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The article "Introduction" discusses the special issue of the journal Spanish in Context, which focuses on the study of copulas and copular sentences in Spanish and beyond. The article highlights the theoretical and empirical research being conducted on the properties of copulas, including their syntactic-semantic and pragmatic differences, as well as their variation across languages and varieties. The special issue aims to contribute to the ongoing debates and provide new insights based on naturalistic data and experimental studies. The article also mentions specific papers included in the special issue that explore topics such as the pragmatic meaning of estar-copular sentences, the acquisition of estar in L2 Spanish, the behavior of aesthetic adjectives in estar sentences, and the diachronic changes in the use of estar. Additionally, the article discusses the relevance of aspectual notions and the role of syntactic variation in explaining copula selection. Finally, the article mentions a comparative study of copulas in Spanish and other non-Romance languages, which supports the idea that non-verbal predication can be accounted for based on a finite inventory of features. [Extracted from the article]

This paper analyzes the properties and distribution of the forms ser and estar when combined with adjectival complements in copular sentences in Iberoromance languages. The paper sets a detailed data paradigm that brings into light several differences between Western Iberian Romance languages (Galician, Portuguese, Castilian) and Eastern ones (like Catalan). The explanation relies on the hypothesis developed in Gumiel-Molina, Moreno-Quibén and Pérez-Jiménez 2015a to account for the properties of the «copula + adjective» structure in Spanish. The specificities shown by Catalan can be explained if one auxiliary hypothesis is assumed: a process of linguistic change is taking place in Catalan so that two estar forms coexist synchronically. Moreover, it will be proposed that the form estar in Western Iberian languages underwent a grammaticalization process that accounts for the fact that the so-called «evidential use of estar» is fully extended in these languages, but not in Catalan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the role of the interaction between syntax and semantics in determining the mixed agreement patterns shown by Spanish partitive constructions when they appear as subjects. These patterns follow straightforwardly from the dual nature of nominal features (concord and index features organized in bundles) and from the assumption that Agree is a feature-valuation process in which the unvalued features of a Probe seek matching parallel valued features of a Goal under locality constraints and a maximization principle. After discussing previous approaches and justifying our syntactic analysis, we demonstrate that interaction for agreement between syntax and semantics is articulated via the nominal index features of the head nouns in the partitive structure, so singular and plural agreement, linked to the valuation/non-valuation of the number index feature, correlates with a group/atomic entity vs. a plurality/distributive reading, respectively, the meaning of the verbal predicate also being relevant. The empirical basis for this analysis is provided by a corpus search whose results are carefully described in the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes the behavior of aesthetic adjectives (bonito 'beautiful') in the so-called innovative constructions with estar 'beestar', documented in some American varieties of Spanish. These innovative structures (El poema está bonito 'The poem is beautiful') do not compare stages of the subject with respect to an aesthetic property (as would be their meaning in general Spanish), but rather express a perspectivized assertion, linked to the subjective judgment of the speaker about a particular quality. The article explains this pattern of variation on the basis of the work by Gumiel-Molina, Moreno-Quibén and Pérez-Jiménez (2020) and Moreno-Quibén (2022), according to which the classes of adjectives that appear in perspectivized estar-sentences have undergone a process of argument augmentation. Aesthetic adjectives in innovative estar-construction have an experiencer in their argument structure in the varieties of Spanish where this construction is possible. This experiencer serves as the basis for establishing the comparison required by estar and ultimately gives rise to the subjective/perspectivized meaning of the copular structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: In this paper we offer a syntactic description of Spanish exceptive constructions headed by excepto, salvo or menos (‘except’). Framing our hypothesis in an adjunction analysis of coordination, we argue that these exceptive markers head a Boolean Phrase, like other coordinating conjunctions. Two types of exceptive phrases can be identified, depending on the level of the constituents conjoined. In connected exceptives two DPs are conjoined. In free exceptives two CPs are conjoined; the exceptive markers select for a full-fledged CP as complement, whose null head (C) triggers a process of ellipsis in which all the syntactic material inside TP is marked for PF-deletion, except the remnant constituent(s). Our proposal supports a structural approach to ellipsis whereby elliptical constituents are in fact fully fledged though non-pronounced syntactic structures. It also supports the hypothesis that the differences in the syntactic behaviour of coordinate sentences and subordinate adverbial clauses cannot be derived from their phrase structure geometry but are instead due to the properties of individual conjunctions. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This article analyses a phenomenon not frequently dealt with in the grammar of Romance languages, namely, closest conjunct (number) agreement (CCA) between determiners, adjectives and nouns in Spanish structures containing conjoined singular Ns: [DP D (A) [N1 y N2] (A)]. Using new corpus data, we apply statistical tests to assess the theoretical and empirical claims of the analysis. We first offer a description of the plural semantics of these structures. Regarding syntax, we show that, despite the plural semantics of the DP, determiners and prenominal adjectives agree with the closest conjunct (N1) (e.g. Una.F.SG. fuerte. SG lluvia.F.SG y viento. M.SG azotaron. PL la ciudad ‘A heavy rain and wind battered the city’). As for postnominal adjectives, CCA with N2 alternates with full (plural) agreement (e.g. Una. F.SG. lluvia. F.SG y viento. M.SG {inoportuno. M.SG / inoportunos. M.PL} azotaron. PL la ciudad ‘An inopportune rain and wind battered the city’). Within a generative framework, we analyse CCA in the prenominal field and full agreement of postnominal adjectives as syntactically derived from the interaction of the Agree operation and a reformulated theory of phi-features. CCA of postnominal adjectives is analysed to be the result of post-syntactic relations, that is, linear adjacency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this paper is to provide both a description and an explanation of the combination of minimizers (ligeramente 'slightly') with gradable adjectives in Spanish. According to Kennedy & McNally (2005) these elements are degree items that are sensitive to the scalar structure of adjectives and are combined with closed scale, minimum standard adjectives. Unexpected combinations, according to this semantics, are considered as cases of coercion. In this paper we propose that minimizers create derived adjectives. They are modifiers of the adjective's granularity, which allow the selection of the standard of comparison to take into account a greater number of degree distinctions. From this proposal, this article shows that unexpected combinations of ligeramente with gradable adjectives, such as un cine ligeramente lleno 'a slightly crowded cinema', can be explained without the need to propose that a coercion process affecting the scalar structure of the adjective takes place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]