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Copyright of German International Journal of Modern Science / Deutsche Internationale Zeitschrift für Zeitgenössische Wissenschaft is the property of Artmedia24 and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study focuses on the construction mira que + clause and analyzes the discursive functions it develops when it is fixed. Using a macrosyntactic methodology and based on the fundamentals of construction grammar, the article describes the distribution and behavior of this construction and the procedural contents it develops. In some contexts, mira que acts as intensifier of a valuation word. In others it is combined with gerunds, participles or nouns with negative content. It appears in these cases as a suspended statement. In combination with other sentences it may introduce a justifying argument or a concessive anti-oriented meaning. The distributional context predetermines the argumentative orientation of the construction and makes it work as a discursive element more linked to the procedural dimension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It used to be confusing for english as a foreign language (EFL) learners to understand the meanings of past participle functioning as modifiers. The data was taken from workbook entitled english for secretaries and administrative personnel written by MariselaToselli and Ana Maria Milan. This study results that past participle is labelled as a classifier when it precedes the thing, whereas the past participle is labelled as a qualifier when it follows the thing. Past participle functioning as a classifier expresses restriction. Past participle as a qualifier characterizes or provides additional information about the thing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some Portuguese verbs have two past participle forms: one regular (stem + -do), and the other irregular (often identical to the first person singular present indicative). Per grammars, the perfect auxiliaries ter / haver take regulars, while irregulars appear with passive/adjectival ser / estar. To test these claims, we analyzed naturally-occurring data from Brazil (twentieth century) and Portugal (nineteenth and twentieth). We coded 1077 tokens from 21 verbs for ten predictors and performed mixed-effects logistic regressions in R. Irregulars appear with ter/haver 54% overall and in 68% of cases from Portugal. Our results demonstrate that past participle choice is determined by the interaction of several linguistic factors. While lexical verb is the most significant predictor of participle selection, verbs with irregular participles identical to the first person singular present indicative occur in the irregular significantly more than other verbs. We conclude that analogical processes underpin the variation. This conclusion allows us to adjudicate between competing accounts of past participle choice in Portuguese. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper addresses the question whether Subject Experiencer (henceforth, SE) verbs can form the stative and eventive passive in Polish. The analysis shows that SE verbs in Polish only sporadically give rise to the stative passive, and whenever this is possible, the stative passive derived from an SE verb can be classed as the target state passive in Kratzer's typology (2000). Polish SE verbs are susceptible to two types of eventive passive - (i) with the auxiliary zostać 'to become', co-occurring with the perfective passive participle; and (ii) with the auxiliary być 'to be', followed by the imperfective passive participle. The fact that SE verbs can give rise to zostać-passives is unproblematic, as this type of passive contains the passive participle derived from the perfective form of the verb, which is always eventive. Stative SE verbs can serve as good inputs to the być + imperfective passive on account of the fact that they can be coerced from states into non-dynamic events, as proposed for Spanish in Fábregas and Marín (2017). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Maltese gives evidence of a certain degree of permeability of word-class categories in the sense that finite (intransitive) verbs in the 3rd person imperfective of both genders and numbers may function as NP-internal attributes and thus behave like adjectives, albeit only to a limited extent. The focus is on a small selection of those verbs which are typical representatives of the attributive functions of imperfectives. It is shown that in attribution members of this class of verbs undergo decategorialization, i.e. they lose typical properties of their original word class. In this context, the relation of pseudo-adjectival verbs, relative clauses, and bona fide adjectives is discussed in some detail. It is argued that pseudo-adjectival verbs are similar to active participles, which they replace in the case of the majority of the Maltese verbs which lack the ability of deriving active participles morphologically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Language: Meaning & Form / Valoda: Nozime un Forma is the property of University of Latvia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

I discussed a passage in the Rhetorica ad C.Hernnium (82 BC) where two versions of the same talk are delivered ([1a] and [1b]), the former in a colloquial style, the second in a worse, almost "vulgar" Latin. The difference appears also in the two constructions (1a) coepit defricari (instead of *coeptus est defricari which is usually employed by Cicero, Caesar, Livy) and (1b) praesente multis (instead of *praesentibus multis). The former construction is correct but less used by classical authors; the second is not correct and appears as a kind of "vulgar" Latin. However, the Auctor ad Herennium knew very well the differences, because he uses coeptum est dici (4.30.41) and contra intercedentibis collegis (1.12.21). It seems therefore that the Auctor established a kind of barrier inside of which the language, albeit low, was correct, outside incorrect, and acknowledged that inside/outside was ruled by gradation and frequency of use and social condition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article overviews the main questions that emerge from cross-linguistic analysis of morphologically complex adjectives. It is discussed that the problems arise from the fact that it is difficult to identify any positive properties of adjectives capable of singling them out with respect to other categories. Thus, what has been classified as a derived adjective frequently is a version of the base category that lacks some of the definitional properties of that category. This article examines the questions related to deverbal adjectives, participles and denominal adjectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studii de Ştiintă şi Cultură is the property of Studii de Stiinta si Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In many languages a set of adjectives are characterized by their 'past/passive' participial morphology. Lexicalist and syntactic approaches to word formation converge on the claim that such adjectives can be derived from verbal inputs with no external argument but never from verbal inputs with an external argument. That is, there are 'adjectival passives' but no 'adjectival antipassives' marked with the same morphology. I argue that a sub-class of adjectives marked with the 'past/passive' participial morpheme -do in Spanish, labeled participios activos in descriptive grammars, should be treated as adjectival antipassives in precisely this sense. I propose that Spanish has an Asp head that (i) is spelled out with 'past/passive' participial morphology and (ii) selects an unergative verbal input creating a state/property whose argument corresponds to the external argument of that verbal source. If on the right track, the proposal supports the existence of a typology of adjectivizing heads that are spelled out uniformly with 'past/passive' participial morphology but must be distinguished in terms of selectional and semantic properties (Bruening 2014, Word formation is syntactic: Adjectival passives in English. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 32. 363-422; Embick 2004, On the structure of resultative participles in English. Linguistic Inquiry 35. 355-392). It differs from previous approaches in claiming that such a typology must include root-derived adjectives, as well as 'active (=unergative)' and 'passive' deverbal adjectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to explain, from a theoretical point of view, the behaviour of past participle agreement with the object in situ (PPAOIS) in Majorcan Catalan. It is possible in perfect telic dynamic events, but not in Kimian and Davidsonian states, nor in some atelic dynamic constructions (like those ones with NP objects bounded by a D or Q), although it is perfectly grammatical with bare plurals and with bare mass nouns. In order for PPAOIS to be possible, it is proposed that a specific functional head (Asp, that is to say: Proc[uq][uϕ]), related to so-called inner aspect, must be present in the event structure. Asp establishes a double Agree relation with the object, in order to get its quantisation and [uϕ] features valued. The possibility is also explored that the [q] feature of Asp be interpretable. If Asp is not present in the structure, the impossibility of PPAOIS follows. Moreover, PPAOIS will be only materialised if a pro object co-referent with the full NP object moves through a LowTop position --similar to the AgrO projection proposed by Kayne (1989). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined the effectiveness of Zipfian frequency at facilitating the acquisition of English prenominal past participles. Chinese middle school students ( N = 103) were randomly assigned to a sequenced Zipfian frequency (SZF) group, a random Zipfian frequency (RZF) group, a balanced frequency (BF) group, and a control group. A mixed experimental design was used to detect the development of the learners' prenominal past participles. An untimed acceptability judgment task and a timed grammaticality judgment task were employed to assess the learning effect triggered by different types of frequency. Results of the timed grammaticality judgment task indicated that SZF was as effective as RZF and BF for learners to learn the grammatical prenominal past participles but more effective than RZF and BF for them to unlearn the ungrammatical ones in the midtest. Results of the untimed acceptability judgment showed that SZF was not superior to RZF and BF when learners learned the grammatical prenominal past participles, but more beneficial for them to unlearn the ungrammatical ones than RZF and BF in the post- and delayed posttests. Pedagogical implications for second language construction teaching are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is generally accepted in usage-based theories of language that language change is facilitated by contexts of use that allow for semantically and/or structurally ambiguous readings of a construction. While this facilitative effect is well attested in the literature, much less attention has been paid to factors that constrain language change. Furthermore, the idea that ambiguities may also promote stability and discourage change has not been explored in detail. In this article I discuss the development of three participle constructions that have gained increasingly adjective-like uses in recent history: ADJ-looking (e.g., modest-looking), N-Ving denoting a change in psychological state (e.g., awe-inspiring), and the adjectival -ed participle headed by a psych-verb (e.g., surprised). I argue that the development of these constructions has been significantly constrained by unresolved ambiguities as well as source structures that continue to support the earlier, verbal categorization instead of an adjectival one. As a consequence, the participles have acquired adjectival uses gradually and often at a slow rate. The data are analyzed from a constructionist perspective, where constructions are connected in a network, and categories like “verb” or “adjective” are regarded as emergent schemas that arise from actual patterns of use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

High vowel syncope, when applying in Old English past participles, is expected only to affect those that (a) contain a heavy root syllable, and (b) are inflected. However, numerous exceptions are noted in traditional handbooks (e.g. Campbell 1959). In particular, West Saxon displays a process by which high vowel syncope over-applies in weak Class 1 past participles with roots ending in t/d, with deletion occurring after light syllables, as in settan 'set' set+ed+um(Past. Part. Dat.)→settum, and also in uninflected participles: seted→ sett. The root-final dental and the stem-forming -ed come together following deletion to form a geminate: læded+e 'led' → lædde. However, phonological pressures cause the geminates to be simplified in certain environments. This paper focuses on the interaction of high vowel syncope and degemination, and aims to provide a synchronic account of both processes, arguing that deletion in dental-final forms is in fact not merely the extension of high vowel syncope. The paper also challenges the view that final geminates are merely orthographic in Old English. The analysis, which is formed within Optimality Theory (OT), is supported by newly collected data for the West Saxon past participles, which are taken from Cosijn's Altwests€achsische Grammatik glossary (1888). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the phenomena of variation and alternation as reflected by the Old English version of De Temporibus Anni (Blake 2009). The analysis, which focuses on the stem vowels of verbs and is based on the diatopic and diachronic contrasts found by de la Cruz (1986) as well as the alternations identified by Kastovsky (1968), aims at deciding if a given equivalence is a product of variation or alternation. The results indicate that alternation is a more predictable and systematic phenomenon than variation. The conclusions stress the importance of the diphthong for distinguishing between Early and Late West-Saxon and as a point of contact between the phenomena of i-mutation, alternation and diachronic variation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The English have-perfect can be traced to Old English [habban ‘have’ + noun + perfect participle]. A comparative look at the development of the have-perfect in Romance suggests a way to reassess the Old English corpus, which in turn reveals that the string [habban + noun + perfect participle] had three distinct structures and values aside from the periphrastic perfect. The author shows that the likeliest source of the have-perfect is a periphrasis denoting the achievement of a result or a persisting resultant state. This implies that the relationship between possessive and auxiliary habban is less direct than previously claimed. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Abstract: Previous studies of the English passive have not recognized a subtype whose auxiliaries are not simply be or get, but transitive grammatical verbs, in particular have, get, want, need, see or hear. These “indirect passives,” as I call them, are shown here to be verbal and not adjectival, and to not consist of embedded passive clauses containing simple passives, such as reduced relatives or other types of “small clauses.” Rather, indirect passives are structurally parallel to the traditional (“direct”) passives, except that their auxiliaries are transitive rather than intransitive verbs. Both passive and active participle phrases, of all subtypes, are argued here to be adjective phrases (APs), whose verbs have word-internal right hand heads, the As -en and -ing. Passive auxiliaries in both direct and indirect passives are then grammatical verbs that select adjective phrase complements. The limitation of passive auxiliaries to grammatical rather than open class verbs provides crucial evidence for dividing lexicons into two components, whose members enter syntactic derivations differently. Open class items, including the -en and -ing heads of lexically stored adjectives, enter trees only when derivational phases begin, while closed class items, including auxiliaries and the inflectional endings -en and -ing, can also enter derivations “late,”after a phasal domain is sent to Logical Form. Their “empty A heads” are neither interpreted as properties nor visible during the next derivational phase τ, prior to the late insertion of closed class items on τ. Consequently, even though they are distributionally and often morphologically APs, the inflectional participles (so called verbal passives and progressives) all exhibit familiar internal V-headed syntactic patterns. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This article addresses the information structure in the administrative and legal discourse, and posits that these texts are characterized by a marked discourse order. This proposal is based on van Kuppevelt's theory of information structure and identifies the information structure as presented by this scholar with an unmarked discourse order, which is modified in the legal discourse. The preference for a marked discourse order allows to explain the frequent use of past and present participle absolute clauses in administrative documents, since these syntactic constructions serve to topicalize the elements offered as a justification in these texts. These syntactic constructions, therefore, are useful to achieve the marked discourse order that is preferred due to argumentative reasons, but at the same time they make the interpretation of these texts more difficult. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the interchangeability of the forms -ende and -enne in the words of Old and Early Middle English. It says that the usage of participles and inflected infinitives has possible similarity to Old English and Modern English. Moreover, it states that texts in Old English adopt the original words in the Latin language in which its conformity varies from each other. Fredericus Visser says that the phonemic tendency in forming the -ende to -enne sporadically occur in the late Old English and extensively spread in the period of Middle English. It also mentions that the continuous interchange of the use of the said forms can be found on some texts during the Early Middle English particularly the "Laʒamon's Brut."

The article provides information on the absolute participle construction in Old English. It notes that the absolute participle constructions are known to have developed from the Latin language as evident in the 1889 monograph of Morgan Callaway Jr. It further examines frequent use of absolute participle in the vernacular prose works of the homilist Ælfric and the possibility that Latin had directly influenced such constructions. The patterns in his work "Catholic Homilies" illustrate participles that directly render ablative absolutes and those that are independent of Latin. The effect of syntax alterations in translating several passages in Ælfric's prose is noticeable so as to clearly instill to readers the intended message of the text.

This paper revisits the issue of English phrasal verbs from the perspective of particles and the meaning they contribute to the composite meaning as a whole. The question it addresses is whether particles are purely idiomatic (i.e. arbitrarily or chaotically used) or whether they rather consist of clusters of related and transparent meanings so that they can he used in a quite motivated, logical way. Following the cognitive linguistic approach, the paper will consider the spatial domain as the source for a large variety of semantic extensions to non-locative domains through metonymy and metaphor and will analyze the meanings of two of the most frequently used particles in English: OUT and UP. Therefore, the analysis is meant to demonstrate that English verb particles disclose figurative related meanings derived from a central/prototypical locative meaning. The abstract senses did not develop at random hut systematically, and this systematicity should not he disregarded if we really want to reduce the amount of memory work that learners of English (including non-native speaking teachers and translators) must invest in learning how particles and phrasal verbs are used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

English physical perception verbs can appear followed by an NP (Noun Phrase) and an --ing form. In the literature, they are generally assumed to represent two separate constituents. However, we claim that an alternative interpretation is also possible: the "NP + -ing form" can be considered as a single constituent. We provide semantic, syntactic and thematic evidence in favour of this hypothesis. We will especially dwell on the relationship between physical and cognitive perception verbs. Finally, we will discuss the implications of this analysis on the possible readings of the --ing form with physical perception verbs (abstract and concrete readings). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses participle raising and adverb placement in English and Italian languages. Information on active and passive participles; Use of active and passive participles in sentences; Different heights of English passive participles.

Examines the syntactic contexts of nonstandard past participles in spoken American English. Recording of past participles in present perfect construction; Distribution of contexts; Leveling of preterit and past participle forms; Developments in the English verb system.

Deals with the preterit and past participle of strong verbs in seventeenth-century English language in the U.S. Discussion of the preterit forms of the verbs; Analysis of the past participle forms of the verbs; Illustration of the leveling of the past participle with the preterit.

The article discusses the present participle using that appears in a dangling position in scientific articles. It mentions editing of research literature by editors along with the language experts disagreement about whether "using" in passive constructions. It adds difference in literary writing and scientific writing.

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics including the grammatical complexities of to-infinitives, the rise of the have-perfect, and the pronunciation of the STRUT vowel among migrants to Manchester, England.

The article focuses on issues related to grammar. It details the proper use of the preposition but. It explores the usage of the participle inclining. It argues that the Webster dictionary does not give meaning for the word like if used transitively.