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Debate on the Creating of the Polish National Church in the Times of the Council of Trent (1545-1563) In the time of the Council of Trent, the Polish nobility often and loudly demanded the forming of the Polish National Church, which would enable them to execute state control over the clergy, its activity, and church property. Popular Protestant ideas coherent with such an idea fulfilled the role of useful weapon in their struggle against the clergy. Even though the idea of the church reform converged with many changes postulated by the contemporary noble reform movement, the state finances, homogeneity of Crown lands and the Polish-Lithuanian union took predominance over church matters. Appropriate conduct of debate, disabling discussion about a reform, was promoted by the clergy itself, which was not interested in loosening their dominant position in the society and becoming subject to civic laws. Protestant deputies to the parliament, who constituted the majority in the lower chamber, could have acquired more benefits, were it not for their reluctance to impose certain solutions on the Catholics, who still dominated in the society. The clergy, in particular bishops, sought some compromise with Protestants, until the Catholic Church itself undertook mild reforms in the third phase of the Council of Trent. The stand of the Polish monarch, Sigismundus Augustus, who – having been raised as a Catholic – opposed the forming of new church and his attitude was also important.

The present study draws on the responses of 1,496 Church of England clergy who participated in the Coronavirus, Church & You online survey between 8 May and 23 July 2020 to explore the impact of the lockdown on clergy wellbeing and perceptions of receiving support from their household, the parish, the diocese, and the national church. The data distinguished between five aspects of wellbeing: fatigue, disengagement, positivity, closeness to people, and closeness to God. As a result of lockdown clergy perceived large increases not only in fatigue and disengagement, but also in positivity. While as a consequence of the lockdown clergy felt less close to people, they felt closer to God. The data also showed that, although the perception of being supported by the national church was highly effective in reducing disengagement, this perception was shared by less than a quarter of the clergy.

I embark on this subject tentatively. With trepidation, because I am neither a missiologist nor an ecclesiologist. Nor did I know, when I agreed to the invitation which Mark Hill put so persuasively over a year ago, what would be happening in the Church in the autumn of 2020. Yet it is in many ways a good time to be having a discussion about mission and structure. As I am sure you know, there is work under way on both these questions within the House of Bishops and beyond. Archbishop Stephen Cottrell is leading some work on a vision and strategy for the Church of England for the 2020s. Bishop Nick Baines is leading a group looking at the governance of the national church institutions, in support of that work.

The purpose of the research is to consider some important propaedeutic aspects of the interpretation of the Vistnyk cultural-nationalist concept, appealing to the experience of the founder of the Vistnyk tradition – the famous philosopher, publicist and editor Dmytro Dontsov. The Methodology of the Research.Taking the purpose and tasks of the study into account, the methodological basis is clearly interdisciplinary. The epistemological potential of national philosophy as a philosophy of national existence, national science as a theory of nation, hermeneutics as a theory and practice of interpretation and post-colonialism as the interpretation of cultural phenomena from the standpoint of anti- and post-imperial consciousness is used in the work. The scientific novelty is that on the basis of the national-hermeneutic generalization and working definition of the concept of cultural nationalism, a propedeutic outlining of this phenomenon in the discourse of the founder of the Vistnyk tradition of Dmytro Dotsntsov is proposed. The Conclusions.The study covers the concept of cultural nationalism in general and outlines the most important elements of the concept of cultural nationalism within the ideology of D. Dontsov’s willed nationalism. It is about the cultural dimension of the concepts of nationalism and national idea, national identity and national imperative. Other elements of the conception of the thinker also need more clarification: aesthetics, traditions, historiosophy, the national way of interpretation, religion, the system of values, the national Church, the religiosity of nationalism, the civilizational choice of Ukrainian, the national ideal, etc. The Dontsov’s concept has an exceptional historical and genetic importance, as it has in a decisive way influenced the emergence of the ideological basis of such unique cultural and historical phenomena in the interwar period, such as vistnykivstvo and organized nationalism. Key words: Dmytro Dontsov, nation, culture, nationalism, imperialism, international cooperation, multicultural education.

The article uses the method of comparative analysis to discuss the position of church property in Montenegro. Through historical examples, with an emphasis on the issue of confiscation of church valuables in the Soviet Union in the 1920s, the author points out the dangers tied with the idea of nationalizing church property and valuables in a secular state with a one-party system, under the pretext of protecting state or national interests. The same pretext is usedin an attempt to form a new national church, with the already existing canonical, legitimate church being discriminated against, and believers denied basic human rights and religious freedoms. In order to resolve these issues in a civilized way, it is necessary to edit the disputed laws and update both the cadasters and the outdated church rules.

This article is demonstrating the national-ecclesiastic part of I.Ogienko's activity in 1919-1920., У статті зроблено спробу висвітити національно-церковний аспект діяльності І.Огієнка в революційний період 1919-1920 рр.

The article highlights the role of Metropolitan Hilarion as a spokesman of the Ukrainian Orthodoxy and its contribution to the development of Ukrainian Studies., У статті висвітлюється роль митрополита Іларіона як ідеолога Українського Православ’я та його вклад у розвиток українознавства.

This article explores how an East-west inter-church relationship during the Cold War was given multiple meanings. The link that emerged during the late 1970s between Vaxjo diocese (Church of Sweden) and Pommersche Landeskirche is used to illustrate the case in point. Whereas an Uppsala-based national church leadership saw such connections as efforts to bring peace and reconciliation, the regional promoters explored alternative meanings. Instead of seeing this bond of friendship between two Lutheran churches as a way to further international understanding, the representatives of Vaxjo diocese saw this opportunity to offer support and material aid in the form of various building projects. In so doing they reached back to an earlier narrative that emphasized aid-work as being at the heart of international relationships between ›sister churches‹. The article concludes with a reflection on the need to recognize how different contextualizations of international could operate side-by-side within the same church.

Национально-церковным собором называется Поместный Собор Армянской Апостольской церкви. Состоявшийся в 1941 г. собор из-за отсутствия необходимого кворума не смог решить важнейшего вопроса церкви - выбрать Верховного Патриарха и Католикоса всех армян, поэтому Армянская церковь семь лет оставалась без католикоса. Разрешение и поддержку правительства СССР в проведении очередного собора церковь получила благодаря своей патриотической деятельности в годы Великой Отечественной войны. Для своего времени собор является уникальным, поскольку собрал большое число делегатов из зарубежных епархий; особенно важно было присутствие Киликийского католикоса, Иерусалимского и Константинопольского патриархов. Изумляет также царившая на соборе атмосфера единомыслия советских и зарубежных представителей церкви. 22 июня 1945 г. абсолютным большинством Католикосом всех армян был избран архиепископ Геворг (Чеорекчян). Кворум Национально-церковного собора позволил рассмотреть и ещё один важный вопрос - разработку «Конституции Армянской Национальной Святой Апостольской Церкви». The National Church Council of 1945 was a Local Council of the Armenian Apostolic Church. Due to the absence of the quorum, the council that took place in 1941 could not resolve the most important issue of the church - to elect the Supreme Patriarch and Catholicos of All Armenians, so the Armenian Church remained without a Catholicos for seven years. The church received permission and support from the government of the USSR in holding the next council thanks to its patriotic activities during the Great Patriotic War. For that time the Council was unique, as it gathered a large number of delegates from foreign dioceses; the presence of the Catholicos of Cilicia and the Patriarchs of Jerusalem and Constantinople was especially important. The atmosphere that prevailed at the Council - the spirit of unanimity between all the representatives of the church, both from Soviet Union and abroad - was also amazing. On June 22, 1945, Archbishop George (Chorekchian) was elected Catholicos of all Armenians. The quorum of the National Church Council made it possible to consider another important issue - the development of the «Constitution of the Armenian National Holy Apostolic Church».

One hundred years have passed since 1920 and the ‘Czech schism’, which is considered to be the foundation of the national Czechoslovak (Hussite) Church. It was created as a result of the reform movement of the Catholic clergy after the end of the Great War and the constitution of an independent Czechoslovak Republic on the ruins of the Habsburg Monarchy. The clergy, who were dissatisfied with the position of the Catholic Church in the empire and with some matters of the Church life and priests that had not been addressed in the long term, set out a programme for the reform of the Catholic Church in Czech lands. His demands were directed towards the autonomous position of the church, the introduction of the national language into services, the democratisation of the organisation of the church, and the reform of clerical celibacy. After the Roman Curia rejected the proposals, the reform movement’s radical wing decided to leave the church and form a national church. However, its establishment wasn’t sufficiently prepared and all fundamental issues of its existence, including its doctrine, were only solved after establishing the church. Two opinion wings were formed on this matter in the church. The first sought to accept the doctrine of the Eastern churches, the second, led by the future patriarch Karel Farský, set out the concept of a modern 20th century church. There was a fierce ideological fight between the two groups to promote their own concept until 1924. The aim of this study is to reflect the behaviour and activities of K. Farský by the spokespersons of the Orthodox-oriented section in the church.

The 1843 Disruption of the Church of Scotland, which split the national church in two, was one of the most important events in Victorian Britain. The evangelical ministers who seceded from the Kirk to form the Free Church of Scotland did so in protest against the British state's intrusion in the church's affairs. The anti-English and patriotic rhetoric of the Disruption has led historians such as David Bebbington to argue that it represented something close to a nationalist movement. This paper questions this claim by assessing the nationalist characteristics of the Disruption and their role in shaping the political ‘unionist-nationalism’ of the mid-nineteenth century. It examines the kind of nationalist sentiment, if any, evident at the Disruption, the role of Free Church members in the National Association for the Vindication of Scottish Rights, the short-lived proto-nationalist pressure group, and the nationalism of the Free Church minister James Begg, who called for Home Rule for Scotland in 1850. By assessing the influence of the Disruption's constructionist critique of the union on political nationalism, the paper argues that the religious nationalism evident in 1843 failed to translate to a political context in the mid-nineteenth century. The new religiously pluralist environment of the post-Disruption period saw the Free Church turn inwards and begin to focus upon its own denominational fortunes as a single Scottish national identity was replaced by a variety of competing confessional identities, each with their own claim to nationhood.

The focus on the rise and stall of English Presbyterianism has obscured other attempts by politically active puritans to address the problems that bedeviled the Elizabethan church—in particular, how to reconcile a promiscuously international reform movement with the reality of a national church, and the desire for parish-level autonomy with royal supremacy and statutorily mandated uniformity of practice. This article takes as its subject one such attempt, the remarkable “Bill Concerning Rites and Ceremonies” introduced in the 1572 Parliament, which leveraged the episcopal structure of the church to the advantage of the godly, empowering bishops to grant individual priests the right to diverge from the Book of Common Prayer liturgy and to adopt elements of the rituals used by the French and Dutch “stranger churches” then worshipping in London. The bill's emergence at a very specific juncture, after the statutory confirmation of the Thirty-Nine Articles in 1571, illustrates how godly Protestants sought to use newly ratified regulatory powers to their advantage and to establish that only theological, not liturgical, uniformity mattered for a functional and true national church. Moreover, the bill was legally innovative, proposing to use episcopal power in disaggregated ways, thus institutionalizing the exceptions in worship that individual bishops had informally granted to the ministers under their supervision. It offered a remarkable vision of a national church that contained within it ad hoc and multinational liturgies and that was defined not by its adherence to one form of worship but by the supervision of an enlightened bishopric.

Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in two cities of European Russia, this article analyzes continuity and changes in Orthodox Christianity. In so doing, we emphasize property restitution, the renovation of sacred sites, and the importance of religious education in public schools and parishes. Based on that ethnographic material, we address three related research topics. First, we would like to discuss the importance of Orthodox Christianity for contemporary Russia. Second, we aim to show that an understanding of the Russian Orthodox Church as a national church underscores the local and internal differences as well as the complexities of everyday interactions. Finally, we address the notion of postsocialism and discuss its limits and potentials for the analysis of contemporary Russia.

On 11 March 2020, the Danish Prime Minister announced a forthcoming lockdown of Danish society due to the COVID-19 pandemic and shut down all public institutions, including the national church. Instructions for the lockdown of religious minority communities were issued a week later. The total lockdown of the Danish religious landscape is both historically unprecedented and radical in a global context, and it raises questions about mediatized religion and religion–state relations in a postsecular society. Building on quantitative and qualitative data collected during the lockdown and the gradual opening of society in 2020, this article examines the media usage of the Danish national church and of the 28 recognized Muslim communities. It reevaluates Heidi A. Campbell’s ‘religious-social shaping approach to technology’ by examining how religious communities sought to establish continuity between their offline and online practices to maintain authority and community cohesion. We conclude (1) that the willingness of religious communities to cooperate with authorities was high, (2) that the crisis affected religious communities’ organizational framework and societal position, and (3) that Campbell’s approach needs to pay further attention to the conflict-producing aspects of negotiations on digitalized rituals, the importance of transnationalism, and differences between minority and majority religion.

The Ukrainian historiographical narrative of the religious and church place and role in the Ukrainian national and cultural Renaissance, and in the national liberation movement in the second half of the 19th and the first third of the 20th century is analyzed in the issue. The modern historians consider the ecclesiastical and religious factors of the Ukrainian Renaissance according to two levels. The first level reveals the history of religious thought, the representatives of which study the religious reflections of the prominent figures in culture, education, religion and literature, the second level conveys the history of the church life in Ukraine, the analysis of the church institutes’ role and place in the Ukrainian modern national and cultural Renaissance (the activity of UGCC, the Unification Council of the Eastern Orthodox Churches of Ukraine, the UAOC, etc.) is presented. A defined historiographical issue complies with the evolutional levels of a religious and ecclesiastical component in the modern spiritual, cultural, political and civil processes, namely the development of religious thought and institutional orientation of church and parish-based education in the second half of the 19th century contributed to the ecclesiastical and religious integration with the national democratic society and state establishment in the early 20th century. The scope of the church and religious activity on the Ukrainian lands had a moderate character in the second half of the 19th century compared to the first decades of the “long century”. The Ukrainian lands were divided politically as well as confessional that strengthened sacral indifference and “religious absenteeism”. The positive fact was that the modern historians had left politicization in the sacral and religious issues’ consideration which was a mainstream in the Soviet period. The scientists support a common thought that despite an institutional weakness of the church and religious life on the Ukrainian lands in the second half of the 19th century, the religion and faith were preserved as the essential features of the Ukrainian mentality, and as a result plays a crucial role in the Ukrainian cultural and spiritual development, put a base for the further governmental struggle. A final conclusion was drawn that the religious thought development, the prominent thinkers’ reflections about the Ukrainian Christianity and national church phenomena prepared the necessary conditions for the regularizing and further building of the Ukrainian church life in the beginning of the 20th century.

This article considers William Dugdale’s History of St Paul’s Cathedral (1658) as an elegy for a great national church that had been neglected and vandalised during the Commonwealth years. Its dila...

This study traces the way in which a typical Elizabethan Reformed Protestant became something slightly different during a ministerial career prematurely terminated by death in his forties, and what he became in the centuries that followed. It explains the background of divided theologies in the national Church of Elizabethan and Jacobean England, the emergence of ‘avant-garde conformism’, and the way in which Hooker was used by opposing sides to justify their positions, particularly after the Restoration of 1660, when the term ‘Anglicanism’ first becomes fully appropriate for the life and thought of the Church of England. As the Church moved from national monopoly to established status, Hooker became of use in different ways to both Tories and Whigs, though in the nineteenth century the Oxford Movement largely monopolised his memory. His views on the construction of authority may still help Anglicanism find its theological way forward.

In Australia, women currently outnumber men in both Catholic congregations and the Catholic workforce. However, for complex reasons, the Mass attendance rates of women are declining. In opposition to this general shift away from church participation, a small yet significant group of Catholic women are still engaging in parish life. Using quantitative analysis to examine data collected in the 2006, 2011 and 2016 National Church Life Survey (NCLS), this article will explore the private and public practices, orthodoxy, and religious salience of Catholic church-attending women in Australia. It will consider reasons for an overall reduction in these measures of religiosity in successive generations and investigate apparent anomalies that find younger Catholic church-attending women possessing measures of religious practice that contest the notion of a uniform generational decline in Catholic women's religiosity.

In 1641, the Congregational minister Thomas Goodwin delivered a series of sermons to his independent church in London, expounding the letter to the Ephesians in characteristically meticulous detail. Goodwin had recently returned to England after a brief but formative period of religious exile in the Netherlands, and as the Sundays passed, his auditors were surely moved by the oratory of a speaker so “blessed with a rich invention and a solid and exact judgment.” The minister's breadth was equally impressive. The sermons opened up a cornucopia of Christian themes, flowing from one topic to the next as Goodwin's capacious mind found stimulus in the scriptural text. Seemingly eager to follow every possible digression, application, and excursus, Goodwin's unhurried pace required thirty-six sermons simply to exhaust the epistle's first chapter. And yet, amid this abundance of subject matter, one issue in particular arrested Goodwin's attention. While delivering his thirty-fifth discourse on Ephesians, Goodwin paused to consider what he described as “the Great question of these times” and, alternatively, “the great Controversy of the times.” By the middle of 1641, Goodwin's world was experiencing an unprecedented upheaval—England had been invaded by Scottish covenanters, the archbishop of Canterbury had been arrested and imprisoned, and the king had been forced to call a parliament he would be unable to dissolve. Yet Goodwin's “great Controversy” turned not upon political or cultural convulsion but rather upon a seemingly obscure point of ecclesiastical polity, a question not often considered by modern historians and even less often fully appreciated: “the great Question of these times,” said Goodwin, was “whether yea or no . . . many congregations, many Churches united in one may not be called one particular Church.” What did this strangely worded question mean to Goodwin and his hearers, and why did the future president of Magdalen College and religious adviser to the Lord Protector deem this rather specific query the very hinge upon which the nation's future turned? To answer these questions, we must consider how the early modern English mind understood the idea of a “national church”—for though he does not explicitly invoke the term, it was, as we will see, a concept embedded at the very center of Goodwin's “great Controversy.”

The article identifies the place and role of the political component in the conflictization of interconfessional relations in Ukraine by taking into consideration that the network of religious organizations in our country is one of the largest on the European continent. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the political component in the conflictization of interconfessional relations in Ukrainian Orthodoxy. During more than thousand years the Orthodoxy, despite the conflicts between the churches and their believers in past and present is still the most widespread Christian confession in Ukraine. Moreover, it saved a tendency to the inner unity, including creation of the Local Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU). Obtaining by the Orthodox Church of Ukraine on January 6, 2019 from the Ecumenical Patriarchate the Thomas was an important step in founding of independent and competent national church. This is also evidenced by the fact that during the first year of existing of the OCU the number of its parishes increase up to 7,000, not less important is the fact that three churches: The Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople, the Hellenic Church and the Patriarchate of Alexandria recognized the OCU and this already testifies its international acceptance as the part of Orthodoxy. Undoubtedly, the Russian occupation of Crimea and Putin's war in Donbas and the support of these shameful actions by the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) and its Ukrainian branch, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate (UOC MP) served to the political choices and self-identification of a big part of Ukrainian believers and it gives hope for the gradual stabilization (deconflictization) of interconfessional relations in the Ukrainian Orthodoxy.

Með stjornarskra fyrir hin serstoku malefni Islands fra 1874 var lokið hinu kirkjudeildarlega bundna timabili her a landi. I stað evangelisks-luthersks rikisatrunaðar var komið her a þjoðkirkjuskipan og trufrelsi. Aðeins fjorum arum siðar hofst umraeða um hvort þessi tvo truarpolitisku stefnumal vaeru samraemanleg eða hvort velja þyrfti a milli þeirra. I þessari grein verður sýnt fram a hvernig tvaer stefnur i þessu efni komu fram a arunum kringum 1880. Onnur kallast her aðskilnaðarleið. Hun var knuin afram af mannrettinda-sjonarmiðum og hafði það markmið að koma a trufrelsi i landinu sem risi undir nafni en vaeri ekki aðeins a pappirnum. Hin kallast loggjafarleið og byggðist a truar- og kirkjulegum sjonarmiðum. Fylgjendur hennar litu svo a að kirkja og riki hefðu þvi sameiginlega hlutverki að gegna að tryggja velferð folks, baeði timanlega og eilifa, sem og að þetta taekist ekki an samvinnu kirkju og rikis. Fylgjendur loggjafarleiðarinnar vildu þvi þroa her sjalfstaeða þjoð-kirkju i aframhaldandi tengslum við rikisvaldið a grundvelli serlaga um ýmis kirkjuleg mal-efni. Fylgjendur þessarar stefnu virðast hafa talið asaettanlegt að einhverjir sem ekki fylgdu þjoðkirkjunni að malum vaeru eigi að siður skyldir til að greiða henni somu gjold og þjoð-kirkjufolk og hefðu þvi ekki fjarhagslegan abata af þvi að standa utan kirkjunnar og annarra trufelaga. Loggjafarleiðin festist i sessi a fyrsta aratugi 20. aldar og hefur verið fylgt i islensk-um trumalaretti ae siðan. I annarri grein sem aformað er að birta i naesta hefti þessarar ritraðar verður fengist við ýmsa afmarkaða þaetti i aðskilnaðarumraeðunni og sýnt hvernig þessum fyrsta þaetti hennar lauk með stjornarskrarbreytingum þar sem komið var til mots við helstu gagnrýni aðskilnaðarsinna. Abstract The Constitution for Iceland from 1874 stipulated a national church and religious freedom in the country instead of the former evangelical-Lutheran state-religion. Four years later discussions began on whether these two religious systems were compatible or if the Icelanders must chose the one or the other. In this article it will be shown how two policies in this area became clear around 1880. The first one is here called the “way of separation“. It was driven by human-rights perspectives, aiming to establish real religious freedom in the country and its followers thought that separation between church and state was unavoidable. The other one is here named “the way of legislation”. It was based on religious and ecclesiastic perspectives. The followers of this way of thinking felt that church and state had a common role in ensuring both the timely and eternal welfare of the Icelandic people and thus thought that the church and state must cooperate. Followers of the “way of legislation” thus wanted to develop an independent national church in ongoing relations with the state. They seem to have considered it acceptable that some who did not follow the national church were obliged to pay the same charges as those who belonged the national church and thus had no financial benefit from standing outside of the church and other religious communities. The way of legislation was formally established in the 1910s and has been followed in Icelandic religious law ever since. In a later article, which is intended to be published in the next number of this journal, various specified themes of the debate on separation between church and state will be analyzed. It will also be shown how it was attempted to meet the main criticism of those who wanted separation with changes of the Constitution.

Marguerite of Navarre’s evangelical network never abandoned its strategy of pushing for reform within the existing French church. The Meaux group of the early 1520s, led by Bishop Guillaume Briçonnet and Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples, sought to “bring the Gospel to the people.” Lefèvre and Gérard Roussel made a crucial decision in 1526 to return to France from exile, instead of joining the international Reformed community. This move paved the way for them to continue down the path of internal reform, an effort that hit its peak in 1533, when Roussel preached to huge crowds in Paris. Hopes were dashed the next year with the royal reaction to the Affair of the Placards, but Roussel continued to encourage evangelical reform during his last years as Bishop of Oloron.

Psychology research on prejudice and religion has predominantly examined the personal factors associated with prejudice, with limited attention to societal factors. The present study analyzed data from the 2011 National Church Life Survey (NCLS) of churchgoers in Australia aged 15 years and over (N = 1,910; MAge = 54.3 years; SD = 19.2 years; range = 15 to 96; 61.0% women; 68.5% native-born) to determine the associations between personal and societal factors on prejudice against Aboriginal people, immigrants, racial minorities, and refugees. Findings showed that both personal and societal factors were associated with prejudice among churchgoers. For personal factors, the experience of church worship, Catholic denomination, and private religious commitment were negatively associated with prejudice. In addition, the immigrant status of the churchgoers was differentially associated with prejudice against Aboriginal people. Specifically, those born in other English-speaking countries were less prejudiced against Aboriginal people, compared to native-born churchgoers. In contrast, those born in non-English-speaking countries were more prejudiced against Aboriginal people than native-born churchgoers. For societal factors, the association between religious diversity and prejudice depended on the immigrant status of the churchgoers. Overall, religious diversity in the church neighborhood was negatively associated with prejudice against immigrants. Compared to the native-borns, immigrant churchgoers from both English-speaking and non-English-speaking countries were more prejudiced against immigrants, controlling for the religious diversity of the church neighborhood. Results are in line with the assertion that an integration of micro-level individual and interpersonal processes with macro-level societal factors represents a fruitful area for future research in prejudice.

In 1662 the Cavalier Parliament passed the Act of Uniformity to impose ecclesiastical conformity. Ministers were ordered to declare in front of their congregations their “unfeigned assent and consent” to the 1662 Book of Common Prayer. The act stipulated the deprivation of those who refused and three months imprisonment for those who continued to preach. Unable to comply, some changed profession and others took the risk of gathering separate churches. However, there were some who remained involved in the national church. This article first establishes the common characteristics of three nonconforming ministers which would have made it unlikely for them to conform. Secondly, it presents circumstances, relationships and personal qualities which helped these godly clergymen to continue ministering within the Church of England post 1662. Through their autobiographies and their diaries, this article analyses the personal narratives of Ralph Josselin of Earls Colne (Essex), Edmund Trench (Kent), and Oliver Heywood (Yorkshire).

Drawing on data from 9,851 young people between the ages of 8 and 14 years who completed surveys while attending Catholic, Protestant, or Pentecostal churches as part of the 2016 Australian National Church Life Survey, the study employed multiple regression modelling to test two hypotheses regarding the linkages between religion and happiness among young churchgoers. The first hypothesis is that there is a positive association between religion and happiness. The second hypothesis is that the association between religion and happiness is routed through religious affect rather than through religious practice. The data support both hypotheses, and demonstrate the negative impact of church attendance on happiness among this age group when church attendance (external religiosity) is not supported by positive religious affect (internal religiosity).

This essay looks principally at the well-known autobiographical account of his missionary work in England in the later Elizabethan period and in James I’s early years up to the time of the Gunpowder Plot written by the Jesuit John Gerard (1564–1637). We try to locate that account in the context of the so-called Archpriest Controversy, out of which, we suggest, it came. Here, we wish to argue, some of the current historical platitudes about post-Reformation Catholicism in England, and about the function of the seminary clergy and those who trained in the novitiates of the religious orders, look decidedly unsafe. However, we focus on the reputation of this famous Jesuit primarily in order to see how his construction of the recent past, written (despite its, in places, timeless evocation of the power of grace and the necessity of conversion) for very specific contemporary purposes, serves as a guide to the rise in England of a form of Catholic observance which was sharply at odds with the supposedly conformist culture of the national Church.

An online survey examined the experiences of clergy and lay people in the Church of England during the lockdown caused by the Covid-19 pandemic from May to July 2020. Comparison of 1,001 people who received ministry in rural areas with 1,823 who received ministry elsewhere suggested fairly similar experiences in terms of accessing online worship and support from their churches. Rural worshippers were slightly less likely to access worship from their own churches. Comparison of 274 rural stipendiary parochial clergy with 507 counterparts ministering elsewhere suggested their churches were equally busy in offering online worship. Rural clergy offered more Services of the Word, and fewer communions, which may have reflected the greater prevalence of Anglo-catholics in urban areas. Although the support and care offered by clergy was similar in both sorts of area, rural clergy seemed better place to serve their local communities and to offer occasional offices. They felt better supported by the public, the national church, and funeral directors than did clergy in towns and cities.

The relations between the Chilean Church and the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet (1973&ndash, 1990) are often characterized as conflictive. After a short period of accommodation and legitimation, the Chilean episcopate started to confront the dictatorship in the name of the poor and persecuted, but never breaking entirely with the regime. This led to a complicated relationship between the Church and the dictatorship, which tried to legitimize authoritarian rule by reference to Christian values and the defense of &ldquo, Christian civilization&rdquo, Much historiography has examined this relation from the point of view of the Church. When examined from the point of view of the State important nuances appear. Documents from the Chilean Ministry of Foreign Relations and correspondence with the Chilean ambassador to the Vatican, shed new light on efforts by the Chilean state to shape relations with the Church and to change the position of bishops who were critical of the regime. These data help understand better the dynamics of conflict between Church and State in Chile during the dictatorship.

This paper reflects on the importance of Edinburgh’s Lawnmarket and Castlehill area in the context of the 1843 Disruption which saw the separation of the Free Church from the Established Church of Scotland mainly over the issue of the Church’s relationship with the State. Edinburgh’s Holy Corner, as it is colloquially known, refers to the Bruntsfield and Morningside junction with four churches; but this paper argues that by the mid-19th century the Lawnmarket area was an even ‘holier’ corner. Within a discrete area west of St Giles — Edinburgh’s Cathedral — and almost touching one another were built the Church of Scotland’s headquarters at Victoria Hall (or Old Tolbooth Church; today, ‘The Hub’), and for the Free Church, its headquarters at New College. These two buildings alone (other churches were constructed in closest proximity) show that for both organisations, Edinburgh in its old role as the national capital was deemed vital. This national importance was here emphasised (or resurrected) and intentionally exploited by each organisation for the purpose of demonstrating its own historical legitimacy and validity, each regarding itself as the national Church continuing. That it was not simply Edinburgh, but the Old Town, which was chosen, emphasised yet further the heritage, continuity and historic validity claimed by the two ‘ancient’ Churches; the Tron Church was a lesser ornament, as the fire of 1824 had diminished its prestige of antiquity. A major — if perhaps inadvertent — consequence was that the Old Town’s renewal was now securely in hand thanks to these competing churches; and all following the effective reincarnation in dressed ashlar of St Giles in the 1830s by William Burn. Both organisations being based in Edinburgh made the city not simply the two Churches’ national headquarters, but also, given the impact of missionary work and Empire, the international hub to which every congregation looked to for leadership and support. By focusing on a small area at the very heart of the Old Town of Edinburgh, this paper brings together a key moment of ecclesiastical history, whose significance goes well beyond Edinburgh itself, with important developments in urban design and architectural history. Cet article s’interroge sur l’importance de Lawnmarket et de Castlehill, à Édimbourg, dans le contexte de la « Grand Rupture » (ou Disruption) de 1843 qui a vu la séparation de la Free Church de l’Église établie d’Écosse (Kirk) — principalement sur la question des relations de l’Église avec l’État. Le Holy Corner d’Édimbourg, comme on l’appelle familièrement, fait référence à la jonction entre Bruntsfield et Morningside et à ses quatre églises ; cet article affirme pourtant que le Lawnmarket était un endroit encore plus « saint » au milieu du 19e siècle. Dans une zone clairement identifiable, à l’ouest de l’église Saint Gilles, la Cathédrale d’Édimbourg, et presque se touchant les uns aux autres, étaient construits le siège de l’Église d’Écosse (Kirk) à Victoria Hall (ou Old Tobooth Church ; aujourd’hui The Hub) et celui de la Free Church à New College. Ces bâtiments (d’autres églises étaient construites à proximité) montrent que, pour les deux institutions, le rôle ancien d’Édimbourg en tant que capitale nationale était jugé essentiel. Cette importance nationale était ici soulignée (ou réactivée) et intentionnellement exploitée par chaque institution dans le but de démontrer sa propre légitimité historique et son fondement, chacune se considérant comme la continuité de l’Église nationale. Le fait que ce n’était pas simplement Édimbourg, mais la Vieille Ville, qui était choisie, soulignait encore davantage les valeurs d’héritage, de continuité et de légitimité historique revendiquées par les deux « anciennes » Églises ; la Tron Church devenait, à l’inverse, un élément moins important du paysage urbain à la suite de l’incendie de 1824. Une conséquence majeure, quoique sans doute fortuite, était que le renouveau de la Vieille Ville était désormais solidement en marche grâce à la construction d’églises concurrentes ; et le tout intervenait après la création d’une belle enveloppe en pierre de taille pour l’église St Gilles par l’architecte William Burn dans les années 1830. Les deux organisations basées à Édimbourg faisaient de la ville non seulement le siège national des deux Églises, mais aussi, compte tenu de l’impact du travail missionnaire et de l’Empire, le centre international vers lequel chaque congrégation en quête de sens et de soutien pouvait donc se tourner. En se concentrant sur une très petite zone au cœur même de la Vieille Ville d’Édimbourg, cet article met en lumière un moment clé de l’histoire ecclésiastique dont la signification dépasse Édimbourg, et dont les répercussions sont importantes pour l’histoire urbaine et l’histoire de l’architecture.

The chapter examines the formation of a Greek national Church and its role in the political life of the country. The emergence of an independent (autocephalous) Orthodox Church in the kingdom of Greece is considered in connection with the issue of autocephaly in canon law and the debates it provoked. It is pointed out that Greek autocephaly set a precedent for the subsequent emergence of other autocephalous churches in the Orthodox communion as part of the nation- and state-building projects of the respective national societies. The multiplicity of ecclesiastical jurisdictions in the Greek state are discussed as a record bearing the traces of the unification and national integration of Greece. Penultimately, the role of the Orthodox Church of Greece as national Church and the interplay of ecclesiastical and secular politics is examined. The close connection of Church and politics in Greek society is illustrated by pointing out that periods of political instability and subversion of constitutional government in twentieth-century Greece have provoked ‘archiepiscopal questions’ in ecclesiastical life. Lastly, the main issues in Church–State relations in post-1974 Greece are surveyed and appraised.

This second part of the esthesic analysis utilises survey data from Australia’s National Church Life Surveys (NCLS) conducted in 2011 asking congregants questions related to musical worship and their church’s worship services. Time is taken to examine the way in which questions were asked and interpreting the responses which were often not plainly evident. An additional Operations Survey is also analysed which provided information regarding church services, including service and sermon durations. The conclusion brings together the researcher’s survey findings and those of the NCLS to articulate some of the meaning-making processes Christians engage in relating to CCS.

This article presents stained glass as an important source of material evidence for attitudes to monarchy in Victorian Britain. It argues that expressions of veneration for Victoria by different religious constituencies were not merely instinctual and affective but considered and erudite. The ways in which different Anglican constituencies in particular marked key moments in Victoria’s reign within their churches made her person and throne a symbol for their ecclesiastical visions. The article supports its argument by offering a close, contextual reading of one such memorial, Charles Eamer Kempe’s Diamond Jubilee window (1898) in St Saviour’s, Southwark. Although nominally intended as a memorial to the long dead Prince Albert, it made only oblique reference to him. Instead, the window’s patron and the church’s rector William Thompson described the four figures depicted in its lights — Pope Gregory, King Ethelbert, Stephen Langton, and William of Wykeham — as ‘illustrating the union of Church and State’. Its message that the national Church had always been the indivisible ally of godly monarchs since the dawn of English history was the more powerful when read against Kempe and Thompson’s broader scheme for the redecoration of the restored St Saviour’s. Together they created a series of windows which not only interwove the English monarchy with the cosmic salvation narrative of Christianity but represented the church as a benevolent and inclusive patron of eminent writers, thinkers, and philanthropists in Southwark.