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When do Americans view political violence as legitimate? In this article, I use experimental methods to examine public perceptions of domestic political violence perpetrated to advance right-wing or left-wing agendas. Specifically, I examine the extent to which the alignment of political ideology (conservative/liberal) with a political cause influences perceptions of legitimacy for objectively equivalent acts of violence. Controlling for variables such as perpetrator identity, I demonstrate that political ideology influences both how members of the public perceive the morality of political violence and the extent to which they view an act as constituting terrorism, even when the severity of violence and type of target are identical. The findings have implications for policy makers and practitioners in designating acts as terrorism and developing policies to prevent or counter political violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical prison studies have demonstrated how states use imprisonment and detention not only to punish individuals, but also to quell dissent and disrupt opposition movements. In protracted conflicts, however, the use of mass incarceration and unlawful detention often backfires on states as politically motivated prisoners exert their relevance by making imprisonment itself a central issue in the wider conflicts. Rather than retreating to the margins, prisoners have taken back prison spaces as loci of resistance, forcing both state authorities and their own external parties to engage with them seriously as political actors. This subversion of the prison space is not automatic, however; as this article demonstrates, prisoners have exerted the most influence on both authorities and their own factions when they have combined pragmatism and radicalism through multilevel strategies such as establishing praxes for self-education and organizing; using everyday non-compliance to challenge prison administrators; and occasionally, engaging in hunger strikes that exert boomerang pressure from external factions and solidarity networks on state authorities. Drawing from the case studies of Israel–Palestine, Northern Ireland and South Africa, this research shows how these radically pragmatic tactics create a 'trialectic' interaction between prisoners, state authorities and external networks, forcing direct and indirect negotiations regarding prisoners' rights, and, at times, influencing broader conflict dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on prison-based resistance often focus, understandably, on the phenomenon of hunger strikes. However, most collective hunger strikes are preceded and complemented by other types of resistance, including the formation of alternative institutions and various forms of non-cooperation. These everyday acts of resistance, usually unpublicised, form a necessary foundation for the organisation of sustained hunger strikes, and are also ends in themselves in terms of maintaining prisoners' sense of dignity and frustrating the intended order of the prison authority. In this article, I use the Palestinian prisoners' movement as a case study to explore how prisoners' everyday acts of resistance, including the establishment of a 'counterorder' of parallel institutions, the development of a political education system, and day-to-day non-cooperation, are crucial for maintaining a sense of agency, gaining rights, and transforming power relations within, and at times, beyond the prison space. Using Johansson and Vinthagen's (2020, 2016) model of everyday resistance, the research demonstrates how extending the repertoire of prison-based tactics beyond hunger strikes facilitates the subversion of both the spatial and temporal boundaries of the prison to allow for a disruption of the intended power dynamics established by the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the extent to which participatory media function as tools for youth expression, empowerment, activism, and advocacy in Palestine. I argue that, first, youth media provide opportunities for creative expression and civic engagement in spaces in which youth participation is often marginalized. Secondly, youth media offer alternative information sources to potentially challenge dominant discourses of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict generally and the roles of Palestinian youth specifically. However, youth media practitioners, especially those from outside the community, often face the challenge of preserving the very youth agency that they aim to promote. It is thus necessary to be aware of the power dynamics implicit in such projects, even when adopting a pluralist approach. I begin by identifying the diverse approaches to youth media emerging in Palestine, and then examine the influence of youth media at the individual, community, regional, and international levels. I then discuss some of the limitations of youth media initiatives, and emphasize the importance of local ownership and youth participation. The findings are based on fieldwork conducted in the West Bank from 2006 to 2008, including interviews, surveys, program evaluations, and participant-observation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]