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Introduction Navigating the political landscape in multicultural societies often involves the challenge of accommodating citizens with diverse social and ethnic backgrounds, along with their preferred political values. This process is commonly pursued through the mechanism of political socialization. The concept of political socialization was first mentioned in the 1954 edition of the Handbook of Social Psychology, where the author noted its relevance to the study of how individuals acquire political identities, beliefs, values, attitudes, and behavioral patterns. Five years later, the first book dedicated to the topic "Political Socialization" was published by Hyman (Wasburn & Covert, 2017:3). Given the importance of political socialization in shaping social and political continuity and change, the present research aimed to delve into the institutional agents and their interrelationships involved in the political socialization process, taking individuals as the subject of investigation. The primary goal of this research was to understand the dimensions and sources of political socialization among a sample of Sanandji youth. Over the past decade, the participation rate of young people in elections had declined, while they had actively engaged in political protests. Undoubtedly, the political attitudes and orientations of young people were influenced not only by the political system, but also by the performance of political agents and the manner of political socialization. Particularly, the political socialization of Sanandji youth took place in a context where ethnicity was a decisive variable. The assumption of the present research was that ethnicity was a fundamental factor in shaping the political orientations of young people in Sanandaj. Compared to other regions of Iran, the Kurdish regions, including Sanandaj, had faced unfavorable conditions in terms of development indicators and social and political justice. Consequently, ethnic and religious differences were often interpreted as the source of Kurdistan's underdevelopment, further intensifying political alienation among the youth. Considering the significance of ethnicity and religion in Kurdistan Region, the primary question guiding this research was: What are the dimensions and sources of political socialization of youth in Sanandaj? Materials & Methods The current research employed a qualitative approach, specifically the narrative analysis method, to obtain the necessary data for understanding the political socialization of young people in Sanandaj. This method allowed the researchers to delve into the narratives and stories of the young participants, exploring their political attitudes, experiences, and their relationship with political issues. The interactive narrative analysis model was utilized in this study. The interactive model involved a dialogue process between the speaker (participant) and the listener (researcher), where the participant shared hid/her experiences in specific contexts, such as family, peer groups, school, and university. This process was not a passive one; rather, the researcher actively engaged by asking questions and the participant responded, allowing the narrative to unfold. Analyzing the interactive structure of these conversations held a great research value as it often revealed complex systems of various narratives and a rich reserve of political, social, and cultural values at the macro level and in specific situations (Riessman, 2007:83). The target population for the current research was young people aged 18 to 32 years in Sanandaj. Sampling continued until theoretical saturation was reached and the dimensions of the obtained themes were clarified. This research was based on 36 in-depth interviews conducted in various locations. After the data were collected through semi-structured interviews, thematic analysis was employed to analyze the narratives. To ensure the interpretive validity of the research, the transcripts of the interviews and the researchers’ perceptions and understandings of the narratives were provided to some participants, who were asked to read the content and confirm its accuracy. Discussion of Results & Conclusion The first step in this research was to understand the youth's perspective on the world of politics and its related issues. The analysis revealed that the government was the central focus in the young people's description of political action. However, the interviewees expressed a sense of fear towards politics and most were reluctant to share their opinions on political matters. One of the key dimensions of political socialization is political attitude and behavior. The narratives of the investigated youth indicated experiences of political participation and a declining sense of political efficacy, leading to political alienation. The emerging themes from the youth's narratives suggested a mentality of disparity between religion and politics. In describing the ideal government, the youth emphasized the importance of preserving civil, political, and social rights as dimensions of citizenship beyond ethnic and religious boundaries. They considered equal access to political and economic opportunities as a requirement for this form of government and stressed the necessity of realizing it within Iran's political system. The research findings suggested that the official aspect of socialization was impaired among young people. The youth's narratives revealed a lack of trust in institutional agents, which they attributed to the "distancing of institutional agents from society". Most of the themes emerging from the youth's narratives indicated the inabilities of schools, universities, and the media to align the meaning system and political orientations of the youth with the preferred values of the political system. According to the youth's narratives, the informal sources of political socialization (family and peer group) did not work in alignment with socialization and strengthening its official form, sometimes being placed in opposition to it. Interpretation of the narratives of the Sanandaji youth suggested that Sanandaj, as part of the Kurdish regions, was on the margins of power relations, while the policy of role distribution had limited the residents of these regions, especially the educated youth, to marginal roles. The youth's perception was that their demands as Sunni Kurdish youth were not represented by political actors in political arenas and they did not have the opportunity to participate in political decision-making. This feeling of political neglect had led to a distance from official sources of political socialization and an influence from unofficial sources.

IntroductionDespite social and cultural changes in Iranian society, patriarchy still has a hegemonic position and is reproduced through gendered institutions, including the family.in Iranian Kurdistan, the family, as a social institution and one of the main sources of socialization, has significant sanctity and importance and has played a unique role in the construction of gender identity.gender identification in the context of the family has been associated with the subjugation of women. Recent studies have shown the continuation of subjugation and inferiority of Kurdish women (Ghaderzadeh & Hosseini, 2017; Ghaderzadeh & Khalghi, 2017; Ghaderzadeh & Abdollahzade, 2022; Rostampour, 2013; Shahriari, 2014).gender socialization is one of the conceptual and theoretical constructs that lead the way in understanding patriarchy and women's inferiority. Socialization is a process through which people find gender identity. They learn what is expected of them because of being a woman or a man and how to express these characteristics. Due to the fact that most sociologists believe that gender differences have a social origin, understanding gender socialization is important for analyzing the status of women (Wharton, 2012:56).understanding the dimensions and institutional sources of gender socialization and revealing it,s vulnerable strains is the precursor to redefining the social status of women in different fields of society.the practical importance of addressing the issue of gender socialization in the context of Kurdistan society becomes more relevant when women are abused openly and covertly in various fields.honor killings and murder by father or husband, the daily representation of news related to the assault of women on social networks and it,s increasing growth indicate asymmetric relationships and the weakness of dialogical and emotional democracy in the context of the family.based on field evidence, the city of Sanandaj is facing significant examples of gender inequality and gender violence. Therefore, the main question of the current research is, according to women's narratives, how does gender socialization take place in Sanandji families? And what are the sources and agents of gender socialization?MethodologyUnderstanding gender socialization in the context of the family requires studying the real life situation; Therefore, qualitative methodology has been adopted and among the qualitative methods, thematic analysis has been chosen as a method and strategy of data analysis to understand women's narrative of gender socialization.due to the events faced by women in childhood and adulthood and after marriage, the field of study is focused on a sample of married and working women in Sanandaj. By narrating the details of their lives and the events that happened in their lives and those of others, women provide rich data based on which gender socialization can be understood .on the other hand, due to the background nature of gender socialization and influence of ethnicity, the field of study is limited to Kurdish women of Sanandji.the sampling of the present study was a combination of targeted sampling and sampling with maximum diversity. In this study, theoretical saturation was achieved after conducting 30 interviews. In this study, after collecting data through semi-structured interviews, data was analyzed and interpreted using the thematic analysis approach.ResultsOne of the dimensions of gender socialization is gender roles. to understand the gender roles, the participants were asked what they do as women at home? Why do men refuse to do the things that women do? by analyzing the themes, we found 4 main themes: “identification with home,” “instrumental roles,” “patriarchal order of care,” and “glass ceiling and the difficulty of promotion of working women”.the interviewed women defined themselves by housework and the home environment, and since childhood, girls' cooperation and companionship in housework has been expected.most of the women admitted to asking men's permission in various matters, and men's ignorance of their work or leaving the house without men's permission has been associated with men's annoyance and anger.restrictions in the field of interactions and not being allowed to travel with friends or travel without family were among the common experiences of the interviewed participants.women believed that there is not much difference between housekeeping and employment in offices and institutions, and in both areas, the position of women is not recognized, and women's ideas are confiscated by men, and women's activities are hindered by men.after “gender roles”, another construct that helps to understand gender socialization is “gender stereotypes” which are resistant to change.gender stereotypes are closely related to social roles and perpetuate gender inequalities by legitimizing gender norms and identity.regarding the gender stereotypes related to the presence of women in public spaces, we found two main themes: “genderization of public spaces” and “insecurity in public spaces and blaming women”.one of the central topics in the current research was understanding the personality dimensions of women. Based on the understanding of women, the two main themes of “expressive identity” and “genderization of work and education” have formed gender stereotypes related to women's personality.among the other topics investigated were gender stereotypes in the field of family planning and management, based on women's narratives, two main themes were reached: “risklessness and dependent decision-making” and “gender separation of family planning and management”.in order to understand the gender stereotypes related to choosing a spouse and marital relations, interviews were conducted with women regarding topics such as the process of marriage and choosing a spouse for children, having children, and marital relations. From the analysis of the themes, 3 main themes were obtained: “urgency and strictness in the marriage of girls”, “woman as a sexual object” and “woman as an honor”.the last subject under investigation was the recognition of the sources of women's socialization. Based on the data, “family and relatives” and “mass communication media” have formed the main sources of gender socialization of women.ConclusionOne of the distinguishing features of the current research was acknowledging the role of the family and especially the role of mothers in the continuation of gender inequalities through internalization and reproduction of gender roles and stereotypes. Participating women have actually perpetuated and consolidated gender roles and stereotypes by following the example of mothers.In addition, mass communication media along with family represent women in the framework of gender roles and stereotypes.Contrary to studies that have emphasized women's resistance to accepting conventional social identities, the findings of the present study indicate the weakness of gender awareness in kurdistan society.due to the dominance of patriarchal social and cultural structures, weak institutional support and exclusion from the labor market, women are unable to deconstruct gender stereotypes and redefine gender roles.still in kurdistan, a woman is associated with the honor and honor of the family, and women consider family issues as a personal and private matter.in order to understand gender roles and stereotypes as a social problem, it is necessary to sensitize the society and convince the members of the society about the harmful nature of gender socialization and in this way, women should be organized.the structure and system of male ideology is reproduced through gender socialization and has imposed expectations on women that have perpetuated gender discrimination and inequality; Therefore, according to Giddens, an emancipatory politics is necessary for women, and this implies the deconstruction of the patriarchal discourse, the horizontalization of couple relations, and emotional democracy in the context of the family.

A 15-year-old male presented at a neurosurgeon’s office following a traffic accident. A CT scan revealed bone deficiency in the temporoparietal area. The surgical solution involved implanting a 3D-printed prosthesis into the skull. Axial 3D created the model using stereolithography 3D printing technology with Poly Methyl Methacrylate (PMMA). The use of 3D printing as a surgical aid is gaining popularity. Our experience with the presurgical model demonstrates its utility in individualized surgical planning for skull defects.

Hydrogels are biomolecules made of artificial and natural polymers. Their quasi-three-dimensional structure has created unique features. They are very hydrophilic, and in addition to the high inflation rate, they also have excellent water maintenance capacity, biodegradability, biocompatibility, and strong mechanical properties. These properties are used in many tissue engineering applications. All these features have made these scaffolds widely used as attractive structures in the world of tissue engineering and regeneration medicine. In addition to research, scaffolds entered the field of medicine and are expected to play a significant role in the repair of many tissues in the future. This study aims to review the various polymers involved in hydrogel fabrication and their application in the repair of diverse tissues and clinical trials.

Introduction An examination of the orientations and social, cultural, and political activities of the clergy in Kurdistan underscores their active role in the social system. The concept of political culture can help understand the social and political inclinations. According to Tessler (2011), the analysis of political culture entails the examination of the type of participation and practical involvement of people in political and social life, along with their orientations towards diversity and pluralism. Despite the increasing significance of political culture for development as well as social and political participation in Iranian society, there has been a notable absence of research on the political culture of clerics and its implications for social order and change. Considering the pivotal role of religious communities in the collective consciousness of Kurdistan and the interconnection of religion with ethnicity, identity, and politics, it becomes imperative to examine the role and agency of clerics in instigating social, political, and cultural changes. Focusing on the Sunni clergy in Sanandaj, the present study aimed to understand the clergy’s meaning-making system and interpretation of sociopolitical spheres in order to examine the dimensions and types of their political culture and its implications for cultural, social, and political development of Kurdistan Province.Literature ReviewA review of empirical studies reveals a gap in the literature on the connection between religion and the status of Sunni Kurdish clerics, as well as their practical involvement in political and social aspects of their community. It seems that there is no comprehensive study addressing the civic and political activism as well as the political culture of the Sunni clergy in Kurdistan. The present research endeavored to fill this void by adopting an innovative and exploratory approach.Mark Tessler’s typology of political culture orientations stands out due to its integrated nature and its focus on the theoretical literature of political culture, particularly in the context of Islamic countries, thus proving to be more relevant to the current study. Tessler’s definition of political culture encompasses both normative and behavioral aspects. The normative or pluralism/diversity dimension involves two variables: support for gender equality and political tolerance. The behavioral or the involvement dimension encompasses interpersonal trust, civic participation, political interest, and political knowledge (Tessler, 2011, p. 172). Moreover, Tessler classifies political culture in Islamic societies into four types: democratic, indifferent, activist, and parochial. Materials and MethodsThe present study used the ethnographic method and the interviews with 40 Sunni clerics in Sanandaj. A combination of theoretical and purposive sampling, along with maximum variation sampling, was used to select a sample of individuals aged from 30 to 65 years. Concerning the data analysis, ethnography adheres to analytical induction and grounded theory as an overarching, useful strategy (Strauss & Corbin, 1990).Results and DiscussionThe interview results made clear that over half of the interviewed clerics did not appreciate alternative thoughts and the benefits of diverse lifestyles. They would not accept pluralism and diversity in political–cultural opinions, nor would they support gender equality. Concerning the involvement dimension, the interviewees exhibited restricted participation in both political and social spheres, and their level of interpersonal trust was notably limited. According to the research results, the political culture orientation of the interviewees can be characterized as limited and parochial.ConclusionThe interpretive analysis of the political culture of the sampled clerics indicates that the limited political culture is not substantially aligned with development in cultural, social, and political arenas. The limited political culture fails to foster a generalized social capital, multiculturalism, and the openness of civil society. In certain instances, it can impede cultural and social change by hindering the potential for making demands, advocating corrective actions, and pursing political reform. Considering the influence of lived experience and political opportunities on political culture, it seems necessary to institutionally recognize Sunni clerics, expand political opportunities, and foster increased openness within institutional and structural channels. These measures can lead to a more inclusive political culture, thus facilitating a shift towards a democratic political culture.

IntroductionBaneh, located in Iranian Kurdistan, is a mountainous city situated near the border. Due to its distance from the city center and chronic underdevelopment, the border has emerged as a sustainable livelihood option for the region. Over the past few decades, a significant portion of the population in Baneh has come to depend on the border with "Kolbari" becoming a primary means of earning a living. The term "Kolbari" consists of two parts: "Kol", which in Kurdish means carrying a load by hand or on the shoulder, and "Bari", which means to carry. A Kolbar is an individual, who transports goods across rugged mountain paths from one side of the border to the other in exchange for wages. The lives of many border residents revolve around the practice of Kolbari. Today, Kolbari is not only a source of income or a common occupation, but it has also developed into a distinct lifestyle and subculture. From a sociological perspective, the role of lifestyle in shaping identity is undeniable. Therefore, the objective of this research was to examine the identity implications of Kolbari and its associated meanings. Materials and MethodsThe primary objective of this research was to explore the understanding of Kolbars in terms of their sense of otherness and the process of identification. To achieve this goal, a qualitative methodology and thematic analysis were deemed appropriate as the method and strategy for data management and analysis. Thematic analysis is a method used to identify and analyze patterns within qualitative data (Clarke & Braun, 2013: 1). The focus of this research was on individuals, who had a minimum of three years of experience as Kolbars in the city of Baneh and possessed a thorough understanding of this way of life. Data collection was conducted through semi-structured interviews. A purposeful sampling approach was employed, selecting 19 Kolbars with an emphasis on maintaining maximum diversity among participants. The collected data were then analyzed using thematic analysis and data coding was facilitated using Maxqda software. Discussion of Results & ConclusionDespite being a compulsory phenomenon, Kolbari was perceived by most Kolbars as a matter of honor, a source of pride, and a means to protect human dignity. Kolbars viewed their experience as migrant labor as disrespectful to their Kurdish identity and a threat to their honor and security. Consequently, they interpreted Kolbari as a way to regain their honor and escape the dishonorable experiences associated with migrant work. The themes that emerged from the narratives of Kolbars indicated their willingness to endure the hardships of Kolbari in order to earn a "proud bread". Kolbari was seen as a means to escape subordination and reclaim a sense of liberation from otherness. Despite the challenging encounters with border institutions, experiences of disrespect, physical and psychological torture, and the subsequent harassment and expenses following arrests, it was important to avoid interpreting Kolbari solely as a result of structural coercion. Rather, it was necessary to understand how Kolbars themselves perceived and interpreted this occupation. Kolbars chose this profession over spying on their peers and colleagues, considering it an honorable occupation. Their narratives rejected the perception of Kolbari as involvement in smuggling or aggression. According to the interviewees, Kolbari was interpreted as a struggle for survival and a dignified means of livelihood that preserved their sense of dignity. On a macro level, Kolbari represented a form of social exclusion. It reflected power deprivation and double marginalization experienced by the Kurdish population.Additionally, Kolbari served as a platform for defining and redefining insider and outsider boundaries. It was influenced by Kurdish cultural differentiation and simultaneously shaped the identity of Kolbars in unique ways, calling for a distinct identity. These findings aligned with the results of Soleimani and Mohammadpour (2020).In the narratives, the confrontation between Kurdish Kolbars and non-Kurdish officers was often generalized to encompass all border and governance institutions. Therefore, when discussing otherness, Kolbars explicitly referred to border agents, institutions, and government representatives. One could interpret Kolbar's "transgression" of the border as an act of defiance against the government and a challenge to the official narrative surrounding borders.

Introduction The law enforcement is considered as one of the official providers of social order. According to empirical evidence, there is a type of skepticism amongst people and the community against law enforcement organizations; the majority of complaints have been posed with regards to police stations and the road police. The dominant approach employed in the existing research on the role and position of police in social security and order involves a quantitative, extrinsic nature. Furthermore, the audience in such studies mainly included people and the society (e.g. Doosti & Fallahi, 2015; Habibzadeh & Soltani, 2016; Kamran & Ahmadian, 2009; Saei & Bakhshi, 2012), while studying the NAJA staffs themselves as providers of social security and order has been overlooked. The present study seeks to delve into the world of the NAJA staffs using the qualitative method. The study of backgrounds and semantic implications of order from the perspective of NAJA staffs could be very beneficial for understanding and analyzing social order in a society where order is retained majorly by organizations supervised by NAJA. It could also contribute to the reformation of administrative structures and providing an exquisite approach and insight within the police force on how to provide and retain security and order through an interactive and participatory approach in the society. This issue is of particular significance in the case (Shahin Dezh) studied in the present research due to its multicultural and multiethnic texture. Material & Methods In this study, it is attempted to explore social order from the view of the NAJA staffs. Given the complexity, sensitivity and contextual nature of social order, the qualitative method is more suitable. In addition, the Grounded Theory method was used to examine the backgrounds and constitutive conditions of social order. The case studied in this inquiry was the law enforcement staffs of Shahin Dezh city, located in Western Azerbaijan province. One of the requirements for participants was to have a minimum service period of ten years. The sample size in this study depended on the saturation limit intended for theoretical conclusion which was attained during the research process. Subsequently, 32 semi-structured interviews were conducted with the law enforcement agents of Shahin Dezh. Since the purpose of the Grounded Theory is theorization or theoretical analysis, the theoretical sampling method was employed. As for the interviews, subsequent interviewees were selected using the sampling method with maximum diversity. To this end, interviews were conducted with agents with distinguished level of education, and different military, occupational, organizational and ethnic positions. Following the interviews, data were analyzed through open, axial and selective coding. Discussion of Results & Conclusion According to field studies and data collected from interviews with a sample selected from the NAJA staffs, it was observed that social order involves multiple meanings. The negative aspect of social order involves supervision over dealing with norm breakers, uncompromising attitude towards those who disrupt social order, and extrinsic protection. The positive aspect involves cooperation between various social groups and strata. While regarding social order as essential, the interviewees also considered the law enforcement as one of the providers of social order and asserted the necessity of cooperation between people and the law enforcement. In the case studied in this inquiry, people’s participation was mostly manifested as a general form through authorities of power, i.e. elders and religious scholars. Moreover, the law enforcement cooperation were focused on institutions such as schools and mosques while civil entities were not at a significant position to construct social order. According to the views of the NAJA staffs, there are a set of backgrounds and conditions for providing social order which include intrinsic and extrinsic protection, preventive measures, culturalization, contingency actions, and work ethics; at the macro level, these include deepening the citizenship dimensions, institutional cooperation, absence of institutional/functional conflicts between official social order organizations, and integration of rules. As for interactions, it was shown that the NAJA staffs consider resorting to strategies such as building institutional confidence, accepting criticisms, flexibility in methods, organizational improvement, and procedural justice as necessary for providing social order. Accordingly, concepts and notions derived from the world of NAJA staffs denote “low political, behavioral, and ideological tolerance”. Such a perception somehow involves pessimism and skepticism towards various cultural tastes and interests, and different lifestyles; it is closer to the negative aspects of social order. As a consequence, low levels of political, behavioral, and ideological tolerance has resulted in a number of problems in social order. Such an order constitute enforcement-related elements and components such as order from the top, reliance on rules and prescriptive nature. Therefore, given the views of the NAJA staffs, social order cannot be retained solely through mediation by Force majeure, and requires preventive approaches, culturalization, and social cooperation. The NAJA staffs’ emphasis on the necessity of inclusive and integrative backgrounds, social capital and flexibility in strategies as components of order derived from the community (coherent order) shows the inefficient, problematic order that is present in the society. According to the data, the core category was extracted, that is, “the problematized social order”, implying the compulsory and social aspects of the social order.

Introduction Advent and development of modernization, nationalism, and nation-building in the multicultural society of Iran have been associated with evolution and development of political and social aspect of literary texts. This impact was highly clear on Kurdish poetry and its ancient tradition that arose in the 16th Century (Ahmadzadeh, 2007: 198). Superiority of poetry over other genres is a phenomenon that is common in the history of numerous Oriental nations. Even during the 20th Century, despite of the advent of Kurdish journalism and literary prose in Kurdish literature, the quality and quantity of Kurdish poetry are still at a higher level. Poetry is a mediating tool to understand social and political issues (Ahmadzadeh, 2007: 25).“The beginning of the entry of poetry to the field of politics, in the form of integration of these two, in Mukryan Kurdistan goes back to Saif Ghazi’s time” (Dashti, 2009: 47), and it reached its climax in Hemn and Hazhar’s poems. Both claims that Hemn stepped into the field of politics through poetry or entered poetry through politics are acceptable (Ibid, 48). This claim is also correct even more intensely about Hazhar. In this regard, due to their political activism, their poems depict the political, social, and cultural circumstances and help us understand the political culture of the Kurds as an important and effective part of Iran’s civilization. Materials & Methods In the present study, content analysis method was utilized in order to quantitatively analyze the content of Hemn and Hazhar’s poems. The analysis unit is “line”. The published poems composed by Hazhar were retrieved from his books “Bo Kurdistan”[1] (1979) including 5,274 lines and “Alakok”[2] (2001) including 553 lines, and Hemn’s were collected from his book “Bargay Yaran”[3] (2003) including 2,526 lines. These poems were composed over 1941-1990. The reason for choosing the poems was their political nature which indicates these two poets’ attitude toward political culture. The sample size was all of the lines that have political concepts and themes. Stratified sampling was employed to select the poems. The data of the present study were collected through reverse questionnaire and based on categorization. In order to enhance the validity of the instrument, first, the face validity of political culture categories was examined by making use of the views of some field experts and scholars. To enhance the reliability of the study, the texts of the poems were encoded again and validity coefficient formula was used to calculate the consistency between the two tests. Discussion of Results and Conclusions According to the results of the study, only 12.36% of the poems reflect the components and themes of modern and traditional political culture. The signs of modern political culture are reflected about 20 times more than traditional political culture signs in the poems, which indicates the modern view of these two poets. One of the most important features of the political culture of the poets was the dominance of functional and reflexive view on the sociocultural structure of Kurdish regions as a part of Iran’s community. Comparing the main components of political culture indicates that themes related to “individual” are more reflected than other themes while “gender” is least reflected. This issue indicated the importance of major trends like individualism, human agency, and democracy as the main components of modernism according to these two poets. The dimension of attitude toward gender in Hemn’s poems was reflected 5% more than Hazhar’s, which indicates that the former paid more attention to women’s issues. Low reflection of gender-related issues indicates that there were social, cultural and political problems and issues beyond gender, which had drew the poets’ attention. Moreover, apart from the quantity of the poems, this issue has been reflected in a very modern and advanced form in Hemn’s poetry. His famous poem “Yadgari Shirin”[4] (Hemn, 69) is a reason for such claim. Moreover, comparing the method of representing the components of political culture in Hemn and Hazhar’s poetry lightens the fact that political culture is reflected more in Hazhar’s poems (980 lines) than Hemn’s (620 lines). Therefore, themes related to individualism are reflected more than other themes in the poems composed by Hemn and Hazhar. [1] For Kurdistan [2] Buttercup [3] Friends’ Bundle [4] Sweet Memory

Introduction Lifestyle is one of the modern concepts to which particular attention has been paid in the last century, especially after World War II. This term is the product of the modern world in which hobby choices and behaviors are considered to be based on individual choices and behaviors due to the weakening of structural variables such as social class. Young people could be considered important to study and analyze their lifestyles. They determine their social identity using a variety of factors (such as " a lot of culture consumption, much production of culture and reproduction of cultural activities" (Wyn and White, 1997: 86). On this basis, "lifestyle, consumer behaviors and choices and so on are of very high importance in life, and are considered as the basis and foundation of social identity formation" (Bourdieu, 1984; Lash & Urry, 1987; Featherstone, 1991; Giddens, 2008). Therefore, it is greatly important to study the status of social identity of youth and how to shape and redefine it in the current situation. On this basis, the present study aims at reviewing various theories about lifestyle, providing a conceptual framework, and extracting core concepts of lifestyle based on the opinions of scholars and empirical research related to the subject, and finally suggesting a typology of current lifestyles among youth in the city of Mahabad. Materials & Methods The method used in this research is qualitative. Qualitative method is appropriate to examine the issues in which in-depth understanding of complexities, details and context of the phenomenon under study are emphasized. Lifestyle is also a complex, multi-dimensional and diverse phenomenon, which means that it has many obscure and unknown aspects, and there are many components and elements consisting of the lifestyle, which may vary among individuals. Among the various methods that can be used for qualitative research, we picked grounded theory method, which means discovery of theory from the data that are produced as a posterior on the basis of social research. Thus, unlike methods that focus primarily on the evidence of hypotheses and theoretical propositions, this approach emphasizes the generation of theory (Dunican, 2006). Field data were collected using semi-structured interviews and participant observation techniques. 25 young boys in the range of 18 to 29 years old were finally included in the sample. The sampling method is a theoretical sampling, in which the sample selection process depends on the extent to which the sample to be selected can clarify a theory and idea that it is being developed and formed, and on the extent to which it helps the moving flow. In theoretical sampling, the sample size is determined with the theoretical saturation criterion; that is, whenever researcher finds that more interviews do not provide new information and insights, or data are being repeated, or nothing new is discovered, he does not continue the process of sampling and collecting data (Mohammad Pur, 2010). In this study, to obtain more complete and better results, we have considered the concept of sampling with maximum changes, due to the assumption of diverse lifestyles. Sampling with maximum changes, environments, activities, events, and informed people are deliberately chosen so that they make different and more diverse positions available to the researcher (Wimmer & Dominick, 2008). Accordingly, in-depth interviews were conducted with 28 young boys in the city of Mahabad. After the initial survey, three interviews were removed, and finally, 25 people formed our sample size. Discussion of Results and Conclusions Considering the new situation and changes in the global and local levels, no doubt a phenomenon such as lifestyle has also changed, and has taken different forms and different aspects, influenced by modern processes. Meanwhile, modern processes and phenomena of technological progress and communication technologies have strongly affected the lives of young people, leading them to accept patterns from generalistic objectives. However, an approach to tackle and to some extent combat with those which make global events also exists, which is proportionally less powerful. The identity of young people in today's changing and fluid world is uncertain and greatly changeable, and the youth are often confused, with discord of opinions and actions. They both pay attention to the modern phenomena and the local identifiers. They have shaped their identity with the selection of their lifestyle elements, and give it direction in order to make them and their lifestyles different from others with different lifestyles. The distinction between these individuals is obvious, and the difference can be found in every element of their lives. Thus, lifestyle gives both identity and distinction. In addition, these people accept separate styles with presence in different types of social status. In sum, we can conclude that along with the increasing importance of lifestyle in the recent period, this problem was apparent in the youth of our study, and their lifestyle typically leads life and determines identity. The variety of lifestyles in the present era can be found in this study, and there are six lifestyles (pre-modern, modern, scientific, sports-oriented, joyful and global-local) that prove this claim. As the most active population of society, the youth are not passive, and they value their agency. They try to shape their own lifestyles, and have access to a certain lifestyle according to the social status and influence of the prevailing global trends. Choosing any lifestyle forms patterns, norms, actions, thoughts, and generally an identity in a person, and distinguishes him/her from other people who choose different lifestyles. The modern world and its identifiers and changes, the increasing cultural capital in families, plenty of access to new elements and facilities, and special attention to the youth in this process all have enormous and undeniable influences in shaping lifestyles and consequently identities that fit within them.

Introduction Lifestyle is one of the modern concepts to which particular attention has been paid in the last century, especially after World War II. This term is the product of the modern world in which hobby choices and behaviors are considered to be based on individual choices and behaviors due to the weakening of structural variables such as social class. Young people could be considered important to study and analyze their lifestyles. They determine their social identity using a variety of factors (such as " a lot of culture consumption, much production of culture and reproduction of cultural activities" (Wyn and White, 1997: 86). On this basis, "lifestyle, consumer behaviors and choices and so on are of very high importance in life, and are considered as the basis and foundation of social identity formation" (Bourdieu, 1984 Lash & Urry, 1987 Featherstone, 1991 Giddens, 2008). Therefore, it is greatly important to study the status of social identity of youth and how to shape and redefine it in the current situation. On this basis, the present study aims at reviewing various theories about lifestyle, providing a conceptual framework, and extracting core concepts of lifestyle based on the opinions of scholars and empirical research related to the subject, and finally suggesting a typology of current lifestyles among youth in the city of Mahabad. Materials & Methods The method used in this research is qualitative. Qualitative method is appropriate to examine the issues in which in-depth understanding of complexities, details and context of the phenomenon under study are emphasized. Lifestyle is also a complex, multi-dimensional and diverse phenomenon, which means that it has many obscure and unknown aspects, and there are many components and elements consisting of the lifestyle, which may vary among individuals. Among the various methods that can be used for qualitative research, we picked grounded theory method, which means discovery of theory from the data that are produced as a posterior on the basis of social research. Thus, unlike methods that focus primarily on the evidence of hypotheses and theoretical propositions, this approach emphasizes the generation of theory (Dunican, 2006). Field data were collected using semi-structured interviews and participant observation techniques. 25 young boys in the range of 18 to 29 years old were finally included in the sample. The sampling method is a theoretical sampling, in which the sample selection process depends on the extent to which the sample to be selected can clarify a theory and idea that it is being developed and formed, and on the extent to which it helps the moving flow. In theoretical sampling, the sample size is determined with the theoretical saturation criterion that is, whenever researcher finds that more interviews do not provide new information and insights, or data are being repeated, or nothing new is discovered, he does not continue the process of sampling and collecting data (Mohammad Pur, 2010). In this study, to obtain more complete and better results, we have considered the concept of sampling with maximum changes, due to the assumption of diverse lifestyles. Sampling with maximum changes, environments, activities, events, and informed people are deliberately chosen so that they make different and more diverse positions available to the researcher (Wimmer & Dominick, 2008). Accordingly, in-depth interviews were conducted with 28 young boys in the city of Mahabad. After the initial survey, three interviews were removed, and finally, 25 people formed our sample size. Discussion of Results and Conclusions Considering the new situation and changes in the global and local levels, no doubt a phenomenon such as lifestyle has also changed, and has taken different forms and different aspects, influenced by modern processes. Meanwhile, modern processes and phenomena of technological progress and communication technologies have strongly affected the lives of young people, leading them to accept patterns from generalistic objectives. However, an approach to tackle and to some extent combat with those which make global events also exists, which is proportionally less powerful. The identity of young people in today's changing and fluid world is uncertain and greatly changeable, and the youth are often confused, with discord of opinions and actions. They both pay attention to the modern phenomena and the local identifiers. They have shaped their identity with the selection of their lifestyle elements, and give it direction in order to make them and their lifestyles different from others with different lifestyles. The distinction between these individuals is obvious, and the difference can be found in every element of their lives. Thus, lifestyle gives both identity and distinction. In addition, these people accept separate styles with presence in different types of social status. In sum, we can conclude that along with the increasing importance of lifestyle in the recent period, this problem was apparent in the youth of our study, and their lifestyle typically leads life and determines identity. The variety of lifestyles in the present era can be found in this study, and there are six lifestyles (pre-modern, modern, scientific, sports-oriented, joyful and global-local) that prove this claim. As the most active population of society, the youth are not passive, and they value their agency. They try to shape their own lifestyles, and have access to a certain lifestyle according to the social status and influence of the prevailing global trends. Choosing any lifestyle forms patterns, norms, actions, thoughts, and generally an identity in a person, and distinguishes him/her from other people who choose different lifestyles. The modern world and its identifiers and changes, the increasing cultural capital in families, plenty of access to new elements and facilities, and special attention to the youth in this process all have enormous and undeniable influences in shaping lifestyles and consequently identities that fit within them.

Introduction Marketplaces and trade free zones are the objective places for economic interactions among people in a large scale. Along the organizational and non-organizational preparations, marketplace is one of pivotal contexts of achieving special aspects of economic action which has been established in order to arrange informal economic and cultural relations of borderers in both sides of the border. Iran’s earthly borders – both mainland and watery- is about 574.8 km, with a cultural and ethnic diversity. There are about 54 border markets in these borderline strips that are so important and need special attention and study. Border markets have an impact on negative consequences of smuggling and smugglers and backers, declining the extent of latent economy. These markets can be studied in several aspects. Accordingly, the function of a formal market (Bashmaq) and two interims (Dareweran & Piran),the smuggling phenomena in Marivan was constantly one of the most pivotal problems that has agonized and occupied responsible correlated organizations in different periods; and it has influenced life and environments of the region’s people in various ways. The original subject of this inquiry is the study of the effects of border markets on smuggling in Marivan city. Then it is reconstructed using qualitative method and also the perception & explanation of people who are settled in this region. Based on the present study, people of the region, as creative actors, can percept and clarify the role of marketplaces in smuggling changes in Marivan city. Material & Methods This paper is based on qualitative methodology and critical anthropological method. A critical anthropological research has a critical standpoint and tries to understand the unequal condition of society that brings a system of unjust power, privilege, advantage and authority along and influences people, classes, ethnics and genders; such a method is useful by informing people for challenging hostile conditions (Croswell, 1998:37; Iman, 2009: 316). The research findings are provided by the aid of deep interview, participation observation and documentary technics. The credibility, transferability, confidence and criterions are among those scientific indexes that are tried to be present throughout the whole research. The sampling mode of this research is based on paradigmatically supposition. In this mode of sampling, by following a process of gradual selection, the researcher, during compilation of data, will add new cases to the older samples according to current changes in the research scheme. These cases which have been selected at engendered occasions are momentous instances and key informants on the research subject. By this method, 27 key informants were interviewed to arrive at theoretical saturation. Key informants or newsy gatekeepers are native and involved people in smuggling in boundary region of Marivan. The Grounded theory method” was utilized for data analyzing. GTM is a special methodology based on explanatory – constructional foundations which was invented and expanded by Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss in 1967. In this method, data is coded in three stages of coding (open, pivotal, and selective coding). During these three steps, sensitive concepts, significant and core categories will be revealed. Discussion of Results & Conclusions As it is summed up in our model, it can be admitted that due to the perceptions and explanations of research participants, although markets result from restriction and reduction in the oldest modes of smuggling phenomenon, they have indirectly continued it in new and several modes because of various problems such as: intricate and dissuasive bureaucracy, vulnerability and inefficiency of interior surveillance system of markets, situational disorder and out-structural oppression. As it is demonstrated in the model, finally the findings emphasize the changed effects of smuggling phenomenon on its constitutive factors. In other words, informal actions of smuggling phenomenon that is now current in borders and boundary markets of Marivan, reinforce its formation and genesis contexts. So this makes it harder for markets to achieve one of their vital goals, that is, eliminating and deleting smuggling completely. In the end, various out–structural oppression such as: Organizational and ecological and livelihood makes it possible for smuggling phenomenon to be maintained in different changeable modes and this phenomenon subsequently reproduces its own former continuative conditions.