Search

It has been argued that the increase in the consumption of dogs in the southern Levant during the Iron Age was due to the advent of the Philistines/“Sea Peoples” into the region. In this study, we test this proposal through the presentation of new information on dog consumption and its depositional context in Bronze and Iron Age strata from the archaeological site of Tell Zirāʿa (Jordan), and we compare the results to other sites in the region. Our study does not support that such behaviour is a signal of ethnic identity.

It has been argued that the increase in the consumption of dogs in the southern Levant during the Iron Age was due to the advent of the Philistines/"Sea Peoples" into the region. In this study, we test this proposal through the presentation of new information on dog consumption and its depositional context in Bronze and Iron Age strata from the archaeological site of Tell Zirāʿa (Jordan), and we compare the results to other sites in the region. Our study does not support that such behaviour is a signal of ethnic identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Geografie und Soziologie haben in den letzten Jahrzehnten ein Konzept von Raum entwickelt, welches sich von der starren, homogenen und unbelebten Vorstellung verabschiedet hat. Raum wird nun als belebter Raum verstanden, der von seinen Subjekten konstituiert und verwandelt wird. Diese handlungsorientierte Vorstellung rückt Raumbetrachtungen in die Nähe ethischen Denkens, welches auf topografische Verortungen angewiesen ist. Als fiktiver Raum gelten diese Vorstellungen auch für die in biblischen Erzählungen beschriebenen Räume. Einen solchen Raum bezeichnen die Erzählungen um den Helden Simson. Dieser schwankt zwischen Assimilation und Eroberung des Grenzgebiets zwischen Israeliten und Philistern, tritt aber schließlich als Eroberer auf, der die Feinde in ihrer Heimat erheblich dezimiert. Dies zeigt die große Problematik auf, eine solche Ethik in die heutige Zeit zu übertragen.

The ark endures not as physical artifact, but as cultural memory and verbal icon embedded in the textual icon of the Bible. This article examines the ark narrative (1 Sam. 4–6) in its various contexts, including its biblical and ancient Near Eastern ones, and posits icons as a profitable heuristic device. I present the ways that the ark and its story respond to ancient Near Eastern tropes and suggest that the reason for the ark's capture lies in the characters' failure to communicate with and obey the deity. My primary contribution lies in reading the narrative alongside its sequel, 1 Samuel 7, which recontextualizes the story by displaying divine power without the ark and retrojecting a Deuteronomistic rationale for the Israelite loss. I also consider its (post-)exilic reception and place it alongside Priestly and Deuteronomic presentations of the ark, which differ in detail but share a common goal, especially when read as part of a single sacred document. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book of Chronicles is a well-known example of how theological developments in Judah during the Persian and Hellenistic periods played a role in reshaping the received literary traditions of the Hebrew Bible. This study focuses specifically on Chronicles' narratives of violent conflicts between Israel/Judah and the Philistines and Arameans and their relationship to the portrayal of the Philistines and Arameans in Samuel–Kings. It discusses five case studies pertaining to violent encounters between Israelite/Judahite kings and the Philistines (Saul in 1 Chr 10; Jehoshaphat in 2 Chr 17; Jehoram in 2 Chr 21; Uzziah in 2 Chr 26; Ahaz in 2 Chr 28) and five pertaining to the Arameans (Asa in 2 Chr 16; Jehoshaphat in 2 Chr 18–19; Ahaziah in 2 Chr 22; Joash in 2 Chr 24; Ahaz in 2 Chr 28). Among other new findings, the study highlights how Chronicles repeatedly depicts the Philistine threat in tandem with conflicts with the Edomites (a phenomenon not found in Samuel–Kings) and, furthermore, casts the Arameans as an instrument of divine punishment not only against northern Israelite kings but also against Judahite kings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A previously unknown square building was uncovered at Gal'on in the Judean Shephelah, located between Tel Zayit and Tel Burna. The building was identified as a fortress, similar in plan and dimensions to several other excavated buildings designated "Governors' Residencies", and to a few buildings that were defined as "fortresses"--all associated with Egyptian imperial rule in Canaan in Dynasties XIX and XX. The construction of the isolated building at Gal'on may have been related to the reorganization of Canaan under Egyptian rule, possibly in the reign of Ramses III. The building may have been occupied by an Egyptian military force, or more plausibly by a local Canaanite force associated with the city-state of Lakhish. This article discusses the Ga'lon fortress in light of the other previously unearthed buildings, providing a comprehensive understanding of the geopolitical changes in the region in the twelfth century BCE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book of Chronicles is a well-known example of how theological developments in Judah during the Persian and Hellenistic periods played a role in reshaping the received literary traditions of the Hebrew Bible. This study focuses specifically on Chronicles’ narratives of violent conflicts between Israel/Judah and the Philistines and Arameans and their relationship to the portrayal of the Philistines and Arameans in Samuel–Kings. It discusses five case studies pertaining to violent encounters between Israelite/Judahite kings and the Philistines (Saul in 1 Chr 10; Jehoshaphat in 2 Chr 17; Jehoram in 2 Chr 21; Uzziah in 2 Chr 26; Ahaz in 2 Chr 28) and five pertaining to the Arameans (Asa in 2 Chr 16; Jehoshaphat in 2 Chr 18–19; Ahaziah in 2 Chr 22; Joash in 2 Chr 24; Ahaz in 2 Chr 28). Among other new findings, the study highlights how Chronicles repeatedly depicts the Philistine threat in tandem with conflicts with the Edomites (a phenomenon not found in Samuel–Kings) and, furthermore, casts the Arameans as an instrument of divine punishment not only against northern Israelite kings but also against Judahite kings.

For many years, the Late Bronze/Iron Age transition in the southern Levant has been the subject of intense debates concerning chronological matters and cultural developments. Ceramic studies were often the focal point of the discussion, but they usually concentrated on the appearance of Aegean-style pottery in the southern Coastal Plain and the nearby Shephelah, while largely disregarding the indigenous pottery tradition. In this paper, I study the processes of continuity and change in ceramic shape morphology and decoration techniques of three important tell-sites in the Shephelah: Lachish, ʿAzẹqȧ (Tel Azekah) and Ekron. It will be shown that marked innovations took place during the transition to the Iron I. These were most likely triggered by the appearance of foreign potters who produced local Aegean-style wares and seem to have influenced the traditions of the indigenous ceramic workshops. Such insights not only allow a fine-tuning of the relative chronology of the region at the end of the second millennium BCE, but also illuminate the transmission of professional knowledge and cultural traits through the ages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al-Bahith Journal is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article evaluates the historicity of 1 Sam 7:2-17 in light of renewed analysis of the archaeological remains from Tell en-Nasbeh, other Iron Age I sites in the region of Benjamin, broader literary considerations in 1 Sam 1-10, and the geography of the Central Hill Country. In so doing, a case is made that there is far more going on in vv. 6-7 than what appears to be a miscommunication between the Israelites, who have gathered at the site of Mizpah, and the Philistines, who send troops against the Israelites. A historical reconstruction that considers the narrative form of 1 Sam 7:2-17 and the archaeological remains is offered, as is a new proposal for the identification of the site of Gibeath-elohim. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the story of Samson’s death. From the time that he was captured by the Philistines until his death, the Bible describes at length the events that led to his downfall. This includes three major parts. The first Philistine event was jubilation at the temple of their god Dagon, which consists of two short rhymes which appear in poetic form. This was followed by Samson’s plea for God’s help and the destruction of the Philistine’s temple. The last part mentions Samson’s burial. Examination of the Philistine’s rhymes reveals that they ascribe Samson’s downfall to their god, which adds a religious dimension to the story. Samson was the only person whose death wish was granted. His death wish is similar to other death wishes from the ancient world. The mention of his burial and its location links the end of the story to its beginning, which is the story of his birth. https://doi.org/10.17159/2312-3621/2020/v33n1a10

The Tribe of Dan has always appeared to biblical scholars and archaeologists as something of an enigma. For decades, certain scholars, beginning with Yigael Yadin, have proposed a connection between the Denyen/Danaoi Sea People and the Danites of Ancient Israel, arguing that the former became the latter and were adopted into Israel at a later date than the other 11 tribes. Focusing on recent archaeological excavations at Tel Dan and the connections between Samson and Hercules, with special attention specifically given to Dan's traditional paired imagery with serpents, this study seeks to present a coherent case for the possibility that Yadin's theory may soon carry weight. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The biblical portrayal of the Philistines is largely negative. Their military exploits, depicted extensively in the books of Judges and 1 Samuel—coupled with their religion, unaccustomed to the Israelite cult—have led several commentators to label them a prototypical "other." To put it memorably, the Philistines are what Israel should not be. I attempt to nuance somewhat this overtly negative characterization of the Philistines by focusing on one incident in 1 Sam 6: the Philistines' returning of the ark, accompanied with a peculiar offering of objects made of gold. I compare this ritual to the sacrificial actions of Eli's sons in 1 Sam 2-4 to argue that, at least in 1 Sam 6, and with respect to what lies at the heart of Israel's cult—the approach of the inscrutable and holy deity—the Israelites should be more like the Philistines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Iron I sites in the northwestern Negev were identified as Philistine on the basis of the references to Philistines in this region in the book of Genesis, its proximity to Gaza, and the occurrence of Philistine pottery. Triggered by emerging discrepancies between the finds at these sites and the presumed Philistine attributes (e.g. the rarity of pork, hearths), this article aims to reevaluate the finds in the periphery of Philistia, mainly in the northwestern Negev, but also in the Shephelah and the Yarkon basin. A systematic examination of the data reveals a clear pattern in which the population of peripheral sites gradually adopted certain Philistine attributes (Philistine pottery and cooking jugs, which were avoided during the first phase of Philistine settlement), but continued to systematically avoid others (Aegean-type hearths and significant amounts of pork), and maintained clear and sharp boundaries with the Philistine centers. A thorough examination of the data suggests that most of the inhabitants in the periphery of Philistia were the descendants of the local Canaanite population of the Late Bronze Age, who were in the process of renegotiating their identity with the emerging ethnicities of the Philistines in the urban centers of the southern coastal plain and the Israelites farther west. While not forming a unified group, and probably being politically dominated by Philistia, the inhabitants of the settlements in the periphery of Philistia did not adopt a Philistine identity, maintained clear boundaries with the Philistines, and should not be treated as Philistines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In post-modernist terms, archaeology, like history, is not practiced for itself but for someone or something. That much is clear with the archaeology of the cis-Jordanian region of the Near East where it has served to sustain anthropological-ethnological models driven by biblical and nationalistic-based theories. Words, terms, labels and names have meanings that not infrequently are consequential thus, constructing an archeology-abetted past of spaces named Holy Land, Eretz Yisrael and Land of the Bible belies the discipline's claim to scientific neutrality. No less, naming the cis-Jordanian territories of the Bronze and Iron Ages a "Palestine" is anachronistic and not uniformly acceptable. As long as Archaeology is tasked with proving the veracity of ancient epigraphy and texts and legitimizing claims of ancestral privilege and ur-ownership of ancient lands, the more glaring its failure and the greater the impediment to settling the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Of all the characters of the book of Judges none has more in common with the David of the socalled 'History of David's Rise' than Samson. A careful comparison of Judg. 13.1-16.3 with 1 Sam. 16-23 reveals numerous similarities between the two figures, including the way their slaying of lions presages their most striking acts, and the way in which Yahweh and Saul, respectively, use the prospect of marriage to manipulate them to attack Philistines. We also find parallels in their calls, relationship to the rûahḥ YHWH, relationship to family, and use of wisdom. These extensive similarities naturally lead us to consider the differences which may explain Samson's failure and David's success. David is a leader, while Samson acts solo; David is beloved while not loving anyone, while Samson loves without being loved himself. These observations support deuteronomistic ideology highlighting leaders and leadership, and devaluing human love for other humans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the evidences of pig avoidance and pork consumption among Philistines and Canaanites in the southern Levant, common perceptions related to pork consumption habits among various cultural groups and irrelavance as a cultural marker to classify an ethnic identity.

Copyright of Studia Gdańskie is the property of Gdanskie Seminarium Duchowne, Kuria Metropolitalna Gdanska and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The naval invasion of Egypt during the reign of Ramesses III by the Sea Peoples, coupled with the land invasion, represent critical events in ancient Egyptian history. This study explores a location for the maritime conflict, based on recent archaeological and palaeo-environmental investigations of the northwestern Sinai. Where the land battle occurred is hotly debated in light of new, putative evidence that the Philistines originated from northern Syria. Based on a careful reading of the Medinet Habu Sea Peoples' reliefs, their accompanying texts, and the emerging picture of Egypt's eastern frontier defense network in Ramesside times, it is posited that the ground attack also occurred in the northwestern Sinai, not far from the location of the naval encounter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past scholars have suspected that Greek legends about Heracles and other Greek narratives may have influenced the emergence of the Samson narratives in Judges 13-16. Usually Philistine mediation of these Heracles legends to the Israelites in the pre-monarchic era was suggested. However, the author suggests that the Heracles legends arose in the sixth century BCE and later, so the biblical author could have encountered Greek stories only in the Persian or Hellenistic eras. The Samson narratives then would be a late redaction into the Deuteronomistic History. The author believes that the large number of similarities indicates not simply familiarity with general folkloristic motifs, but rather that the author of the Samson narratives was familiar with the Heracles legends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the first decade of the Tell eṣ-Ṣâfi/Gath Excavation Project, various areas in the upper city were excavated. Based on the results of the surface survey, however, it was clear that there was extensive settlement in the area to the north of the upper city up until the Elah Valley riverbed. Ten years ago, the excavations were expanded to the lower city, commencing with Area D (fig. 1). Since then, Area D has been extensively excavated, with a broad range of finds mainly from the Iron Age (for additional excavations in Area K of the lower city, see Welch in this issue). Here we will describe some of these finds, with a particular focus on the Philistine cultic remains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After Philistine Gath fell to the Arameans in the late ninth century B.C.E. (Maeir 2008; 2012: 47-48) the huge city atop Tell eṣ-Ṣâfi/Gath was a ghost town for several decades. Some structures had been burnt or otherwise destroyed, but many were simply abandoned to the elements. As years passed, winter storms and the processes of nature eroded the roofs and walls of hundreds of ownerless houses and other buildings. The devastation was alluded to by the Judahite prophet Amos when he predicted the eventual demise of Samaria: "Go down to Gath of the Philistines," he challenged the Israelites, to behold what complete desolation is like (Amost 6:2; Maeir 2004). Aside from the presence of a few squatters who settled in the north lower-city ruins near the Elah riverbed, the forlorn ghost town of Gath slowly decayed away, until a cataclysmic earthquake shook the entire region somewhere around 760 B.C.E. (Chadwick and Maeir, forthcoming; Maeir 2012: 49-50). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The overall objective of archaeological excavations is to extract as much reliable information as possible from the whole archaeological record: both macroscopic and microscopic. An effective approach to achieve this goal is to integrate observations on the macroscopic and microscopic records as the excavation proceeds by operating an on-site analytical laboratory at the excavation. In this way important primary context locations can be better identified as they are exposed, and the excavation and sampling strategy can be adapted accordingly (Weiner 2010). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite over a century of research conducted on the Philistines and their material culture, a very small quantity of finds relating to their burial customs has been reported. This has led to quite a lot of speculation on Philistine mortuary customs, with little evidence in support. At a number of sites, suggestions to distinguish "Philistine" burials were attempted, most notably, the erroneous attribution of the anthropoid coffins to the Philistines (Dothan 1982), the suggested cremation burials found at Azor (Dothan and Dothan 1992; Ben-Shlomo 2008, 2012; Buchennino and Yannai 2010), and the burial caves yielding Philistine bichrome pottery at Tel Eton (Edelstein and Aurant 1992). However, the problematic interpretations of these finds, coupled with the fact that none of this evidence was found at the main urban sites of the Philistines, calls into question their centrality within the Philistine realm, and their attribution on a whole to the ethnic group that populated the southern Coastal Plain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Almost all of the excavated areas at Tell eṣ-Ṣâfi/Gath have yielded Philistine decorated pottery. This includes Areas A (Strata A6 and A5), E (Stratum E3), F (Stratum F11), and P (Stratum P2) on the upper tell, as well as Area D (Stratum D5) in the lower city, thus indicating that the consumption, if not actual production, of Philistine decorated pottery was quite widespread throughout the entire site during the twelfth through tenth centuries B.C.E. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though the arrival of the Philistines in the southern Levant is an event that happens "off camera," that is, before the appearance of their settlement remains, it is an event that was narrativized in the recent past by archaeologists working in Philistia who interpreted the local production of Aegean style pottery as evidence of a massive colonization by Mycenaean migrants (Hitchcock and Maeir 2016a). By and large, the understanding of the Philistines and their culture was centered around the biblical and Egyptian images of the Philistines, and their continued reception and interpretation until modern times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that Jerome saw Jewish Nazariteship as providing a foundation for Christian asceticism. Jerome perceived Naziriteship as an epitome of saintly life, prefiguring the lives of the apostles, and realized in the lives of the Desert Fathers and Mothers, in their extreme devotion and standing above the rest of the community, but in an honourable way. Jerome's vision of asceticism reflected his ambiguous relationship with Jewish tradition, both admiring Nazarite ideals and critical of its practice by Law observant followers of Jesus. Understanding the tradition of the Jewish Nazirites through the eyes of Jerome is central not only to understanding the ascetic tradition in the region that saw the birth of Christianity, but to illustrating an important tension within the Christian tradition in general, between emphasis on a personal relationship with God and separation from the community to that end, and emphasis on a common life organized and supported by the hierarchy of the Church. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper focuses on the manner in which foreign cultures belonging to the Oriental world are represented in the opera "Samson et Dalila" composed by Camille Saint-Saëns. Orientalist art strives for the representation of the exotic and unknown, but at the same time it may point to those aspects of the "self" that need to be changed. In Saint-Saëns' opera two Oriental, but altoghether different cultures are portrayed, the Hebrews and the Philistines, the contrast between which could as well mirror the differences between East and West. Yet, the representation of the Orient is achieved mainly through the use of traditional Western componistic techniques and alterity is suggested in a very subtle manner, often through stereotypes. With "Samson et Dalila" Camille Saint-Saëns created an opera which anticipates the path of his successors, the harmonious union between music and dramatic action offering numerous possibilities of interpretation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The oracles against foreign nations in the Book of Zephaniah (Zeph 2:4-15) were directed against the Philistines, the Ammonites, the Moabites, the Egyptians and against the Assyrians. Their order is not quite clear, challenging, and wonder if it is really explicable to the very end. The way the oracle is presented against the Philistines (Zeph 2:4-7) is based on the multitude of names of places, which belonged to this part of Palestine. The words directed against them "I will destroy you until no inhabitant is left" (Zeph 2:5), force the Judeans to reflect on their behavior, which could lead on to their annihilation, the way the foreign nations will be destroyed at this moment. The attrition of the Philistines is to function as a warning for the Judeans against the imminent and awaited punishment, unless they change their conduct. The oracles against the Moabites and the Ammonites (2:8-11) bewilder in two aspects. First of all, the issue concerns the determination of kōl 'ijjê haggôjim (Zeph 2:11), which can either refer to all nations in general, or only to those nations which are hostile towards the Israel. In the direct, preceding context, Zephaniah was writing about the victory of JHWH over pagan gods (v. 11a); Thus, one may suppose that the representatives of even the remotest corners of the earth will pay homage to JHWH. Secondly, what is surprising is the reverse order, the reversal of the usual order in the oracles against the nations, in which the punishment is presented as first and then its justification. Whereas, Zephaniah starts with justification (v. 8 and 10), and later mentions the punishment (v. 9 and 11a). Why was the oracle constructed in this specific way by the prophet? First of all, it may have constituted an emphasis which Zephaniah uses to stress the cause (justification) of the punishment imposed on the Moabites and the Ammonites. However, attention must also be drawn to w. 11b, which contains eschatological announcement of the universal and widespread cult of JHWH. Thus, the expression of the oracle was meant to lead to eschatological proclamation, in an climactic construction. The words directed against Egypt (Zeph 2:12) are so cursory that some scholars regard them as part of the oracle against Assyria. Yet, it seems that such a connection would be completely unjustifiable, merely because of the fact that the punishment the Nubians and the Assyrians will face will be different, not to mention the fact that the empires of Assyria and Egypt were immemorial enemies of Israel, but different, though. The sword taken out against Egypt (Zeph 2:12) undoubtedly, constitutes a kind of glancing reference to the scene which took place at the gates of Jericho, when Joshua encountered the Angel of God with an unsheathed sword (Jos 5:13). The description of extermination and destruction of Assyria (Zeph 2:13-14) is comprehensive and extensive because the oracles against foreign nations in the Book of Zephaniah reach their climax there. Justification in this case seems to be perfunctory, though (v. 15) especially considering the immensity of the punishment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Archaeology is, for the most part, the study of material remains of the past. Archaeologists survey, excavate, analyze and construct a picture of past human life. They do their best to understand the daily life, the economy, the belief systems, the political and social structures, and so much else about long-gone civilizations. And, in many parts of the world and for long stretches of the human past, they do without recourse to written sources, simply because writing did not exist through most of that time. But if and when written records are available, they provide context, specific facts and dates, and much additional information that then give us a more complete picture of the history of the site or area that we are investigating. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article puts forward a new hypothesis concerning the origin of the goddess of Ekron, mentioned in Ekron's royal dedicatory inscription from the early 7th century BCE. Contrary to a widely held view, it is suggested that the origin of the Philistine Goddess of Ekron should not be sought in the Aegean world but rather in northern Syria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact the Philistines and other Sea Peoples had on Iron I northern Canaan is an intricate issue that has been debated for decades. Past theories on a sizable Sea Peoples presence and military control have today largely been replaced by more moderate views of a diminutive presence of foreign population elements or, merely, mercantile relations between Philistia and the north. In this study, this topic is addressed by provenance analysis (petrography). The previously published dataset is tripled, for a grand total of 155 vessels and sherds. Circa two-thirds of the assemblage was imported from the Philistine heartland. The exporters of this pottery were mainly the coastal centres of Philistia—probably Gaza, Ashkelon and Ashdod—while Shephelah cities (Ekron, Gath) played a subordinate role in these wares bound for the north. The Jezreel Valley stands out among all other northern regions for its large quantities of genuine Philistine imports. Rather than pointing to foreign presence, the data suggest tight commercial and cultural contacts with Philistia. Moreover, this study revises the previously formulated ‘northern skyphoi’ phenomenon, which was dissociated from the discussion of Philistine pottery. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The paper surveys and discusses the updated archaeological evidence for Philistine cult and religion, and cult and religion in Philistia during the Iron Age. The evidence can be related to public or official cult, represented in temple and shrine structures, and to that coming from households, representing possibly more popular religion. The evidence of public cult, so far mostly from peripheral sites, includes largely cultural elements linked with the local Canaanite cult and religion. Yet, within households at the Philistine cities there is more evidence for cultic elements of Aegean affinity during Iron Age I. In particular, figurines and ceramic figurative vessels and objects will be discussed. It seems that the Philistine religion may have retained certain distinctive elements also during Iron Age II. Nevertheless, it is still difficult to reconstruct the details of the nature of the Philistine religion due to the limited amount of evidence and lack of textual records.

The biblical account of Samuel’s career prior to the careers of Saul and David contains an unexamined oddity. In 1Sam 7:13 and 7:15 the reader is told explicitly that the Philistines never again threatened Israel during the life of Samuel and that Samuel remained Israel’s judge for all of his days. Both of these claims are, however, relatively quickly revealed to be untruths: in one of the accounts of Saul’s rise to power it is the Philistine threat that impels Israel to ask for a king, and while Samuel retires in 1Sam 12, he lives on until 1Sam 25:1. This article argues that the bulk of 1Sam 1–7 originally described the career of Samuel the Judge, a figure like Samson, who was not supposed to have a role in the rise of monarchy in Israel. In this narrative, the claims in 1Sam 7:13 and 15 were explicitly true, and were meant to conclude this history of Samuel’s life [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Philistine paradigm attempts to answer fundamental questions in Philistine history, namely the how and when of Philistine settlement in the southern Levant. According to the traditional paradigm, the Philistines, among other 'Sea-Peoples', came from the Aegean islands and were settled in Egyptian strongholds in the south Canaanite Coastal Plain in the eighth year of Ramesses III. Formulated on the basis of Egyptian texts and Philistine archaeological remains, the paradigm has been criticized over the reliability of both source materials. Therefore, it is the aim of the present study to conduct a methodological analysis of the pillars on which the paradigm rests and to offer a new reconstruction of the events that took place in the Levant in the twelfth century BCE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The French Egyptologist Emmanuel de Rougé termed the sea-borne foreign invaders who invaded Egypt during the late Bronze Age on the basis of the Great Karnak inscription, "peuples de la mer" or Sea Peoples. Recently however, specialists, in the absence of more direct evidence of the use of this term in antiquity, have called into question its historical provenance and have even declared it a "modern term". Ancient Jewish writings, by contrast, refer to several Peoples of the Sea which notably include the Philistines. Moreover, close examination of the orthography of biblical ethnonyms in the context of migratory sea passages in both the Masoretic text and the Septuagint demonstrates the existence of a previously undescribed productive genitive sea-borne indicator within the very fabric of the biblical text. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)