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AbstractThe notion of ‘sexual justice’ has gained traction in academic and policy arenas in recent years. This paper presents a scoping literature review of the regimes of truth, following Foucault, of ‘sexual justice’ appearing in the scientific literature from 2012 to 2022. Thirty-eight papers were coded using (1) content analysis of the studies’ central problematics, the programmes referred to, and institutional location(s); and (2) thematic analysis of how the notion was deployed. Central problematics centred on (1) critiques of, or alternatives to, dominant approaches to sexual and reproductive health; and (2) highlighting injustices. As such, ‘sexual justice’ is fighting for legitimacy in the truth stakes. There is a distinct paucity of papers tackling the translation of ‘sexual justice’ into practice. South Africa dominates as the site in which papers on ‘sexual justice’ have been produced, but there is a lack of South-South collaboration. Two themes were apparent around which conceptions of sexual justice cohere. Firstly, sexual justice is seen as a vital, yet politically ambivalent goal, with neoliberal co-optation of progressive rights agendas being warned against. Secondly, sexual justice is viewed as a means, in which sexual justice is described as having potential to repair established frameworks’ shortcomings and oppressive legacies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The sustained governmental assault on the National Health Service (NHS) in England during post-1970s financialised or rentier capitalism has received considerable attention by the research community. There is some evidence, however, that many of those members of the public who have not had occasion to use the NHS remain largely ill-informed about the extent of, and reasons for, its present troubles. In this paper I offer an auto/biographic account of my own recent experiences as a patient with type 2 diabetes and subsequent polymyalgia in both primary and secondary care. I then deploy analytic induction to consider, and explain, my personal travails against the background of the shifting nature of doctor-patient interaction occasioned by governmental politics in relation to the NHS. The result is an illustrated story of the decline of health care at a political juncture when the ever-expanding capital assets of a tiny minority of the population trumps the health care needs of the population as a whole. The present impoverishment of management and care must be understood with reference to wider aspects of macro-social change. The paper concludes with some ideas about how to (re)fund a severely ailing NHS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The sustained governmental assault on the National Health Service (NHS) in England during post-1970s financialised or rentier capitalism has received considerable attention by the research community. There is some evidence, however, that many of those members of the public who have not had occasion to use the NHS remain largely ill-informed about the extent of, and reasons for, its present troubles. In this paper I offer an auto/biographic account of my own recent experiences as a patient with type 2 diabetes and subsequent polymyalgia in both primary and secondary care. I then deploy analytic induction to consider, and explain, my personal travails against the background of the shifting nature of doctor-patient interaction occasioned by governmental politics in relation to the NHS. The result is an illustrated story of the decline of health care at a political juncture when the ever-expanding capital assets of a tiny minority of the population trumps the health care needs of the population as a whole. The present impoverishment of management and care must be understood with reference to wider aspects of macro-social change. The paper concludes with some ideas about how to (re)fund a severely ailing NHS.

An ongoing academic debate shows that urban community gardening (CG) has diverse governance models with differing roles of city administration and citizens. This article uses an empirical case study conducted in the city of Tampere, Finland, to explore what I call the "operational space" of urban CG seen from the viewpoint of city officials. Two rounds of interviews were conducted with eight city officials, and a discourse analysis was applied for the data. As an analytic term developed in this article, the operational space emerges by administrative policies and practices that enable or constrain urban gardening under two general trends of urban governance: institutional ambiguity and neoliberal urban development. In this case, the operational space was rather rigid and narrow. The five main discourses on benefit, control of space, scarcity, unclarity, and newness referred to a clear aim to enable urban gardening. However, the discourses were restricted to strategic, limited, and instrumental levels, as the political-strategic aims of enabling urban gardening contradicted the administrative practices. The results show that cautiousness and unclarity in the administrative-political culture tend to lead to institutional ambiguity. In conclusion, operational space analysis is helpful to uncover the problems and possibilities between CG and city administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political and economic context for India based on the results of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (RCEP) signed in November 2020 is considered. The benefits of strengthening economic cooperation for the participating countries from its signing are characterized. The hypothetical advantages for India in the case of its entry into RCEP are analyzed. In connection with country’s opting out of RCEP the authors have highlighted three segments of reasons for studying (political, legal and economic) that caused such India’s decision. Among the political reasons for India’s opting out of RCEP the problem of the Indo-Chinese border conflict over disputed territory escalating is emphasized. Among the legal reasons that determined opting out of the treaty, the issues of investment policy and intellectual property outside the World Trade Organization frameworks are noted. The economic reasons offset the benefits of RCEP for India are investigated. The connection between all three segments of causes is demonstrated. The experts’ forecasts is evaluated for India’s entry into third place in the world economy in terms of the gross domestic product contribution and the prerequisites for this are studied. It is concluded about the possibility of achieving the goal if a number of conditions are met and a set of necessary measures is carried out.

This paper reflects on the recent changes in the French academic world. Drawing on a series of significant figures and statistics, the author traces the ongoing dismantling of French higher education and research, up to the recent law on multi-year research programming (LPPR).

This essay provides a critical personal reflection contemplating a 2006 Mexico City-based cross- border dialogue in which sharp divisions emerged between a set of Mexicana lesbianas—declaring their pro-lesbian feminist and anti-queer politics—and a set of queer Chicanas- Latinas—pronouncing their queer women of color politics. The vexing exchange occurred on the eve of the 3rd annual Marcha Lésbica, an explicitly radical lesbian feminist political gathering and at the time the largest public action of its kind to be held in Latin America. I draw new insights about key historical and contemporary lesbian political identity issues by reviewing how Mexican lesbian politics informed by feminism and critiques of neoliberalism produced challenges to the U.S. based participants. I reframe the value of the lesbian Mexicanas' "anti- queer" proclamation, an affective statement especially unpopular in that period given the provincializing glance at lesbian politics and identity in the U.S. Finally, I revisit this difficult moment to historicize how lesbian remains a freighted category of political identity for Chicanas-Latinas who abide by women of color and trans coalitional politics, while it also opens up affinities for meaningful though precarious cross-border identifications. This multilayered reflection argues for a situated understanding of the meanings that can be ascribed to lesbian identity and politics, which are highly contingent upon spatio-temporalities. Thus, the category "lesbian" is replete with instructive energies whether as an affective critique of queer epistemologies that move along a Global North to Global South axis, or as a reminder of the limits of coalitional politics built across nation-state borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The collapse of socialism as a consequence of primarily economic inefficiency has raised in front of the post socialist countries the dilemma of choice (what a miracle) the path to capitalism. On this reversible, historical process, the leading Western countries have had a ready answer - the Washington Consensus. The strict implementation of the ten Washington reform economic policies conceived on the neoliberal doctrine led to the construction of the Anglo-Saxon development model of capitalism. The Washington narrative had the unreserved support in the measures and decisions of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, though it originally intended as a set of NEO-liberal crisis solution measures in Latin American countries. The consistent implementation of the Washington Regulations with the shock therapy method has had mostly negative consequences for the economic growth and development of both the transition and Latin American countries. Countries that have approached economic reforms in a gradualistic manner, respecting national characteristics and interests, such as the "East Asian tigers", have as a rule achieved economically respectable growth and social well-being.

n this paper, I address the vital civic principle that democracies cannot exist without informed citizens and that education itself must be about more than training and is essential to creating critical and engaged citizens. Such an understanding is imperative at a time when democracy is under siege all over the globe. As an example of both the rise of authoritarianism and the challenge it poses to higher education, I focus on not only the election and presidency of Donald Trump but also an emboldened culture of manufactured illiteracy that exhibits a disdain for any notion of education wedded to the pursuit of the truth, science, and the public good. I argue that the Trump administration is engaged in not simply a neoliberal political project designed to consolidate wealth and power in the hands of the financial elite, but also is reworking of the very meaning of education both as an institution and as a broader cultural force. Democracy and politics itself are both in crisis and under siege.

In this paper I will first describe how commodities are ‘promiscuously’ displayed by homeless queer youth in San Francisco in their attempts to pass as not only normal, but affluent. I will argue that when a youth successfully displays the signs of these commodities, they become part of a prosthetic shield that wraps around him or her. These shields protect homeless queer youth from the status degradation inherent in being classified as homeless. Thereby, homeless queer youth use the sign of the commodity to prevent being continually marked by spoiled identities. Their struggles reveal contradictions in the differential allocation of citizenship in which those who pass as ‘normal’ are granted the right to consume public space unmolested. I will conclude by suggesting that there has been a primarily unobserved convergence of neoliberal social policies within both San Francisco and gay politics detrimental to poor and otherwise marginal people.

Copyright of Roteiro is the property of Roteiro and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Hacettepe University Journal of Economics & Administrative Sciences / Hacettepe Üniversitesi Iktisadi ve Idari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Hacettepe University, Faculty of Economic & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The disappearance of reformist culture with the rising of neoliberal politics that proclaim the “public” removal is based on the globalisation of financial economy. This economy’s practice and theoretical schemes leave no place for citizens’ culture and town. Recent budget cuts and privatizations constitute a threat for Keynesian “welfare state”, whose link to the Fordist production mode in extinction almost turns this state into an anachronism. The collective action prevails in order to promote a progressive direction towards a fair and emancipated society, an “urban” utopia, which is opposed to the capital changing scenarios and its challenges of accumulation. The financial dynamics, the reformism itself, and also the idea of civilization and its icons should be criticised.

Copyright of Iş, Güç: The Journal of Industrial Relations & Human Resources is the property of Is, Guc: The Journal of Industrial Relations & Human Resources and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 2015 Milan hosted the Universal Exposition with the theme ‘Feeding the Planet, Energy for Life’. Even if characterized by various scandals and problems, the edition was narrated by the mainstream media as a political and economic success. Critical voices were almost completely obscured by favorable propaganda and the ideas of development and the future proposed by the Expo rhetoric was presented as inevitable, configuring ‘the best of all possible worlds’ in a more general post-political frame. In this profile I first present the main characteristics of the No Expo Network, e.g. the actors that composed it and the main critiques that they advanced. I will then focus on the reasons for its defeat, which is then contextualized in relation to the election of the Chief Executive Officer of Expo 2015 as new Mayor of Milan. Here, we can see the continuation and structural strengthening of the neoliberal politics of Expo2015 beyond the mega event itself. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article highlights a narrative study of African American women educational advocates in Detroit and the political resistance they enact to combat the inequities of structural educational failure and disempowering neoliberal dynamics. The Detroit advocates have challenged the traditional public educational system as volunteers, family members, community activists, elected officials, and/or professional educators. The author discusses the advocates’ perspectives, experiences, and improvement strategies in light of Detroit’s complex, market-based educational landscape. Findings pertain to the advocates’ efforts to respond to educational and communal loss, family engagement barriers, insufficient school choice options, and concerns about privatization. Their narratives comprise counter-stories that illustrate theoretical notions of critical care and traditions of Black women’s political resistance used to combat the politics of disposability that hinder many urban communities. The author concludes the article by indicating how the Detroit advocates’ work can inform broader efforts to improve urban education.

Donald Trump's detractors have called him a sociopath, psychopath, and narcissist, or as having an anti‐social personality disorder. To his supporters he is a charismatic representative of the people. This article looks at the precise definitions of some of these terms and makes use of the available collateral information to make a tentative diagnosis of Donald Trump. It then considers the extent to which Donald Trump's personality traits may be an issue should he become president. Although concluding Mr Trump's behaviour could be detrimental not just to the United States, but also to world stability, this article moves on to consider whether he is the main problem, or merely symptomatic of a much bigger, global shift towards more extreme politics that is actively seeking destabilisation of the current political and economic elite. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Interuniversitaria de Formación del Profesorado is the property of Asociacion Universitaria de Formacion del Profesorado (AUFOP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Os rumos atuais das mudanças da educação superior no Brasil são preocupantes, na medida em que os dispositivos instituídos em meio à cultura avaliativa privilegiam ligações funcionais e pragmáticas dos trabalhadores com seu processo de trabalho. Trazem a produtividade, a competência, a autonomia, a competitividade como palavras de ordem no mercado de saberes, gerando isolamento, fragmentação e tédio no cotidiano das práticas acadêmicas. Neste texto, coloca-se em análise os discursos e ações dos diversos segmentos implicados com o processo de mudança, assim como nossas estratégias de organização. Apresenta-se um panorama geral das políticas neoliberais que fundamentam as reformas propostas para o ensino superior, os modos de subjetivação que vêm ganhando corpo nas relações entre docentes-pesquisadores, os efeitos produzidos pela adoção de um modelo de avaliação do trabalho realizado e, finalmente, algumas reflexões que buscam interseções entre os diferentes tempos percorridos.The current directions of changes of college education in Brazil are preoccupying, as the devices established in an evaluative culture privilege functional and pragmatic connections of the workers with their work process. These devices bring productivity, competence, autonomy, competitiveness as words of order in knowledge area, producing isolation, fragmentation and tedium in the quotidian of academic practices. In this text, we put in analysis the speeches and actions of several segments implicated with the changing process, as well as our organization strategies. It is presented a general view of the neoliberal politics which grounds the reforms proposed for college education, the ways of subjectivation which are being formed in the relations between professors-researchers, the effects produced by the adoption of a model to evaluate the work done and, finally, some reflections that search intersections among the past different times.

Copyright of Journal of International Social Research is the property of Journal of International Social Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Education Policy Analysis Archives / Archivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas / Arquivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas is the property of Educational Policy Analysis Archives & Education Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article offers a critical and systematic political analysis of microfinance schemes linking international, national and local development policy. It substantiates the argument that microfinance schemes are a neoliberal development strategy, primarily advanced to realise a dual purpose: (1) financial sector liberalisation and commercialisation, while extending microfinance as a means to “poverty reduction”, and (2) the dampening and undermining of resistance to neoliberal development policies, by relying on the disciplinary potential of these schemes. I illustrate this argument through an examination of the politics of microfinance and development in Bangladesh, which includes analyses of policies prescribed by the World Bank (and also the CGAP). The analysis also draws out the implications (legal and institutional) for many NGOs who have been required to change their status to Microfinance Institutions (MFIs). Microfinance schemes are exemplary of (new) efforts to build markets in Asia in accordance with neoliberal visions of development, and in ways that advance and capitalise on the contradictions of neoliberal development. But they also challenge us to reflect more deeply on the limits of “market society”. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the first part of the article we give an account of the urban transformations that took place in Latin American cities, especially in Argentina, with the implementation of neoliberal politics since the seventies. We assume that neither the architectural facts, let alone urban transformations, there are isolated from the economic, political, and cultural factors establishing of societies, increasingly globalized societies. In the second part of the work, a case study, such non-exclusive, we are in the city of Cordoba, Argentina, and more specifically in Villa La Maternidad. The implementation of the Programme in 2004 "Mi casa, mi vida" ("My home, my life") by the provincial government involved the eviction of the families who lived in the villa. A program that is based on a restrictive and essentialist notion esencialita the right to housing, which considers only single physical unit (unit building, plot of land) as opposed to the design of housing and habitat. The evacuation meant for the families involved a loss of spatial (Schapiram Prevot, 2001:49) and social capital, together with a social closure process, being limited and conditional access space considered as a social good. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The principal objective of this essay is to explore some of the expressions of the dominant role that fear is playing as a social control mechanism and the production of nervous exaltation as incitement to consumption; both in the hands of political and business elites that try to guide countries such as Costa Rica towards an economic model based on privatization and exacerbated consumption in this 21st Century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Escuela de Historia is the property of Revista Escuela de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)