singapore's journey before suggesting the continued importance of providing a relevant, responsive, and high-quality teacher education for the nation's sustained growth and development amidst a rapidly changing global educational landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author analyzes the activities of Soviet policy towards the Roma population with a focus on state involvement in agricultural cooperation and the creation of Roma collective farms in the Vo-ga region in the 1930s. During that period, even small national groups gained autonomy in the form of republics, districts, and even regions. Therefore, the question of why territorial autonomy for Roma was not founded in the USSR seems quite currently relevant. Meanwhile, in 1936-1937 in the RSFSR, as part of the policy of settling the Roma, the project for creating the Roma national district in the Kuibyshev region was seriously discussed and considered. The circumstances and reasons for the failure to implement the project of creating the Roma national district in the Volga region are clarified across the article. The basis for the research is the archival materials of the fund of the All-Union Resettlement Committee of the Russian State Academy of Economics (fund 5675) introduced by the author into scientific use for the first time. The sources allow revealing the circumstances of the discussion and preparatory work on the creation of the Roma national district. The funds contain significant information and reports with a detailed description of the Roma collective farms, including those containing ethnographic material. The author concludes that the project of creating the Roma national district was of strategic importance for the Soviet leadership and the authorities made great efforts to implement it. By early 1937, all the necessary conditions for the establishment of the district had been created. However, the reluctance of the lower power structures to host the Roma population, the outbreak of large repressions, the abolition of the All-Union Resettlement Committee, and the change of trends in the national policy prevented the implementation of the project.

This paper investigates geography textbooks of the 1930s in Türkiye, contending that geographical knowledge played a pivotal role in shaping nationhood within a modernising state. This study's critical discourse analysis (CDA) of the early republican geography textbooks showcases how (1) Türkiye's spatial formation was reimagined in 1930s; (2) defining markers of Turkishness and the Turkish nation were forged through erasures and breakups of minority groups, and (3) the new national identity was “bridged” to the geography of the newly founded Republic. This paper posits that a nation's portrayal of its geography and global positioning is not merely a factual recording, but also a reflection of ideological and political choices. Such portrayals are complete social constructs, inherently influenced by power dynamics and disputes. Beneath the ostensibly impartial depictions of space and spatial relations, invisible power dynamics and assertions underlie the assignments of specific meanings to geographic areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the role of textbooks in the construction of national identity by analyzing state-approved versions of national identity and history in Kazakhstan. By doing so, this project seeks to highlight what understanding of identity prevails in the history textbooks of Kazakhstan, what narratives regarding the key historic events are promoted, particularly with respect to the Dzhungar wars, annexation of Kazakh Khanate by the Russian Empire, and the Soviet era. Finally, this article compares the main narratives in the textbooks published in Kazakh and Russian languages to illustrate differences and various understandings of identity in the two linguistic realms of Kazakhstan. The article argues that Kazakhstan's textbooks combine new, independence-focused narratives with the old approaches and partial reproduction of the Soviet symbolic discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why did America's twenty-year war in Afghanistan fail to establish a self-sustaining non-Taliban government? Analysts have cited cultural obstacles in Afghanistan, bureaucratic inertia in Washington, and a lack of strategic commitment, in part because Iraq dominated national security policy. Such claims tend to draw evidence from Germany, Japan, and Iraq, places where the U.S. military achieved some measure of success establishing pro-American governments. The present article broadens the comparison to consider Afghanistan alongside Germany, Japan, Iraq, and two examples of post-Cold War regime-change success: Panama (1989–1990) and Haiti (1994–1995). The cases indicate that U.S. influence in the postwar environment has depended on the prospects for integrating old regime elites into the new government and on the strength of indigenous opposition forces. Both variables were unfavorable in Afghanistan, and they shaped the boundaries of political order—no matter how hard U.S. forces fought or how long they stayed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Perhaps no topic could be more crucial to the concept of "post-communism" than how the Soviet past is commemorated, challenged, or forgotten. The study of historical memory is often correctly tied to identity politics and nation-building. While the usable past framework is broadly applicable to all modern states, in the Russian case a degree of alarmism and negativity surrounds interpretations of how the country has managed its communist past, particularly its violent parts. A significant element to this is a teleological view of progress and the salience of the transition paradigm. In memory studies, this is manifested in the dominance of the cosmopolitan memory mode as the correct way the violent past should be commemorated. The introduction reviews the existing literature on Russia's memory politics and highlights three limitations: (1) overemphasis on the political center and the failure to capture the diversity of regions, (2) too much focus on the supply side of memory politics, and (3) one-sided presentations of the role the Great Patriotic War plays in Russian memory politics. The introduction reviews how the special issue contributions address these limitations in the literature and shows how, taken together, they offer ideas for new research on memory studies. A case is made for how this new research agenda can better understand memory processes and how they relate to broader ideological, cultural, social, and political change in Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper sought to explore social justice as a phenomenon that was achieved through the renaming of the streets in the City of Tshwane. The naming and renaming of streets and public places are a potent phenomenon around the globe as they are seen as a way of preserving people‘s cultural heritage as well as memorialising and commemorating the prominent people of their respective communities, besides serving as points of cultural identification. Therefore, the objective of this study was to determine if the renaming of streets in the City of Tshwane achieved inclusivity and respect for human rights as guided by the social justice theory. The paper used a qualitative approach and adopted a case study research design, where 15 participants were selected to partake in the study. It was found that the new street names resemble the city‘s cosmopolitan nature, that is, a multilingual, multicultural, and multiracial city. Therefore, the findings of the study emphasised public participation, representation, identification, reconciliation and reparation, commemoration, and respect for human rights as essential aspects in the attainment of social justice when naming and renaming streets and other prominent places. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do substate actors engage in foreign affairs even if endowed with limited formal powers? How are these activities institutionalised and legitimised? This article addresses these questions by examining a critical case: the rise of Scotland's international development cooperation. The spotlight is put on the domestic sources of foreign policy formation. Our core argument is that the politics of nation-building underpins both the ambition and the increased distinctiveness of the Scottish approach to development. This nation-building effort is mainly reflected in the emergence of an assertive narrative: 'Scotland as a good global citizen'. Another core insight is the strong articulation between domestic and international representations. The external projections of the Scottish Government mirror the domestic agenda. Our article places the striking Scottish case in analytical and comparative perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explored the role of municipal collaboration in addressing migration-related challenges within the diverse contexts of the UK and South Africa, aiming to promote DEI in the process of nation-building. Through a secondary data research method and comparative evaluation of policies, initiatives and procedures in both countries, the paper examined how municipal collaboration strategies contribute to fostering unity amidst dynamic migration patterns. The findings highlighted the essential role of collaboration in harnessing collective expertise and resources to tackle migration challenges, enhance social cohesion, and advance the DEI principles. The key components of the paper include an examination of unique migration challenges, an analysis of initiatives, policies, and procedures in both countries, and an emphasis on the importance of collaboration in shaping inclusive societies. Overall, this paper advocates the significance of municipal collaboration as a cornerstone of nation-building, facilitating the creation of cohesive and harmonious communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article evaluates the configuration of musical practices in Mozambique's capital city, Maputo, during the 'socialist single-party period' (1975–1994), focusing on changes in dancing venues and entertainment shows organized by companies like Produções 1001, Delta Produções, and the state-owned Empresa Moçambicana de Entretenimento (EME), which aimed to centralize all aspects related to música ligeira (literally 'light music') in the country. Through fieldwork interviews with politicians, producers, musicians, and archival research, this article elucidates the significance of musical activity and the entertainment industry in shaping the 'sonorous construction' of the 'new Mozambican man', as envisioned by FRELIMO. It explores numerous topics, including the initial prohibition of many venues in the early years of independence and the subsequent informal reversal of such decisions by 1994. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Visigothic script, one of the "national» or «pre-Caroline" graphic forms, aroused the interest of Spanish and European palaeographers due to its originality, geographical diffusion and long chronology. These investigations were carried out in a context defined by the level of development of the discipline, but also by current ideas about the origins of Spain. This paper analyses the influence of the vision of the Visigothic kingdom and its medieval heritage on the orientation of palaeographic studies, as well as the meaning that this script acquired from each of the interpretations of national history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of History / Habaršy Tarihi Seriâsy is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mülkiye Dergisi is the property of Mulkiye Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

AbstractThis article shows reactions to nation-building practices induced in the last decades of the imperial regime and its antithetical replacement of the current political system. It examines how the post-1991 political discourse and its institutions contributed to Amhara identity formation and mobilization and the latter’s implications for the current political discontent in Ethiopia. The article engages with the discursive narratives—’Amhara domination discourse,” ideological othering, and institutional flaws—that reinforce the development of Amhara nationalism. Using a qualitative research methodology, it gathers data from sources such as documents, broadcast and social media, and key informant interviews to argue that the origins of the Amharas’ sense of victimization lie in good part in the replacement of centralized one-nation nationalism with a non-representative devolved system; having been left out during the institutionalization of the current political system, the Amhara now demand to be integrated into that system. The repercussions of Amhara nationalism have been visibly seen in the political dynamics of the Amhara region and the deadly conflict that Ethiopia faces after the war with the Tigray region that could attract neighboring countries and regional players to it. Hence, launching an inclusive peace settlement and designing a legitimate political system are necessary to mitigate the current political discontent.

The article advocates adoption of the principle of multilingual citizenship to overcome unjust hierarchical relations between language groups in the context of hegemonic nation-states. It first outlines a heuristic model contrasting language-as-an-option and language-as-a-ligature to reconstruct the logic of cultural integration in the (monolingual) nation-state. Second, it shows how the implementation of this model in practice has become inextricably intertwined with structures of nationalist domination. Third, it fleshes out the concept of complex linguistic diversity to substantiate the claim that the relationship between citizenship, linguistic diversity and multilingualism must be radically redefined to transcend the monist bias built into the model of the hegemonic nation-state. Fourth, this approach is applied to the context of contemporary Catalonia, which offers a laboratory-like environment for studying the challenges of complex diversity and assessing the potential of auto-centred multilingualism for underpinning the formation of communities made up of and for equal and diverse citizens.

This article critically examines the transformative commitment to modernization and nation-building in Turkish Republic, focusing on the pivotal role played by spaces of knowledge. The study begins with a theoretical analysis of the complex relationship between political power, knowledge and space. The concrete analysis starts with the examination of People’s Houses, envisioned as cultural and political centers spreading Republican principles and the new national identity. The analysis extends to museums established by the new regime, demonstrating their ideological underpinnings as spaces generating a specific knowledge on the nation through the collection of memories. The article then explores theaters, cinemas, and operas, emphasizing their contribution to shaping cultural policies of the new Turkish nation state. Shifting to libraries, it traces the historical evolution culminating in the establishment of the National Library in Ankara and its role in nation-building process. Throughout, the article delves into the complexities of preserving national identity through these spaces of knowledge, offering a comprehensive understanding of Türkiye’s modernization journey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Language & Law / Revista de Llengua i Dret is the property of Revista de Llengua i Dret and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In May 2023, Reset Dialogues on Civilizations organized the international conference 'Nationalism, Nation-Building, and the Decline of Empires' in Dublin. The purpose was to gather a group of historians, political scientists, theorists, philosophers, and experts who could grasp the significant trends, over the long term, in nationalism, nation-building, and imperial issues and could create a forum for dialogue that would compare different, and in many ways related, contexts, defining the challenges of the contemporary politics in the international scene. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey, in direct lineage of the Ottoman Empire, experimented a particularly violent nation-building out of the imperial ashes. Non-Muslims corresponding to one fifth of its population have been annihilated for the creation of a homogeneous nation State. These crimes have never been accounted for, giving way to a culture of impunity, self-righteousness, contempt for the rule of law and justice which, over years, pushed the polity towards an illiberal if not totalitarian essence and praxis, domestically against its own constituency and externally against neighbours through an extensive neo-imperial drive. Paradoxically, such an outcome seems to constitute a belated retribution for the unaccounted crimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This third article in the 2024 World Affairs special issue examines the intricate interplay between secularism, religious sentiment, and authoritarian politics in postindependence Bangladesh. Despite being founded on secular principles in 1971, the notion of Bangladesh as a strictly secular state is challenged. This article contends that while secularism was enshrined as a foundational state principle, its imposition occurred top‐down, diverging from prevailing societal ethos. The immediacy of the public backlash following its inclusion compelled ruling elites to adopt religion‐sensitive policies. I assert that the widespread religiosity among the populace steered subsequent political decisions. Notably, the shift from secularism to state‐sponsored Islam, the elevation of Islamic figures to cabinet roles, the recognition of Qawmi madrassa credentials, and the proliferation of Islamic rhetoric ensued. Analyzing a blend of archival data and field interviews, the article argues that the current authoritarian regime, emerging from an unconsolidated democratic framework, strategically exploits Islam as a political tool for legitimacy. By tapping into the prevailing Islamic sentiment, the regime aims to solidify its hold on power and navigate the complex political landscape of contemporary Bangladesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article highlights the significance of Lëvizja Vetëvendosje's (LVV) left-wing Kosovar Albanian nationalist challenge to the authoritarian and patrimonial nationalist system of Kosovo's rebel victors. LVV used the political settlement's own legitimizing metanarrative – that of Kosovar Albanian nationalism – to bolster their own legitimacy while undermining that of post-war elites drawn from organizations active in the conflict of the 1990s. A methodology based on Discursive Institutionalism makes sense of LVV's position as both a challenger of rebel victors but also as a representative of the same ideological culture that underpins Kosovo's political culture. There are two key contributions here. Empirically, this study characterizes LVV as a nationalist challenge to the rebel victor parties rather than as a distinctively nationalist or a protest party. The second contribution is theoretical: peacebuilding and political settlements theories must take a more dynamic and agency-sensitive view of legitimacy creation than they have hitherto. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Xhafer Deva is one of the most notorious figures in the history of World War II in Kosovo and 'Greater Albania'. As Minister of the Interior of the 'Greater Albanian' state and a Nazi collaborator, he was responsible for the assassination, deportation and expulsion of countless Serbs. At the same time, he fought for the integration of Kosovo into Albania. As such, notwithstanding the mass atrocities for which he is responsible, he is still revered in nationalist circles to this day. In this contribution, Xhafer Deva, a controversial public figure, will be examined and presented against the backdrop of the shifting empires and loyalties during the end of the 19th and the first half of the 20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses the concept of ethnic prejudice to examine the extent to which fears and anxieties related to immigration and ethnic diversity constitute obstacles to middle-class nation-building in Canada. Our underlying assumption is that if immigration is so contentious and the status anxiety it induces so great, then it should manifest into substantial levels of ethnic prejudice. Moreover, if status anxiety induced by immigration is indeed a widespread concern in Canada, we expect it to translate to significant differences in ethnic prejudice between class and immigration status. To measure ethnic prejudice, we developed an index using common factor analysis with the Provincial Diversity Project. This dataset allows us to create a robust index of ethnic prejudice based on the individual attitudes regarding eight different ethnic groups. While our findings indicate that ethnic prejudice in Canada remains relatively low for the time being, it is evident that a certain level of ethnic prejudice persists and intersects with other forms of status anxieties and competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although tourist performance of local identity has been regarded as an instrument of everyday nation-building from below, this article describes the opposite phenomenon as Mallorca became a tourist destination in the nineteenth century. The island's identity embodied through tourist dance performances, led to denationalization and subaltern silencing in the production process of a Mediterranean and insular exotic otherness of colonial nature. In this respect, this article explains how the host population refused to assume a denationalized local identity, as well as to perform a colonial stereotype through dance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Philosophy, Culture & Political Science is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bulletin of The L N Gumilyov Eurasian National University Political Science Regional Studies Oriental Studies Turkology Series is the property of L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bulletin of The L N Gumilyov Eurasian National University Political Science Regional Studies Oriental Studies Turkology Series is the property of L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper analyses the articles published in the Hungarian-language daily Torontál published in the German-occupied Banat during the Second World War on the topic of Hungarian nation-building. From the articles, the concept of nation, Hungarianness, and community can be mapped. The research aims to present the content of the discourses published in the articles, their historical sources and their authors. The articles in Torontál shed light on the self-image of the Hungarian cultural elite in Banat, their imagined place within the Hungarian nation, and their view on regionalism and community in the liminal state caused by the occupation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study is to conduct a sociological survey to assess the state of civic identity among Kazakhstani youth within the ongoing conflict between Russia and Ukraine. It aims to explore the correlation between young citizens' ethnic backgrounds and their acceptance of citizenship. Data was collected through a questionnaire developed by researchers to examine the multifaceted dynamics involved. A total of 754 citizens between 14 and 35 took part in the survey. The findings indicate that, in the present circumstances, the sense of belonging to the state among young Kazakhstanis is primarily contextual, prevailing over other identity constructs when queried about their attitude towards citizenship. However, when measuring the level of identification—how frequently individuals perceive themselves as citizens—ethnic identity takes precedence over civic identity. The survey underscores that ethnic origin stands out as the foremost determinant of social belonging for young people in Kazakhstan in the current scenario. Moreover, this study emphasizes the significant role played by information sources in shaping civic identity. We have elucidated the intricate relationship among ethnic identity, citizenship perception, and contextual factors among Kazakhstani adolescents amidst ongoing geopolitical events using our analytical approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Legal policy plays an important role in promoting innovation. It creates a legal framework and favourable environment for research, development, and application of new technologies and contributes to improving the business efficiency of small and medium enterprises. Objective: The study evaluates critical factors affecting the innovation capability and business efficiency of small and medium enterprises in Vietnam. Methodology: The author applied a quantitative method, using a descriptive survey as the instrument for data collection and a structured questionnaire as the sample size. The sample size was 500 managers representing 500 small and medium enterprises (SMEs). The study's model was tested using a structural equation model, and results were presented in tables. Result: Research results show that eight factors affect innovation capability based on a significance level of 1%. The factors are (1) total quality management, (2) organisational learning, (3) government support, (4) collaboration network, (5) ability to absorb knowledge, (6) internal human resources, (7) strategic vision, and (8) technology application. Moreover, innovation capability influences the business efficiency of small and medium enterprises. Conclusion: The research results contribute particular academic value and are a reference for research on innovation capacity. The study adjusted the scale for innovation capacity, knowledge absorption capacity, cooperation network, organisational learning, and comprehensive quality management following actual data conditions farewell in Vietnam. Unique Contribution: This study is beneficial in both theory and practice in measuring innovation capacity and related variables impacting innovation capacity on business efficiency. Key Recommendation: From the above results, the author proposes eight policy recommendations to improve small and medium enterprises' innovation capability and business efficiency in the context of development and integration in Vietnam. To take advantage of this opportunity, it is necessary to synchronously implement the above solutions to remove institutional bottlenecks and promote innovation capability in Vietnamese enterprises.