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Singapore has been called a state that has 'disavowed' liberalism. However, a number of liberals have emerged who see political freedoms as essential to achieve accountable government that acts in the general interest. They draw on an institutional foundation that has been deeply shaped by liberalism while the rejection of liberalism is not based on an ideological alternative. Instead, it is portrayed as a necessity because citizens are told they need to sacrifice freedoms in exchange for economic growth and political stability due to the many vulnerabilities of a small, multi-ethnic country. Over the years, as the city-state became more developed and more secure, the government has liberalized some aspects, although often followed by greater restrictions. Two types of liberals have emerged, one seeking to change the system from the outside, the other advocating for political reform from within. However, both have been unsuccessful as the ruling party has sidelined liberal voices within the party and increasingly insists on the need for illiberal authoritarian rule., Author(s): Stephan Ortmann [sup.1] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.194645.b, 0000000121742757, The Department of Politics and Public Administration, The University of Hong Kong, , Pokfulam, Hong Kong Introduction To write about liberalism [...]

AbstractWhile it is obvious that the space for protests in Hong Kong has declined significantly, it is far less apparent how the political culture has been transformed. Based on an analytical framework using the Lefebvrian concept of space, the paper draws on the July 1st protest march to trace how the political space of the population has been reduced. Relatively quickly, Hong Kong has transformed from a vibrant civil society to one marked by fear and self-censorship similar to other authoritarian regimes. Following an expansion of protest space during the 2019 anti-extradition bill movement, the Chinese government has enacted a National Security Law to eliminate most political activism. The study shows the success of the government’s repression although the long-term impact is not yet clear. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the decision of an authoritarian regime to use repression depends both on the repressing agent and the costs as well as the threat perception. This is illustrated in the comparison between two environmental protests in Viet Nam. In 2015, the Vietnamese press reported that police had used tear gas against protesters opposing massive pollution by the Vinh Tan 2 thermal power plant but later treated the violent protesters with leniency. In contrast, the 2016 protest against the Formosa Ha-Tinh Steel Corporation was widely censored in the press and numerous peaceful protesters were arrested and harshly punished. The Vinh Tan case was not perceived as a threat and the costs of repression were judged to be high, while in the case of Formosa, the initial denials of responsibility raised the costs for the regime and the movement that emerged eventually was perceived to be a threat to the regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that in order to understand how national identity and political activism are linked, it is necessary to replace the old dichotomy between civic and ethnic nationalism with a new one that distinguishes between a constructive and a "blind" identity. Hong Kong provides an illustrative case for the problems of having the former while also needing to promote the latter. While the local government seeks to promote active citizenry, it has since 1997 become part of an illiberal nation-state that seeks unconditional support. The 2014 Umbrella Movement was driven by and has shaped the students' constructive Hong Kong identity because it raised the desire to actively participate as members of the local political community while it reduced interest in the Chinese national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]