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The state of Indiana has the most stringent voting requirements in the nation, as voters are presently required to present a photo identification issued by the federal or state government in order to cast a ballot. Similar laws have been proposed and pursued in many other states, typically related to charges of vote fraud, and often times tied into the divisive debates on undocumented immigrants or African American felons. However, very little empirical evidence exists about the effects of voter identification laws. Although a theoretical and Constitutional debate has developed, few studies have empirically tested the real world consequences of voter identification laws on the disenfranchisement of various subgroups in the electorate. In this study, we assess whether all eligible voters have equal access to valid photo identification, or if some segments of the population are being uniquely harmed by Indiana voter ID laws. To answer this question we fielded a unique public opinion survey in 2007 in the state of Indiana to determine the impact of voter identification laws on several demographic groups of voters; African Americans, the elderly, the less educated, and the poor. Specifically, we asked registered voters and eligible non-registered adults whether or not they had a current and up to date ID card issued by the state of Indiana containing their full name. Examining a variety of demographic variables, we find consistent and statistically significant evidence that White, college educated, upper income, and middle-aged voters in Indiana are more likely to have valid ID. Because we present data for actual registered voters, the findings go far to suggest that voter identification laws in Indiana disenfranchise many citizens who are entitled to full voting rights. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2004 Arizona voters approved Proposition 200, which among other things, required various forms of identification to be shown at the polling place before a citizen could vote. Similar laws have been proposed and passed in many other states, typically related to charges of vote fraud, and often times tied into the divisive debates on undocumented immigrants or African American felons. However, very little empirical evidence exists about the effects of voter identification laws. Although a theoretical and Constitutional debate has developed, few studies have empirically tested the real world consequences of voter identification laws on minority disenfranchisement. Using a unique dataset from the 2006 elections, we model the impact of voter identification laws on several demographic groups of voters, including immigrants, minorities, the elderly, and the poor. Specifically, exit polls in California, New Mexico and Washington asked voters to check which forms of identification they would be able to provide if new voter identification laws were passed or more strictly enforced in their state. Controlling for a variety of demographic variables, we find that lower income, immigrant and minority voters were significantly less likely to be able to provide multiple forms of identification, such as a copy of their birth certificate, a driver's license or a current bank statement. In full, we asked about eight different forms of identification and across all eight types, lower income, immigrant and minority voters were less likely to have each one. Because our data are among actual voters, not just adult citizens, the findings go far to suggest that voter identification laws could immediately disenfranchise many Latino, Asian and African American citizens. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 2000 Presidential election voter education and mobilization has witnessed a renaissance in targeted contact and segmented messaging. Candidates, political parties, and interest groups have taken advantage of advances in electronic databases to divide and subdivide the electorate into different groups, and have different messages and messengers for each subgroup of voters. For decades, scholars and practitioners have known that personalized campaign appeals are more effective. Labor unions, religious leaders, military veterans, and racial and ethnic community leaders have typically been used by campaigns to make a stronger, more personalized, and perhaps more trusting connection with voters. While nationwide and one-size-fits-all campaigns can be cheaper and easier to implement, smaller, targeted campaigns might be more effective in winning the hearts and minds of voters. This paper takes up the question of whether or not personalized or segmented contact during a campaign is more successful at convincing voters than "generic" contact, or no contact at all.Using data from a national survey of Latino registered voters in 2004, we examine the impact of being contacted by a co-ethnic messenger on support for the Republican and Democratic parties. While some previous studies have examined just voter turnout or vote choice, this paper examines the deeper implications of co-ethnic contact, including support for public policy, candidate favorability, and strength of partisanship. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 2000 Presidential election voter education and mobilization has witnessed a renaissance in targeted contact and segmented messaging. Candidates, political parties, and interest groups have taken advantage of advances in electronic databases to divide and subdivide the electorate into different groups, and have different messages and messengers for each subgroup of voters. For decades, scholars and practitioners have known that personalized campaign appeals are more effective. Labor unions, religious leaders, military veterans, and racial and ethnic community leaders have typically been used by campaigns to make a stronger, more personalized, and perhaps more trusting connection with voters. This paper takes up the question of whether or not personalized or segmented contact during a campaign is more successful at convincing voters than "generic" contact, or no contact at all.Using data from a national survey of Latino registered voters in 2004, we examine the impact of being contacted by a co-ethnic messenger on support for the Republican and Democratic parties. While some previous studies have examined voter turnout or vote choice, this paper examines the deeper implications of co-ethnic contact, including support for public policy and candidate favorability. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]