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This paper examines the defining characteristics of contemporary American political discourse, aiming to identify, analyze, and classify these traits in terms of content, structure, and formative features. The analysis draws upon a corpus of speeches by American politicians during the 2016 and 2020 Presidential Elections, as well as journalistic articles, to illustrate the distinctive elements of American political discourse. Understanding a nation’s political discourse necessitates examining the idiosyncrasies of its political culture. Therefore, this study foregrounds the cultural underpinnings of modern American politics, exploring the interrelationships between American political discourse and the nation’s political history and culture. Employing discourse analysis, linguacultural analysis, and comparative analysis, the paper delineates the characteristics of modern American politics, including societal heterogeneity, the imperative of political correctness, a pronounced degree of religiosity, an individualistic political culture, and the dramatized nature of political contention. These cultural traits manifest in four salient features of contemporary American political discourse: a syntactic orientation in speech production, the employment of nicknames and sobriquets, the fluidity of political concepts, and the contentious exchanges between the two predominant parties, which engender linguistic divergences. While some features may be present in other national discourses, the unique combination and intensity in the American context accentuate their presence. This paper contributes to political discourse studies by examining political discourse through a linguacultural lens, thereby enhancing understanding of American society and its worldview. It underscores the pivotal cultural attributes of American politics, correlates them with political discourse, and presents concrete examples from speeches of current American politicians and contemporary media, laying the groundwork for future research into American political discourse from a linguacultural standpoint.

Copyright of Agora (0211-6642) is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The notions of "concepts of the political" and that of "political concepts" refer to different but intertwined phenomena. As I will argue in this article, the concepts of the political refer to the self-institution of societies, while political concepts are those that emerge in the realm of politics, a field some societies institute as precisely the site in which the reversibility of the political takes place. This article will argue that the concepts of the political and the political concepts coming out of South America in its contemporary history spring from the main events and processes—the political and social history—that dominated the period. The events and concepts first discussed will be those related to the conquest and its legacy, only to later move fully to the past fifty years of dictatorships, transitions to democracy, and the emergence of the neopopulist political form. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Social Science Information is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims to highlight the historical evolution of the emergence of patient rights, social rights in their essence, as well as their development according to the essential transformations of a society. The present paper aims to show the fact that the patient's rights were born, first of all, through quantitative assimilations, through increases and overlapping of information from one era to another, they are not the "creation" of contemporary times, the fact that they are based on a certain history written before our eyes. The study of the patient's rights is intertwined with the study of political concepts, all the more so since the drafting of legislation is directly dependent on political guidelines, and political institutions are directly involved in the legislative act. The development of social relations, their complexity, the unprecedented multiplication of intra- and inter-social contacts, determined a correlative development of law and the emergence of community law, which in the current social reality, represents the positive law applicable on the territory of the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is almost impossible to find a scientific or epistemological agreement in the explanation of the concept of ideology, which appears in different forms and definitions in the historical process. In addition, the concept of ideology is used chiefly with a negative connotation both in political science literature and for general readers. Recently, some studies that have departed from this line have tried to investigate ideologies as parts of the sociopolitical structure and have suggested some methods that advocate analyzing ideologies as data related to existing conditions. In this direction, ideologies are considered as the elements that determine the political discourse and thus direct the attitudes and behaviors of political life, language, and all public actors. In this study, the morphological analysis developed by Michael Freeden, who deals with ideologies from this perspective, will be explained by examining all aspects. According to Freeden, every ideology should be analyzed with its peculiar conceptual structure through its temporal/historical and spatial/cultural ties. With the morphological analysis of ideologies, which serves as a key to opening the difficulties that political discourse naturally has, the map of a particular ideology in a particular practice can be revealed and used as important data in the systematic analysis of political action and decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we discuss Pierpaolo Cesaroni's book The life of concepts. Hegel, Bachelard, Canguilhem. The epistemological point of view that is proposed in this book aims to bring out the singularity of the epistemic field of politics, starting from the intuition of its proximity, or continuity, with the epistemic field of life. We try to focus our discussion especially on the historical-conceptual interpretation that emerges from the book of the work of Georges Canguilhem. The epistemological thought of Canguilhem (beyond Canguilhem) in fact allows us to leave the theoretical paradigm of modern political science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary public discourse often defends the fight for justice and equality in western societies by offering a string of oppressive -isms to be eradicated. Presenting ableism as an example, this paper suggests that justice is best served when focusing on specific accounts of justice and can become superficial and misleading when many types of different injustice are placed in parallel. The paper asks about the similarities and differences between the fight for justice for learning impaired people and for people of colour. To fight ableism in any given society will entail different acts and sociocultural analyses than the fight against racism if it is to be pursued at more than a cosmetic level. This analysis is rooted in a distinction between justice as the actual doing of justice and procedural visions of justice common in liberal democracies which aim to progressively raise the overall level of justice in a society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present work proposes to analyze the political concepts and representations deployed around the search for recognition of the Independence of Paraguay by the Argentinian Confederation. The chosen source is the press, a privileged environment of the political debate. The focus was put on the study of El Paraguayo Independiente, the first newspaper of Paraguay which was created during the government of Carlos Antonio López in 1845. Its principal writer was the Paraguayan president himself. The initial difficulty of defining the concept of Independence in Paraguay was a relevant part of the diplomatic conflicts with its neighbors and of the antecedents to the great war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Constitucional is the property of Revista Historia Constitucional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article deals with the differences of pre-global and post-global conceptualizations in political sciences. It investigates the functions of political concepts under the changes globalization caused to political systems, culture and ideology. The paper does not engage with the methodological debates on political concepts, or question the undeniable importance of certain political concepts, but rather it addresses some of the principal concepts for which globalization may be a useful concept with regard to their similarities and differences with the Cold War era.

This essay surveys the appropriations and transformations of the modern concept of citizenship by the actors of the Haitian Revolution, analyzed through the intertwining of race, plantation labor, and the postcolonial state. The concept of citizenship is interpreted as an instrument of emancipative struggles as well as of practices of government. The reconstruction is focused around four moments: the liberal critique by free people of color of the racial boundaries of French citizenship; the strategic uses of citizenship by the insurgent slaves to secure their freedom; the inclusion of former slaves into citizenship to preserve the plantation system within the republican order; and postcolonial Haitian citizenship. By analyzing the constitutional shifts and the political thinking of different figures, such as Julien Raimond, Georges Biassou, Jean-François, Toussaint Louverture, and Jean-Jacques Dessalines, the essay shows the conceptual originality of Haitian political thought and its relevance for the history of modern political concepts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the concept of social policy as methodological approaches. First, argues that the definition of social policy must incorporate the core of the concepts: the dialectics between the constituted powers and constituent powers. In second place, it postulates that concepts have a distinctive basic content and proposes a minimum definition of social policy. In third place, it systematizes 26 definitions from specialized literature to establish the essential attributes of the concepts and finally proposes a definition of social policy. This proposal connotation may be useful for social research; it includes analyzed methodological approaches and differentiates social policy from other terms such as protection, security and social assistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two branches of discourse studies, critical discourse analysis (CDA) and discourse theory (DT), could benefit through extending their critical focus and incorporating findings and methodologies of neighbouring disciplines. While indebted to the attentiveness of CDA to ordinary language, ideology studies have by contrast developed interpretative, non-judgmental analytical frameworks that explore the many-faceted features of ideology, power, and the political. In turn, the macro-focus of DT on binary distinctions, articulatory equivalences, and the construction of hegemony through empty signifiers, overlooks the complex internal conceptual morphology that produces multiple ideological vocabularies. Through a layered filtering of texts, utterances, and linguistic intensities, ideological micro-morphology reveals processes of semantic decontestation in order to defend, alter or criticize political thought-practices. It illuminates the complex interrelationship between word and concept and accepts fantasies as ineluctable and decodable features of communal life. By reaching out beyond their disciplinary confines, the interplay of these parallel approaches could enrich the scholarly understanding of the political. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Filozofski Vestnik is the property of Scientific Research Centre of Slovenian Academy of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After several decades of debate on the so-called protest vote, the extant literature in this field is still far from consistent in conceptualization and analytical perspectives. Yet, at a time of increasing democratic stress, it becomes crucial for political studies to take stock of current research on this topic and assess its general state of health. In the light of this, aim of the present contribution is to piece together the puzzle of analytical perspectives from which scholars and pundits have approached the matter over the years. First, this article will do so at a conceptual level, disentangling different conceptualizations of protest voting. In parallel, it will do so at the technical and empirical level, categorizing both operationalization strategies and findings into alternative strands of research. As a last step, it will summarize the still open issues, organizing them within a unified platform and identifying possible lines of development for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the political ideas of founding figures of West German political science by engaging with formative texts from the post-war period of neo-Aristotelian (Dolf Sternberger and Siegfried Landshut), Critical Theory (Arcadius R.L. Gurland and Franz L. Neumann), ordoliberal (Alexander Rüstow) and catholic (Ferdinand Hermens) perspective. It is argued that these early German political scientists coincided in the diagnosis of living in a thoroughly politicized post-liberal age. They rejected the separation between empirical and normative political science and devised heterogeneous disciplinary approaches that can be classified as republican, power-realist, and expertocratic. Although democracy was an important point of reference for some of them, it is not tenable, contrary to older historiography and contemporary self-image, to describe early West-German political science as a Demokratiewissenschaft (science of democracy) in overall terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Present Study aimed at investigating The Effectiveness Of Using of Numbered Heads Together Strategy on Teaching Social Studies for developing some of The Political Concepts and National Belonging Values towards Social Studies Among Primary Stage Pupils, The Study sample consisted of (60) Pupils among The Primary Stage pupils. The Study tools were a Test to measure some of Political Concepts and Scale to measure National Belonging Values among the six-grade Prep stage Pupils. The Study Findings and Results showed that: - There was a Statistically Significant difference at the Level of (α ≥ 0.01) Among Primary Stage Pupils in The two groups on The Political Concepts Test in favor of experimental group; This means that The Numbered Heads Together Strategy was effective in developing some of The Political Concepts among Primary Stage pupils. - There was a Statistically Significant difference at The Level of (α ≥ 0.01) Among Primary Stage Pupils in The two groups on The National Belonging Values Scale in favor of The experimental group; This means that The Numbered Heads Together Strategy was effective in developing The National Belonging Values among The Primary Stage Pupils. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This articles deals with political science concepts on a methodological level as configurations of contexts which means that they can be seen as nods in a network of different categories that provide a certain way to interpret historical and political events in a given temporal dimension. This article also states that concepts are not simply reflections of contexts since they serve as tools of active structuring of contexts. It means that concepts can unite different social and political contexts in a meaningful way and thus serve as clusters of contexts. This understanding of concepts enables a brief critical discussion of approaches to the analysis and studies of concepts. The three approaches to concepts analysis developed by F. Bereskoetter are discussed in a framework of discourse analysis. Out of three approaches, the political(critical) approach is evidently related to (and not very much different from) the discourse analysis developed by M. Foucault, whose methodology rests upon a dictum that language is power. Two other approaches - historical and scientific - also contain a number of features that can be interpreted as those belonging to different discourse-analytical approaches even though their discursive nature is less evident. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mevzu is the property of Ali Sever and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores what happens when the term "austerity" becomes a global catchword. Specifically, we study how this term has been used in national policy making in the Portuguese and Spanish parliaments from the 1970s until recently. We show that although Portugal and Spain were in a somewhat different situation regarding the 2008 economic crisis, the increased popularity of the term austerity occurred practically simultaneously in the Portuguese and Spanish parliaments. This suggests that the term's popularity in political debates is not solely determined by a nation's political or fiscal situation. Rather, our contention is that employing the term austerity to discuss government policies became a global fashion after the fiscal crisis of 2008. The study also shows why austerity became an increasingly popular concept: the term changed from being mainly used in fiscal policy to being commonly used in other policy areas too. Related Articles: Exadaktylos, Theofanis, and Nikolaos Zahariadis. 2014. "Quid pro Quo: Political Trust and Policy Implementation in Greece during the Age of Austerity." Politics & Policy 42 (1): 160‐183. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12058 Monza, Sabina, and Eva Anduiza. 2016. "The Visibility of the EU in the National Public Spheres in Times of Crisis and Austerity." Politics & Policy 44 (3): 499‐524. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12163 Sager, Fritz, and Markus Hinterleitner. 2016. "How do Credit Rating Agencies Rate? An Implementation Perspective on the Assessment of Austerity Programs during the European Debt Crisis." Politics & Policy 44 (4): 783‐815. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12165 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Semantic validity as a criterion of correctness in reconstructing the meanings when researching political concepts, as well as an indicator of how well the analytical categories of a particular discourse correspond to the meanings shared by the adherents of the ideology under study, is analysed within some theoretical fundamentals of discourse analysis and approaches to studies in language materials; based on such theoretical analysis and taking into account works of prominent content analysts, some practical requirements on how to provide for semantic validity when conducting interdisciplinary political research are presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal Public Administration & Social Management / Administração Pública e Gestão Social is the property of Administracao Publica e Gestao Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Social & Education History / Historia Social y de la Educación is the property of Social & Education History / Historia Social y de la Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

On the basis of the metachtonous i.e. principal political concept of power, taking into account differences and peculiarities of translation of similar concepts in political science of Anglophone and German–speaking cultures, based on the sociocognitive terminology studies, developed by R. Temmerman, this article praises a need for developing criteria for comparative studies in fundamental concepts of political studies, for criteria that would account for the social context of concepts which are treated as units of thought. Furthermore, in order to study concepts as units of thought the cognitive dimension of discursive practices should be taken into account which leads to formulations of basic principles of comparative sociocognitive analysis of political metachtonous concepts. These principles are formulates in conclusions to this article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Fronteras de la Historia is the property of Instituto Colombiano de Antropologia e Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Polis (07176554) is the property of Polis - Revista Academica Universidad Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

According to the 'integration approach', interpretations of political concepts should (1) explain that they stand for rights we ought to respect and (2) be both compatible and mutually supporting. I start by clarifying what this means, and proceed to an examination of Ronald Dworkin's latest argument for value holism. I argue that his argument fails to provide a convincing case for the integration approach. I go on to argue that we nonetheless should accept that interpretations of political concepts should be compatible, because denying it would be inconsistent with (1), and the fact that 'ought implies can'. I then provide reasons for thinking that we also cannot really satisfy (1) for any particular concept without giving reasons in term of what fall under other concepts-that is, interpreting the concepts as mutually supporting. We thus have reasons to accept both parts of (2). Finally, I defend the integration approach from three important objections: First, that it conflates different values; secondly, that it is inconsistent with ordinary language-usage; and thirdly, that it overlooks important telic values. I conclude that none of these compels us to abandon the integration approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a recent scholarly debate, the Anthropocene concept has been criticized for diverting attention from the political aspects of contemporary environmental crises, not least by way of the long timescales it implies. This article therefore takes on the matter of long-termism as an historical and political phenomenon, by applying a conceptual historical perspective. Examples are drawn from historical studies of forest politics. It is argued that conceptions of the long term, as in all concepts in political language, are historical and therefore problematic to legitimately define conclusively. However, many of the environmental crises looming in our time do indeed call for long-term perspectives. As a solution in accordance with its historical and democratic conceptual character, it is suggested that political long-termism paradoxically can and should be constantly deliberated upon and renewed in the short term. Its conceptual history can then serve two purposes: First, history can offer exempla of how long-termism can be conceptualized and institutionalized in ways that encourage continuous deliberation and reconceptualization. Second, historical conceptualizations of the long term can be drawn upon, both negatively and positively, in this continuous deliberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of independence existed in the Andean region prior to the historical period we ordinarily associate to it. At the end of the XVIII century, it was bound up with the absolute liberty of the king when confronting human sentiment. However, the concept designated more frequently the disobedience of common people before God and the monarchist order. Qualified as “imaginary”, independence referred to a kind of heresy or philosophical uneasiness. In New Granada, the concept took on a marked political significance as soon as the North American insurgence became known and, a few years later, when the communal rebellion broke out in 1781. During the time of the Juntas (1810-1815), the semantics of the term was enhanced with new significances according to the type of separation was sought with the peninsular Spain, who at the time was actively fighting with furious energy for its independence from Napoleon. Once the Republic became firmly established, the concept gradually became a kind of icon that referred more to an era than to an actual phenomenon.