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What do "white" migration researchers, such as myself, need to learn from over-researched (undocumented) migrant youth and indigenous communities that consider research a dirty word? And how do such assertions not lead to an impasse, but can actually enable scholars to conduct ethical and reflexive research that directly engages and benefits migrant communities throughout the research process? These are the central questions I seek to take up in this article by critically reflecting on my engaged research with undocumented migrant youth (activists) in Los Angeles and the Netherlands. Building on epistemological and ethical considerations and practices from participatory action research, co-creative research, and arts-based research, this article argues for four essential shifts in our modes of knowledge production, which are then empirically illustrated through a critical examination of my own research. These four shifts are: (1) a move from epistemic violence and injustice to epistemic justice, (2) a move from damage-centred to desire-based research, (3) a move from singular to comprehensive narratives, and (4) a move from extractavist to engaged research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Toxicity on the Internet is an acknowledged problem. It includes a wide range of actions from the use of obscene words to offenses and hate speech toward particular users or groups of people. However, there also exist other types of inappropriate messages which are usually not viewed as toxic as they do not contain swear words or explicit offenses. Such messages can contain covert toxicity or generalizations, incite harmful actions (crime, suicide, drug use), and provoke "heated" discussions. These messages are often related to particular sensitive topics, e.g. politics, sexual minorities, or social injustice. Such topics tend to yield toxic emotional reactions more often than other topics, e.g. cars or computing. At the same time, not all messages within "flammable" topics are inappropriate. This work focuses on automatically detecting inappropriate language in natural texts. This is crucial for monitoring user-generated content and developing dialogue systems and AI assistants. While many works focus on toxicity detection, we highlight the fact that texts can be harmful without being toxic or containing obscene language. Blind censorship based on keywords is a common approach to address these issues, but it limits a system's functionality. This work proposes a safe and effective solution to serve broad user needs and develop necessary resources and tools. Thus, machinery for inappropriateness detection could be useful (i) for making communication on the Internet safer, more productive, and inclusive by flagging truly inappropriate content while not banning messages blindly by topic; (ii) for detection of inappropriate messages generated by automatic systems, e.g. neural chatbots, due to biases in training data; (iii) for debiasing training data for language models (e.g. BERT and GPT-2). Towards this end, in this work, we present two text collections labeled according to a binary notion of inappropriateness (124,597 samples) and a multinomial notion of sensitive topic (33,904 samples). Assuming that the notion of inappropriateness is common among people of the same culture, we base our approach on a human intuitive understanding of what is not acceptable and harmful. To devise an objective view of inappropriateness, we define it in a data-driven way through crowdsourcing. Namely, we run a large-scale annotation study asking workers if a given chatbot-generated utterance could harm the reputation of the company that created this chatbot. High values of inter-annotator agreement suggest that the notion of inappropriateness exists and can be uniformly understood by different people. To define the notion of a sensitive topic in an objective way we use guidelines suggested by specialists in the Legal and PR departments of a large company. We use the collected datasets to train inappropriateness and sensitive topic classifiers employing both classic and Transformer-based models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses archival research to analyse the text, aesthetics and impact of two little poetry magazines of the early 1960s: Poetmeat edited by Dave Cunliffe and Tina Morris, and Jeff Nuttall's My Own Mag. Building upon previous studies which show the part small press publications played in distributing innovative US verse and the influence that had upon UK poetry, it illustrates how the experimentalism of Poetmeat and My Own Mag contributed to this process. This research builds on my own book Hidden Culture, Forgotten History (2017), James Charnley's recent Nuttall biography Anything but Dull (2022) as well as the work of art historian Andrew Wilson and academic Gillian Whiteley to argue that the production of these two journals pursued a political as well as a cultural agenda. I contend that little poetry magazines went beyond the dissemination of avant-garde verse, illustrating how the experimentalism carried by the two journals was part of a process which bridged the gap separating different artforms, the development by which conceptualism later came to the fore. Further, it proposes that the cut-ups of William Burroughs were key to this transformation. Finally, the article concludes by raising questions about the behaviour of Cunliffe and Nuttall which may explain their continuing obscurity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though we know activists want to change the world, including the people living therein, we are often disinclined to see in activism the desire for social power, thinking of "power" as a dirty word. However, by overlooking this aspect of activist motivation, we may be occluding our view onto an important aspect of activist frustration which can lead to burnout. Data collected among German environmental activists suggest that, controlling for self‐esteem and resilience, social power motivation does indeed predict levels of burnout. However, rather than causing burnout as though it were an independent variable apart from burnout (i.e., as seen within a "naturalistic" approach), it is argued that—given the nature of activism as the enacted desire to change others—the frustrated desire for social power is part of what burnout inherently is for activists. Thus, by taking the perspective of "interpretive social science," the current piece attempts to encourage both reflection on the particulars of burnout among activists and greater sensitivity to the context‐dependent nature of burnout in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on prior taboo classifications and euphemism strategies, this study investigates the euphemisms that result from subtitling private body part-related taboo words (PBPRTW). The study utilised quantitative (frequencies and percentages) and qualitative approaches based on subtitler's linguistic choices and the reasons behind their selection. The sample comprises 75 Hollywood feature films and their Arabic correspondences based on six criteria. The study adopts Pinker's (2007) and McEnery's (2006) for taboo language classifications and Al-Adwan's typology for euphemism strategies, which draws upon Williams (1975), Warren (1992), and Davies (2003). The PBPRTW were selected on the basis of their frequent occurrence in the corpus, appearing more than 150 times. They serve various functions, including descriptive, abusive, referential, and idiomatic. The findings indicated that only approximately 5% of obscene words are retained in Arabic subtitles, while 95% of the English subtitles in the corpus are toned down, euphemised, or omitted. The study identified seven euphemistic strategies employed in dealing with PBPRTW in Arabic subtitles: metaphorical transfer, preservation, implication, metonymy, semantic misrepresentation, and widening. These findings have some implications for subtitlers when translating PBPRTW. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the issue of sewage pollution in the UK and the efforts being made to prevent it. Sewage spills and combined sewage overflows are identified as the main causes of sewage appearing in waterways. Pump failure and the flushing of non-biodegradable items like wet wipes and sanitary products contribute to blockages in the sewage system. The UK government has introduced the Storm Overflows Discharge Reduction Plan, which aims to reduce spills through measures such as the construction of storm water attenuation tanks. The article emphasizes the need for investment, innovation, and a data-driven approach to effectively manage sewage and prevent pollution. [Extracted from the article]

The picture of researchers arriving in ‘remote’ communities to conduct research on a topic of interest to them (complete with consent forms and ethical clearance), is conjured up frequently by First Nations people, as a sign of White power and colonial control. ‘Research’ for many, has become a dirty word. But when First Nations researchers who live in those communities, take responsibility for research, a different dynamic comes into play. Research then becomes a legitimate way for community members to tell their stories, and for the voices of community members to be heard and relayed with integrity. This Rural Connections article tells two interwoven stories of Catherine Ridley, in her own words. The first story is about her experiences growing up and learning at school in the Kimberley region of Western Australia. The second story is about her experiences as a researcher, investigating issues of school engagement, attendance, and retention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Communication strategy is the main factor for doing marketing. Likewise, what was conducted by Angkringan West in order to increase the number of followers and customers in its culinary business, a communication strategy was chosen using offensive words which were considered controversial. The purpose of this study was to analyze the marketing communication strategy concept of the owner of Angkringan West interested in using offensive words in conducting marketing communications, to analyze the considerations and the expected impact of using offensive words as unethical advertising on Angkringan West. This research was conducted using a type of qualitative research. As for the results of the study, it was found that 1) the consideration of using offensive words was adapted to use the language of social communication, namely the Semarangan language which flows spontaneously; 2) choosing the strategy of using offensive words is not to cause discomfort, impolite or unethical in trading, but the acceptance of offensive words depends on the demographics of the audience and the willingness to join the Angkringan West community. Conclusion: offensive words are an appropriate marketing strategy to use with certain marketing targets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the venues for professional training and education, universities have always shaped the future of the archaeological discipline—for better but also, in important ways, for worse. Historically, university structures promoted practitioner homogeneity and social inequity and, at the largest research-intensive universities, even managed to turn "service" into a dirty word. However, using the same structures that perpetuated damaging practices in the past, universities can just as readily transform archaeology into the inclusive, community-engaged discipline it should always have been—while serving communities in ways that matter to them. This article explains and illustrates how and why we have tried to do this through the founding and operation of the Oklahoma Public Archaeology Network (OKPAN) at the University of Oklahoma. OKPAN seeks to improve relationships among diverse Oklahoma communities by framing archaeology as a tool that that can serve communities' interests while creating pathways within universities for members of historically excluded groups to join and help further transform the discipline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Armenian Folia Anglistika is the property of Publishing House of Yerevan State University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

He was always the youngest in the group. In 1966, the core participants in what he—with Valie Export—would later dub "Viennese Actionism" applied for government funding to attend the Destruction in Art Symposium in London. The group sent him, just twenty-two years old, to the ministry to argue their case. He remained their go-to spokesperson. On June 7, 1968, at the Kunst und Revolution event in Lecture Hall 1 of the University of Vienna, it was he who introduced the wild proceedings with an "Inflammatory Speech," his raised right asbestos-gloved hand in flames. Ending quickly in a cry of pain—kerosene on his naked forearm caught fire—his oration, titled (after Lenin's pamphlet) "What Is to Be Done?: Burning Questions of Our Movement," gave way to the more scandalous, though perhaps less cunning, actions of his older comrades. Otto Muehl, a "former middle- school teacher," as one "memory protocol" described him, screamed obscenities while whipping a bandaged man until he bled. Gunter Brus, after undressing onstage, cut himself and (again the protocol) "masturbated for about 20 minutes" before shitting and pissing in the audience's direction. Oswald Wiener, his speech drowned out onstage by grunting, was falsely heard to say that the shitting should move from the lecture hall to St. Stephen's Cathedral, the city's holy of holies. Meanwhile he, the event's "inflammatory" opening speaker, was the only actual student to address the Austrian Socialist Students' Union (the hapless host of Vienna's infamous "hot quarter-hour"), and he had come well equipped. He brought with him a water bucket to extinguish his burning glove and wore safety goggles to protect his eyes against flames and, as things turned out, against blood, excrement, and urine. When he died this year, just four days short of his seventy-ninth birthday, Peter Weibel seemed perennially youthful. He had led the ZKM Center for Art and Media Karlsruhe for almost a quarter century, indefinitely postponing his retirement by mounting art exhibitions—sometimes as many as seven in one year—that reshaped the definition of art exhibitions. It was Weibel, earlier and more consistently than anyone, who gave museological form to our posthuman, postmedium, anthropocenic condition. Sprawling, experimental, and provisory, these exhibitions yielded mighty catalogues: about surveillance, futurity, and digital art, about forgotten contemporaries (like Vilém Flusser) and emergent stars (Weibel was early in celebrating William Kentridge and Olafur Eliasson). Of these many shows, the four co-curated with Bruno Latour, who passed away five months before Weibel, were the most significant. Weibel and Latour called them Gedankenausstellungen ("thought exhibitions"). With challenging titles like "Making Things Public," "Reset Modernity," and "Critical Zones" and conceptual in what they displayed and how, they blurred the lines between science and art, gallery space and laboratory, aesthetic object and political debate while remaining fun to visit and popularly appealing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the emergence of systematic, pervasive government information programs and the rise of persuasion as a new profession, the words propaganda and publicity became definitional in the twentieth century. This historical qualitative and quantitative content analysis of the NewYork Times provides a basis for understanding the usage of propaganda and publicity during the years leading up to, during, and after World War I. At the turn of the nineteenth century, propaganda had a benign, narrow meaning. Propaganda became a negative word during World War I. Publicity also did not come out of the war unscathed. This research provides a more granular understanding of the emergence of persuasion as a profession and helps the readers understand the forces behind the emergence of mass communication as a field of study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a long-standing debate about the applicability of different statistical tests to Likert-type data. This work contributes to this debate by comparing the results of three statistics, Analysis of Variance, Kruskal-Wallis H test, and ordinal logistic regression, in the context of self-reported attitude and usage of swearwords. The aims of this comparison are to determine how similar the results of the different statistics are, which of the statistical test are most appropriate for sociopragmatic linguistic investigations, and how the results influence the interpretation possibilities of the same data. An analysis of the results for the different statistics shows some overlap between the three statistics, but that the parametric ANOVA is substantially more conservative in identifying significant relationships between sociodemographic factors and the usage and attitude toward swearwords, while the H test and ordinal logistic regression models are mostly identical, except where the assumptions of the regression model are violated. Based on our results, we argue that the Kruskal-Wallis H test, with the associated post-hoc test, is the most appropriate test for Likert-type data, with sufficient descriptive power to allow for detailed and informed analysis of this data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Worse yet, as we shall see, while terms that resemble a standard articulation of a slur trigger a pejorative effect, not all articulations of the slur trigger one, or to the same extent. They attach to an articulation, not a slur, and thus, are triggered even when the slur is not used (or, in certain cases, as we shall see below, when the slur isn't even mentioned); second, their open-endedness makes them unsuitable to be communicated content. Instead, it is triggered by features of tokens of a slur - their articulations - which can be present even when the slur is not, and may not be present even when the slur is. Slurs carry a potential to offend that their neutral counterparts do not.[1] The predominant strategy for explaining this difference has been to hardwire these pejorative effects into I semantics i , though, typically, not as part of I truth-conditional i content.[2] The options are many, e.g., by way of conventional implicature,[3] presupposition,[4] or a specific, I sui generis i expressive type of conventionally encoded meaning.[5] All these various I Pejorative Content Accounts i are committed to slurs having the potential to offend ultimately because of contents they encode; they diverge over the mechanisms of implementation.[7] Critics of Pejorative Content Accounts have settled on non-content, word-based accounts. Nor will an appeal to meaning explain its absence in certain articulations of a slur, and the possible variation in the offensive effect across different articulations of a slur, more on which below. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Linguistika: Buletin Ilmiah Program Magister Linguistik Universitas Udayana is the property of Program Studi Magister Linguistik Program Pascasarjana Universitas Udayana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As in any language, so too in Latin obscene words are inextricably linked to the psychology of the individual. In this article, the focus is shifted from those who simply use the words to those who study their characteristics, the lexicographers. Using obscene words as litmus test, a number of works by ancient, medieval, humanistic and modern lexicographers have been examined to identify any differences over the centuries in approaches and strategies in the treatment of words that force especially scholars to acknowledge their attitudes to certain areas of life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against content theories of slurs, according to which slurs have some kind of derogatory content, Anderson and Lepore have objected that they cannot explain that even slurs under quotation can cause offense. If slurs had some kind of derogatory content, the argument goes, quotation would render this content inert and, thus, quoted slurs should not be offensive. Following this, Anderson and Lepore propose that slurs are offensive because they are prohibited words. In this paper, we will show that, pace Anderson and Lepore, content theories of slurs do provide an explanation of the fact that quoted slurs can cause offense: even under quotation, the explanation goes, the derogatory content of a slur can still be psychologically efficacious. We will go one step further by pointing out that offensiveness is not the only function of slurs, but that slurs can also be used to create and reinforce negative attitudes towards the target group. While content theories can easily explain this by referring to some kind of derogatory content, Anderson and Lepore's prohibitionism will lack a satisfactory explanation of this second function of slurs. Concluding, we will argue that, unlike uses of slurs, uses of quoted slurs normally do not derogate the target group. This will again speak in favor of content theories. Accordingly, uses of quoted slurs are not derogatory because quotation renders the derogatory content inert. Hence, rather than speaking against content theories, quoted slurs speak in their favor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an attempt to provide an analysis of alternative names of the female sexual organ in French and Serbian with the aim to show all the similarities and differences that occur at the lexico-semantic level. Starting from the postulates of semantic and conceptual analyses as well as from Guiraud's (1995) classification of obscene lexical units, our corpus comprises forms of polysemy that induce the meaning of alternative names (metaphorical relations based on form, function, color and schemes of collective expression; metonymic relations based on part vs. all) and the types of conceptual metaphors based on which the female sexual organ is conceptualized as a building, a place, an animal, a plant or a geographic space. The corpus of our research has been compiled based on the French and Serbian dictionaries of obscene words by Pierre Guiraud (1995), Alfred Delvau (1997), Robert Édouard (2004), Danko Šipka (2011), Petrit Imami (2007), as well as the dictionaries of slang by Abdelkarim Tengour (2013), Dragoslav Andrić (1976) and Borivoje Gerzić (2010). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nonprofits compete with collaborators and collaborate with competitors regularly. Collaboration, a long-standing normatively preferred strategy for nonprofits, is utilized as modus operandi without thought to the potential unintended consequences. While competition is a dirty word for nonprofits, it is a necessary but undesirable reality and should not be avoided without consideration to the potential benefits. Nonprofit leaders may not be willing to explicitly acknowledge the use of competition as an operational strategy, which makes room for cognitive dissonance to impact the study of nonprofits. This piece identifies impacts of cognitive dissonance offering direction for future research exploring the interactive nature of competing with collaborators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Care is a dirty word for many in our communities. "Caregiving" has become a euphemism for often-indifferent, under-funded labor that is done to our bodies to (barely) enable our continued survival. Care is a dirty word in many of our leftist-feminist communities. Care work is a classification of highly gendered and racialized labor that remains largely unpaid, underpaid, and deeply devalued. Care is a dirty word in our Mad, disability, queer activist communities. "Taken into care" often refers to indefinite confinement, forced extraction from communities and families, and the removal of one's right to self-determination. Is care even worth reclaiming? In this creative duo-ethnography, a Mad fat femme and a crip ill non-binary queerdo wander through various moments when care has most impacted our lives, our relationships, and our communities. We have each held one another with care on the precipice of dying. Our bodies have shouldered the love-labor of care in the most intimate, exigent, and banal of moments: consensual and playful medication reminders, postsurgery tampon changing, literally squeezing out another's breath to stay alive—and then repeating—hundreds of times an evening. We have also experienced care that was much too careful, and anything but full of care. We have shared care promiscuously with our crip and Mad (arts) communities in ways that have been life affirming, life changing, sometimes life making, other times life threatening. Through this wandering with ideas, moments, and communities, we reflect upon multiple dimensions of Mad, queer, crip care. Whom is the caring for? What is our care about? And how can our care be given or giving, taken or shared, offered, enabled, and co-created with flourish? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'Aurat March' (Women's March) has been held in the major cities of Pakistan since 2018. This public event, and the related activities promoted during the year, has emerged as a catalyst for liberal feminists in the country by creating a public space for expression. The Aurat March appearing as a threat to the status quo has made it subject to the disapproval and anger of many. The anger against the marchers, frequently expressed through social media networks, has as a common denominator the accusation of vulgarity. Of the many slogans that appear at the March, one has become the focus of this hatred, thus turning it into the unofficial slogan of the March: 'mera jism, meri marzi' ('my body, my choice'). To the haters the scandal that this statement produces lies in the ability of the word jism, a neutral word for 'body' in Urdu, to evoke women's sexuality and thus to drive men to sinful thoughts. This essay suggests that the March has developed a public space for contestation of the 'moral regulation' that nationalist and Islamist policies have used to determine women's place in Pakistani society. Furthermore, it investigates how 'artivism' participates in the formation of this new space for contestation. For this reason, it proposes an analysis of works produced by selected visual artists and investigates how contemporary feminist art challenges the conservative view of women's place in society and reimagines it through representations of women, especially female bodies, in the context of a society where they are both objectified and under constant threat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From its humble early beginnings in three 1 9 19 cases, Schenck, frohwerk, and Debs, the clear and present danger test provided little actual protection to the jree speech Of the defendants in those cases. But even in these three early cases, the suggestion that the First Amendment might provide any protection to speech other than preventing prior restraints was significant. The clear and present danger test gathered a little momentum in the 1919 dissenting opinions of Justices Holmes and Brandeis in Abrams. Most of that momentum was lost in 1925 in Gitlow v. New York but was regained two years later in the concurring opinion of Justice Brandeis in Whitney. Only in De Jonge v. Oregon and Herndon v. Lowry, eighteen years after Schenck, did the clear and present danger test even arguably appear to protect speech. Dennis savaged the test in 1951 before the test gradually began disappearing. Then, remarkably, the test gained a new life in 1969 under the rubric of "incitement" in Brandenburg v. Ohio. 1 Perhaps the oddest part of the story of the clear and present danger test is how the threat of the test in Roth v. United Statesi led to the development of the modern test for the protection of obscene speech. The test, for a period of time, was the all-purpose free speech test and was even used in time, place, and manner cases and other cases far removed from actual incitement. In 1940, the Court in Thornhill v. Alabama applied it to a law regulating picketing: "But no clear and present danger of destruction of life or property, or invasion of the right of privacy, or breach of the peace can be thought to be inherent in the activities of every person who approaches the premises of an employer and publicizes thefacts of a labordisputeinvolving the latter. The test in Bridges v. California was also important in limiting judicial power to punish dissenting voices, but Bridges and its progeny did not become the more powerful clear and present danger test that it had first seemed that it might be. Dennis v. United States so weakened the proximity requirement of the clear and present danger test with regard to even the remotest threat to important interest, which in and of itself might have contributed to the demise of the test. Brandenburg v. Ohio in 1969 revised the test using many of the historically most protective elements of the test, which might have saved the test for another generation but for the fact that the test was soon far outstripped by the concurrently developing compelling state interest test. The clear and present danger test, to the degree that it still exists, is a shadow of itself, but its forerunner status in protecting speech against subsequent punishments may have contributed to the stellar protection that the compelling state interest now provides to the First Amendment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses conversation analysis to examine constructions like who the fuck is that—sequence‐initiating actions into which an expletive like the fuck has been inserted. We describe how this turn‐constructional practice fits into and constitutes a recurrent sequence of escalating actions. In this sequence, it is used to pursue an adequate response after an inadequate one was given, and sanction the recipient for that inadequate response. Our analysis contributes to sociolinguistic studies of swearing by offering an account of swearing as a resource for social action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Universitatis Lodziensis: Folia Litteraria Romanica is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of The Iraqi University is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present article has for objective to analyze, through the criminal processes of slander and offense, some elements of the daily experience of some groups that inhabited in Juiz de Fora among the years of 1854 and 1941. Firstly, I tried to establish the social context in which the verbal conflicts happens and after, I analyzed the main themes of the verbal insults and the social uses of the offensive language. Secondly, I tried to rebuild some elements of the daily experience of the subordinate population, mainly some aspects related to the coexistence between landlord and tenant. Finally, I observed also some aspects of the operation of the local juridical apparel, analyzing mainly the relationship maintained between the local subordinate population and the justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This exploratory study proposes a theoretical framework based on Max Weber's types of rationality to understand the motivations for and operationalization of social entrepreneurship (SE), drawing from the case of Homebaked, an organization operating in Liverpool, UK. Face-to-face interviews with nine Homebaked's members, including management, were complemented by several on-site observations, industry and consulting report reviews. A juxtaposition between entrepreneurship and SE emerged, in that for-profit principles were implemented to drive and achieve objectives of social causes. From a theoretical perspective, a strong connection was revealed between the findings and all four types of rationality, as postulated by Kalberg. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Swearing is the harsh words, that is expressed by humans to show their anger, resentment or disappointment. The research method was descriptive qualitative. The Data was the swear expressed by the informant speakers. The collecting data used the referring method and introspection method with tapping technique using record with the technique tools recorded on the data card. The data analysis used the equivalent and distribution method. The result of the research showed from eleven swearing imperative sentences, there were eight swearing imperative sentences that contained commands, there were two swearing imperative sentences that contained requests, and one swearing imperative sentence that contained an invitation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, major American newspapers have rarely printed expletives, obscenities, and vulgarities. When newspapers have deviated from that norm, it has usually been for one of four reasons: to report on a political figure cursing publicly; to convey realism in a story about a marginalized group (often a racial minority); to express the emotions of people in traumatic situations; or to quote faithfully from a book or film. Using digitized historical newspapers, industry publications, and archival sources, it is possible to analyze how the press's standards and practices on profanity have shifted from the 1960s to the Donald Trump era. The changes at the Associated Press and the New York Times are especially noteworthy, because their guidelines provide the model for many other news organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Grotesque is a kind of literary-artistic genre with a variety of intricate meanings. However, most scholars and researchers have consensually acknowledged its most conspicuous components as follows: transformative, ridiculous, disgusting, and horrifying. Grotesque is a compromise between paradoxes -laughter and what is not aligned with laughter which ultimately results in a comedy-tragedy situation that provokes the audiences’ paradoxical response. Research on grotesque in Western art and literature is very extensive and has been addressed by many theorists and artists. Kaiser and Bakhtin are two great theorists with two different views in this regard. In art and literature of Iran - both classical and modern - many instances including prominent components of grotesque can be mentioned though they are not recognized as the grotesque genre as research studies on this subject is very limited in Iran and are restricted to recent years. The present study aimed at addressing grotesque in the words of one of the greatest poets of classical Persian literature, Mawlana Jalaluddin, whose speech is a brilliant idea with a depth that has not yet been reached. Rumi's Mathnavi-ye-Ma'navi is a raging and boundless sea of transcendent meanings that opens the gates of truth to the thirsty seekers of knowledge and sweetens the wishers of truth with the nectar of knowledge. In Mathnavi, Rumi chooses the form of storytelling to express his thoughts and beliefs and uses a variety of techniques to express his purpose to not only sweeten the bitter advice but also intensify the charm and appeal of his speech. One of these techniques is the use of satire in the narratives, which is a bitter and black humor and has a meaning far beyond the ordinary humor. Rumi is an illustrator of a truth that not only lies in the surface layers of the upside-down, contradictory, deceptive, and wandering world but also has been forgotten for the sake of the cyclical repetition of everyday life. These two aspects of the world - a deceptive appearance and a full-of-truth reality- create a contradiction, whose purpose cannot be described by humor. In this regard, the mysterious world of grotesque is the only means helping us unravel its mystery. Humor is present in most of Masnavi's anecdotes. In some of these anecdotes, the humor is accompanied by the structure, concept, and elements that assimilate it to the concept of grotesque, are no longer intended to make the audience laugh, and are a bittersweet in case of occurrence. Rumi deals with the inner world in humorous anecdotes, confronts these evil forces and powers by depicting the contradictions and dissonances in the inner and outer world, and teaches human the way of self-control and emancipation to attain his true nature and humanity. The present descriptive-analytical study examined the function of this genre in Rumi's thought and beliefs and concluded that the presence of grotesque in Rumi’s anecdotes is indisputable. By contrasting and centralizing personality and situation, using obscene words and erotic literature, realistically expressing the imaginary elements, linking the human and animal elements, and using the elements and themes of grotesque, Rumi illustrates the story of the fall of man into this mortal world and regards it as an initiation toward conscious ascending. Moreover, Rumi contradictory not only expresses the limits of human understanding and his inability to deeply discern the reality but also considers human as a creature of the creator that shares in the good of His essence, can achieve the truth that lies under the guise of sinfulness and has created a rust on the face of godliness with the awareness and disguise of evil, and can ascend to its original position with a wise and wicked love. The use of numerous functions of grotesque in Rumi’s words expresses the profound and insightful mystical notions that lead to true love and human evolution. Among these individual and social contradictions, inconsistencies, and anomalies, Rumi strives to attain salvation and save the human soul from pollution and uncleanness and informs his audience regarding the lack of insight that leads to misunderstanding of the truth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information about trash talking in sports. The author said that trash talking is the verbal insults and intimidation and designed to gain a competitive advantage. It says that most of Chuck Summer's articles show that trash talking is permissible because it is an important element in sporting excellence that athletic contests are designed to test. Moreover, Summer argues that some of the skills that athletic contests are designed to measure are mental skills. On the other hand, the author and Summer disagree on whether trash talking is part of the nonphysical part of athletic excellence.