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This article presents the results of fieldwork carried out in France and Algeria in the spring of 2019 with survivors of the Algerian civil war (the so-called black decade of the 1990s). Interviews were filmed, thus allowing close analysis of not only verbal testimony (including narratives, tropes, and pronouns) but also gestures and body language, amounting to what Wetherell (2012) calls 'affective practice'. Analysing closely participant reactions to the amnesty and reconciliation policies of President Bouteflika, as well as their own representations of political violence, the article moves beyond Taylor's (2004) definition of the social imaginary as 'the ways in which people imagine their social existence'. Focusing on constructions of conflict, the article argues for a definition of conflict imaginaries as the following: the production and reproduction of constructions around violence mobilised through shared stories, tropes and vocabularies which are inflected by time, place, multiplicity, and evident across all of these, affective value. This facilitates an understanding of how those who have survived political violence in the past experience its legacy in the present. While this paradigm is generated from Algerian data, it is hoped that it may prove applicable to other conflict zones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Esprit de Corpse: Genocide in the Shadowland of Gaza?" examines the concept of genocide within the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, particularly focusing on violence in Gaza. It discusses the normalization of state violence and the complicity of the Israeli legal system in perpetuating it, leading to a lack of accountability for perpetrators. The text also explores the role of language in justifying violence, sheds light on abuses in Israeli detention centers, and considers the legal and moral challenges of prosecuting such actions. Additionally, it touches on cultural and political dynamics in Israel, including dehumanizing rhetoric and societal attitudes towards Palestinians, prompting a reevaluation of international legal frameworks. [Extracted from the article]

Following a series of high-profile incidents of violence against women by serving London Metropolitan Police Officers, questions of standards and the public's confidence in policing are in the spotlight. Over a fifteen-month period between July 2022 and September 2023 using monthly surveys of representative English samples, this study confirms that women, in general, are more trusting in the police than men. This, however, does not hold true in London. Out of nine regions in England, London is the only region where women's overall trust in the police is lower than men. Lower levels of trust in the police among women in London hold when controls for age, income, political environment and crime levels are considered. In line with existing literature that considers women being more sensitive to cues about trustworthiness, the concerning incidents of sexual violence by police officers against women are likely to further erode trust in police in the capital, which already ranks last among England's nine regions in citizen trust of the police. Statement on ethics approval: Approval was granted for this study to be carried out by the College of Business, Arts and Social Science Research Ethics Committee, Brunel University London. Approval reference: 35290-LR-Jan/2022-37313-1. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text analyzes the crimes of misuse of subsidies intended for political parties and falsification in the background of electoral processes and parties accountability, particularly regarding the premises under which their interpretation has been proposed or their application has been intended to date. Based on that, it presents the reasons and arguments that support the claim that both figures respond to a different sense than the one assigned to them. In particular, the crime of misuse or improper application of quarterly subsidies granted to political parties sanctions their use in political campaigns, as such usage alters the rules under which public funding for these activities is allocated under conditions of equality. Furthermore, the crime of using false backgrounds in electoral or political party accountability materializes a special and qualified form of subsidy fraud. It then presents the implications that can be draw from each of these definitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Criminology and propaganda studies have both substantially influenced political, public and commercial thought yet not as a co-ordinated, embedded twine. Propaganda studies identify how narratives are constructed, conveyed and embedded within public and political discourses. To enhance existing debates, this article stirs the criminological cauldron with critical insights from propaganda analyses. Criminology is an evolving crucible, a gravitational black hole that imbues, harnesses and inculcates diverse perspectives in the pursuit of originality, criticality and creativity. By drawing on historical and contemporary propaganda scholarship we aim to enrich criminological theory, policy and practice. Our intention is not to critique, supplant or subvert existing criminological discourse but to invigorate it with the proponents, and prospects of propaganda studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: In this study, we investigate extremists' appraisals of and sensitivity to perceived sanction risk during the commission of arson. We pay specific attention to the decision-making processes of extremists leading up to and during the offending opportunity. Methods: We examined data collected from self-reported communiqués (n = 275) describing acts of arson committed by radical environmental extremists. Results: We found that extremists, like other criminals, are sensitive to situational factors that affect the certainty of apprehension. Additionally, extremists work to reduce the risk of detection by engaging in crime-specific risk management techniques prior to and during the offending opportunity. Conclusions: Analysis of the communiqués is consistent with recent works on extremism, situational crime prevention, and restrictive deterrence. We discuss our findings in the context of rational choice and situational crime prevention theory and the advancement of preventative policies aimed at ideological and political crime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We are living in what Professor Jonathan Turley calls an age of rage. However, it is not the first such period. Professor Turley explores how the United States was formed (and the Constitution was written) in precisely such a period. Throughout that history, sedition has been used as the vehicle for criminalizing political speech. This Article explores how seditious libel has evolved as a crime and how it is experiencing a type of American revival. The crime of sedition can be traced back to the infamous trials of the Star Chamber and the flawed view of free speech articulated by Sir William Blackstone. That view continues to resonate in "bad tendency" rationales for criminalizing what Professor Turley calls "rage rhetoric." An advocate for a broader theory of free speech, Professor Turley suggests that the United States should break this cycle and reject a crime that it is not only superfluous in many cases, but the product of the anti-free speech theories extending back to the seventeenth century. The elimination of the crime would fulfill what Professor Turley believes is the original and revolutionary view of free speech articulated by some figures at the start of the Republic. It would finally slay what James Madison called the "monster" lurking in our political and legal systems for centuries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Española de Derecho Constitucional is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses two books that contribute to the study of ballads in early modern England and Europe. Patricia Fumerton's book focuses on the intermediality of early modern ballads and explores their multifaceted nature. Una McIlvenna's book examines execution ballads across five languages and 400 years, highlighting the emotional effects of these songs on both the singer and the listener. Both books emphasize the importance of understanding ballads as a form of performance and explore the connections between music, words, and emotions. The article acknowledges that not all readers may agree with the authors' findings, but praises their depth of knowledge and theoretical approaches. [Extracted from the article]

When are human rights defenders at risk of being killed? Echoing research on journalist killings, we argue that a democratic context makes it easier for human rights defenders to operate and incentivizes them to continue activities and to pursue information that puts them at risk. De jure protections that defenders have may not be enforced or may not protect defenders from bad actors engaging in politically motivated murder. These factors make human rights defenders more likely to be killed by actors trying to avoid the spotlight and exposure in democratic systems than in other types of regimes. Autocratic regimes provide fewer opportunities to freely advocate for human rights and to pursue or disseminate information about human rights violations by state or non-state actors, reducing the likelihood of defender mortality. Using two new sets of cross-national data on the number of killings of human rights defenders between 1997 and 2010 and from 2014 to 2020, we find that these arguments are generally supported when controlling for other factors that affect the killing of human rights defenders, particularly in democracies with lower state capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In post-conflict democracies with a recent past of intrastate violence and social fracture, depictions of the nation's history play a role in efforts toward reconciliation. Public institutions act as agents in constructing the narrative of the country's traumatic past, thus controlling public display of trauma and determining what is deemed essential to remember and what is not. In the case of contemporary Spain, the politics of oblivion normalized during the Transition produced an absence of democratic memory in Spanish education. This contribution examines the pedagogical possibilities of Spanish concentration camps, namely the concentration camp at Castuera (Badajoz), where the Asociación Memorial Campo de Concentración de Castuera (AMECADEC) has been working on the implementation of educational visits and the development of didactic guides. As with many other Spanish concentration camps, Castuera displays a lack of architectural remains, which poses a challenge to the concept of "ruins". The activities developed by AMECADEC propose an alternative articulation of pedagogy and trauma, based on the educational possibilities of ruins and their political and material absences. As such, these activities offer an example of how to engage the processes of symbolization and memory intervention needed to create new historical narratives about Spain's current democracy, challenging the Culture of the Transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines two cinematic scenes of dystopia from the period of Spain's so-called democratic disenchantment in Abre los ojos (Amenábar 1997) and El día de la bestia (De la Iglesia 1995). As the euphoric scene for the movida madrileña, in the 1980s Spain's capital was largely depicted as a symbol of transition and progress, a center for the cultural production of the country's post-dictatorship cultural effervescence. However, this article turns to interrogate a far more pessimistic vision of Spain's capital in the 1990s, as De la Iglesia and Amenábar's films reveal a darker, more dystopian view of the city's streets. Released only two years apart, both films set their most crucial exterior sequences in the same two locations: Madrid's Gran Vía and the postmodern business development at the north end of the Paseo de la Castellana. Both films present these areas as desolate and degraded cityscapes in a way that evokes the iconography of ruins, setting an alienating scene of loss and foreclosure. Through a theoretical engagement with ruins, I argue that these urban scenes of collapse and catastrophe suggest the non-arrival of the democratic promise brought by Spain's Transition and prefigure a ruin of the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do individuals' network selection decisions create unique network structures? Despite broad sociological interest in the micro-level social interactions that create macro-level network structure, few methods are available to statistically evaluate micro-macro relationships in social networks. This study introduces a general methodological framework for testing the effect of (micro) network selection processes, such as homophily, reciprocity, or preferential attachment, on unique (macro) network structures, such as segregation, clustering, or brokerage. The approach uses estimates from a statistical network model to decompose the contributions of each parameter to a node, subgraph, or global network statistic specified by the researcher. A flexible parametric algorithm is introduced to estimate variances, confidence intervals, and p values. Prior micro-macro network methods can be regarded as special cases of the general framework. Extensions to hypothetical network interventions, joint parameter tests, and longitudinal and multilevel network data are discussed. An example is provided analyzing the micro foundations of political segregation in a crime policy collaboration network. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The scholarship on crimes of the powerful encompasses a critical examination of social harms, and crimes perpetrated by privately or publicly operated businesses and corporations, the state, international organizations, elites, as well as the state‐mediated administrative and political responses to these crimes. Going beyond state‐centric definitions of crime and deviance, this scholarship emphasizes studying power and the harmful and criminogenic operations of the neoliberal‐capitalism. However, this scholarship has overlooked the systemic examination of these crimes in the Global South, Latin America and the Caribbean, and their impact on racialized, gendered, and other marginalized communities. This article aims to contribute to this scholarship by providing an overview of the current developments in the scholarship on crimes of the powerful and proposing some future research areas for Latin America and the Caribbean. Thus, the article aims to demonstrate that the Latin American and Caribbean experiences with crimes of the powerful can expand our understanding of the social harms generated by powerful organizations and actors and magnify the analytical and methodological reach of this critical scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The law of treason has been criticised for being based on 'outdated' statutes which are inflexible and unsuitable for modern needs. However, a historical examination of the evolution of treason in Britain and its empire suggests that the law was often adaptable. In nineteenth century England, jurists wished to rein in older constructive treasons, to leave the 1351 Act as the appropriate law for wartime treasons, while the more lenient 1848 Act was to be used against 'political' conspiracies to subvert the state by force. However, the 'constructive' treasons remained part of the law, and were given new life in imperial contexts. In Ireland and Canada, the idea that plotting the king's 'political' death was treason remained central to understandings of the 1351 Act. In India, the interpretation of the provision of the penal code against 'waging war' against the government was influenced by old English ideas of 'constructive' treason and used against those who challenged British rule. Imperial understandings of treason were also shaped by cases arising out of the Boer war, where the underlying law was Roman‐Dutch law. Rather than being restrictive and unable to adapt to modern needs, the law of treason was flexible and malleable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of URVIO - Revista Latinoamericana de Seguridad Ciudadana is the property of FLACSO - Ecuador (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Universitatis George Bacovia. Juridica is the property of George Bacovia University, Faculty of Sciences Economics, Juridical & Administrative and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Universitatis George Bacovia. Juridica is the property of George Bacovia University, Faculty of Sciences Economics, Juridical & Administrative and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Colonial police arrested tens of thousands of Kenyans in the 1930s for minor offenses—a dramatic increase from the 1920s—as the state sought to stabilize profitability for European capital. For the first time in a colony of perennial labor shortages, the Great Depression brought persistent unemployment. This pushed down wages and buttressed capital's flailing profitability. Yet unemployed young African men threatened Kenya's white society, from fears of petty crime and political organizing to delegitimizing imperial propaganda's central claim of "industrious uplift." Seeking to insulate white society from its threats, the state spatially controlled unemployment through arrest of these men in the White Highlands—usually on thin premises—followed by their repatriation to the Native Reserves. To simultaneously preserve the benefits of unemployment to colonial capital, the emergent apparatus kept the unemployed attached to the labor force through labor recruiting, carceral throughput, and fallback position calibration. Thus, low wages and recovering international demand meant that colonial capitalists claimed an increasing share of a growing product. State intervention in Kenya buoyed colonial capitalism through the Depression by further squeezing, harassing, and immiserating workers. This contrast with Depression-era intervention in capitalist core countries frames a distinct reading of the Keynesian turn from the disarticulated colonial periphery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the history, text, and historical use by federal prosecutors of the seditious conspiracy statute in the U.S. Topics discussed include four noteworthy seditious conspiracy trials, challenges that defendants-appellants have raised regarding the constitutionality of the statute, and practical application of the otherwise dated practice of prosecuting seditious conspiracy.

In continuation of a previous survey published in 2021 in Perspectives on Terrorism, a new survey exploring the state of [counter-]terrorism research, resulted in 50 responses from researchers and directors of think tanks, centres, institutes and programmes in the field of terrorism studies. We had asked them ten topical questions that are both research- and policyorientated, based on suggestions we had earlier received from researchers in the field. The responses to the questionnaire are reproduced in this Research Note in italics, supplemented by our comments on the achievements and challenges presently facing terrorism and violent extremism studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Raymond Kwun-Sun Lau's book, "Responding to Mass Atrocities in Africa: Protection First and Justice Later," explores the tension between the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and the International Criminal Court (ICC) in the context of mass atrocities in Africa. Lau argues that in the face of mass atrocities, the international response should prioritize the protection of populations at risk over the pursuit of accountability for perpetrators. However, Lau emphasizes that justice is still important and that the sequencing approach of "Protection First, Justice Later" is necessary to achieve consistency and effectiveness in implementing R2P. The book examines case studies from northern Uganda, Darfur, and Kenya, but could have included other regions and discussed the African Union's intervention mechanism. Lau's work contributes to the discussion on how to effectively deter potential perpetrators and prevent mass atrocities in Africa by addressing political and economic empowerment, discriminatory practices, and compliance with human rights and international humanitarian law obligations. [Extracted from the article]

This article analyses the use of the concept of social contracts in Swedish political debate. The material consists of 1287 articles published in twelve Swedish newspapers from 2000 to 2020, and 124 parliamentary motions, analyzed through quantitative and qualitative content analysis. The results show that the use of the concept increased significantly during the period, with a peak in 2018, an election year. The concept can be used to almost any political end, supporting parties’ traditional ideological positions, but the increased use follows a general increase in political focus on crime and immigration. Conservatives use the concept to argue for tougher policies toward criminals, lower taxes, and a stricter welfare system, while social democrats argue for more focus on the welfare state and building a stronger sense of community. It is concluded that the social contract is a relatively neutral political weapon that can be used with different ideological ammunition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Francisco Laresgoiti's film "2033," focusing on its portrayal of cyborg oppression, biopolitics, and reactionary themes. Topics covered include the film's exploration of cyborg oppression, its engagement with philosophical concepts from Agamben, and its controversial treatment of necropolitics and biopolitics in a dystopian future.

In spring 1879, news reached the Russian Ministry of Education that students from several Real Schools in the Russian Empire's western provinces were planning to send a coordinated petition to the Minister of Education, asking for permission to enroll in university. The petition initiative was arranged in secrecy and involved more than a dozen schools from Odessa in the south to St. Petersburg in the north. Drawing on materials from several archives, this article traces the evolution of the petition initiative and addresses three main questions. First, the article demonstrates that the petition initiative was understood by students and officials alike as a severe breach of school discipline, but not a political crime, and it explains how and why the initiative is representative of the limited yet distinctive space of legitimation created by the authorities for non‐radical student activism. Second, it contextualizes the petition initiative against the backdrop of the discussion on civil activism in Russia, highlighting how secondary students were influenced and inspired by the contemporary public discourse and the idea of public activism. Finally, the article analyzes the internal social mechanisms of the petition initiative, demonstrating how it combined local self‐organization with imperial networking, mobility, and imagination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I have often used my editorial introductions to say something about current events and share my perspectives on the implications for public administration practice and research. While the politics/administration dichotomy has been well-refuted (Pandey et al., [7]), that should not provide agencies with carte blanche to dabble in politics with intentionality. The effort, titled, "Harnessing the evolutionary advantage of emergent PM regimes: Strengthening accountability for challenges of modern public administration and governance", resulted in five research articles that are discussed in our editorial introduction to the symposium. Empowered, emboldened, and entrepreneurial managers and administrators changing the trajectory of our government, governance, and the plight of the governed. [Extracted from the article]

"Schattenwelten: Österreichs Geheimdienstchef erzählt" is a memoir written by Gert R. Polli, the former director of Austria's domestic intelligence service. The book provides insights into Polli's career in intelligence, including his time at the Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz und Terrorismusbekämpfung (BVT) and the Heeresnachrichtenamt (HNaA). However, the book lacks a clear structure and fails to provide in-depth information or analysis. It also uses a strange approach to anonymize individuals involved, which adds to the confusion. Overall, the book may not be of significant interest to general or informed audiences, and there are likely more beneficial works available for scholars interested in intelligence in Austria. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the emerging issues in terrorism studies and their significance in informing policy and decision makers. It highlights the nexus between organized crime and terrorist groups, the concept of anti-government extremism, the exploitation of children by terrorist groups, the role of non-state actors in counter-radicalization, and the international efforts to combat terrorism in a pandemic environment. The authors argue for an interdisciplinary approach in terrorism studies and acknowledge that there are many other current issues in the field that were not covered in the book. [Extracted from the article]

This article arises as a product of updating and deepening the teaching activity in the area of Public International Law. The main objective is to describe the legal-political regulation for armed actors, legal and illegal, in the Colombian and demarcated territory in the context relative to the year 2021. The methodology obeys a descriptive investigation that is supported by the collection of information from secondary sources through the technique of webmining or electronic mining, using qualitative research techniques, framed in the scope of the Final Peace Agreement between the Farc-Ep and the Colombian State. It explores the areas of military privileges, amnesties for crimes considered political, and the transits of ordinary justice in exceptional frameworks of political conjunctures for the achievement of peace-building scenarios. The main results are classified in the regulation for legal and illegal armed actors and as a main conclusion, the difficulties of the imperative application of contemporary international regulations are put forward, given the custom acquired by international society within the classic scenario of international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study briefly touched on the crimes excluded from the extradition process in accordance with national legislation and some international conventions, so that there is almost international consensus on this exception based on the texts contained in those national legislations and international conventions concerned with some international crimes, which indicated that these crimes are not extradited as an exception. We see that they are crimes in which the exception should not have remained extended during the past centuries and until now, given the similar atrocities and brutalities towards human beings and their rights, after this exception had its logical reasons in the past, but now many crimes have been committed by politicians And the military leaders who took advantage of this exception, and therefore the time has come for there to be national and international reviews in the legislation that prohibits this extradition, so that the criminal gets the punishment he deserves. Guarantees can be put in place to ensure respect for human rights, whether for the accused as innocent until proven guilty or for the affected victims, and as long as states show their good intentions, the issue of considering canceling this exception or easing some restrictions regarding the extradition process will have positive consequences for the local and international community as a whole. This is what the International Law Committee of the United Nations General Assembly should do in order for the rules that it will come up with to start amending the international agreements that prohibit this extradition to the national rules of the member states, so that these obstacles can be overcome if there are sincere intentions on the part of the states and that To fight crime wherever it occurs, especially since the impact of crime has become a threat to everyone, after the whole world, thanks to technology, has become a miniature village. Unfortunately, the major countries still take advantage of this exception because they realize that committing these crimes does not occur within their borders, but rather within the borders of third world countries that do not enjoy any democratic systems, as these ruling leaders in third world countries come based on the desires of the major countries that later give them an opportunity Surviving with their actions and without taking any responsibility when they flee to it. This study aimed to identify the reality of these international crimes that are excluded from the extradition process, as well as to identify the rules of international and national law that emphasize this exception. Politics and the military and had negative effects on the international community as a whole. Therefore, the researcher recommends that the United Nations consider with responsibility the effects caused by these crimes on human rights and the society in which he lives, and contribute to the abolition of the exception provided for every criminal to receive his punishment without mercy, while putting in place adequate guarantees to respect and guarantee the rights of the accused and those affected by these crimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article challenges the negative perception of conspiracy theories and argues that the problem lies with the term "conspiracy theory" itself. It suggests that conspiracy theories are not inherently false or irrational and that the use of pejorative language stigmatizes individuals who hold such beliefs, potentially silencing legitimate concerns and allowing actual conspiracies to thrive. The author emphasizes the need for a reevaluation of the term and its impact on public discourse.

Crime fiction was introduced to the Greek reading public at an early period, first through the translation of works of Émile Gaboriau (1878) and later through the works of Arthur Conan Doyle from 1905 onward. Their effect can be seen in the first Greek crime fiction novel, by an anonymous writer, serialized in 1913 in the periodical Hellas, entitled Sherlock Holmes Saving Mr. Venizelos, who was the Greek Prime Minister of the time. The novel, that takes place in London, is a hybrid of a political and a crime fiction novel, using Doyle's forensic methods and electrical devices for its resolution. In this paper we will try to see how far this Greek by-product of the Holmes tradition follows the scientific approach of the original Doyle works, using his forensic methods as well as technological inventions of the time to solve the case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In May 1916, Spaniard Augusto Ibáñez Serrano and Mexican Amador Cárdenas were arrested in Mexico City and immediately imprisoned in the Lecumberri Penitentiary. Accused of collaborating with General Félix Díaz, one of the military enemies of the carrancista constitutionalism. For incurring a political crime of rebellion, the Public Ministry requested for them the death penalty. In this context, marked by the strong military tensions in that revolutionary Mexico, the objective of this article is to recover the testimonies of both inmates from inside Lecumberri, as well as their families and friends, in order to reflect the harsh living conditions they had to suffer in that prison, which became one of the emblematic prisons of the Mexican Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In early 2021, the Indonesian Coordinating Minister for Politics, Law and Security, Mahfud M D, made a statement that all armed actions in West Papua carried out by individuals or groups with the aim of liberating themselves are 'acts of terrorism'. This was the moment when the Indonesian government formally labelled the Free West Papua Movement as 'terrorist suspects' and 'terrorist organisations'. Indonesian online media responded by providing extensive coverage of Mahfud MD's statement and the excesses after this statement. Indonesian online media tend to use the term 'terrorist' in their reporting to label 'separatist' West Papua movements, those seeking independence or self-determination. The term 'terrorist' replaces Armed Criminal Group--Kelompok Kriminal Bersenjata (KKB). This study shows how six Indonesian mass media organisations frame cases of labelling terrorists against West Papuan pro-independence groups. This study, using quantitative framing analysis, examines framing conducted by six national online media which are dominant in Indonesia and have the most audience share: Okezone, Detik, Kompas.com, Tribunnews, CNN Indonesia and Tirto. This study also elaborates the experiences and perceptions of journalists who write on the issue of West Papua, particularly in terms of labelling West Papuan 'separatist' groups as 'terrorists' by the government and how the media frames West Papua. The findings of this study show that the media tend to only be a 'loudspeaker' for the government, use all discourses issued by the government, and even participate in using the term terrorist to replace the KKB. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1867 a Polish refugee in France, Anton Berezowski, tried to assassinate Emperor Alexander II when he visited Paris for the Great Exposition. Berezowski was tried for premeditated homicide and was defended by a prominent republican advocate who had a history of defending political crimes, Emmanuel Arago. In his pleading for the defense, Arago spun the attempted assassination as a political crime by invoking anti-Russian and anti-Orthodox motifs that had become commonplace in French public discourse. He portrayed Russia as the persecutor of martyred Poland, the tsar as the pope of the Russian Church and practically a self-proclaimed deity, and Berezowski's family as victims of tsarist religious persecution. Without legitimizing assassination, Arago used religious discourses to portray Berezowski as a misguided but devout Polish patriot. On the whole, Berezowski's trial represented a symbolic and moral trial of Russia in the court of public opinion for its treatment of Poland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The legacy of legal-political ideologists is seldom used as an element of argumentation in court. The situation is different in proceedings focussing on political crimes, in particular, the trials taking place in disruptive moments of history. One of such moments was the period after Poland regained independence, when the Soviet Union posed not only a military threat, but also one of doctrinal influence. The objective of the paper was to verify the hypothesis that the trial of communists which took place in Lwów in late 1922 / early 1923 (known as the St. Jura trial) was significant not only in terms of its legal-criminal aspects, but was also important from a historical and doctrinal perspective. The verification of the hypothesis was based on the analysis of court speeches, especially their elements including references to the legacy of legal-political ideas. Additionally, the paper presents legal-political ideas as highly argumentative material that may be, and perhaps should be, used in legal practice today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Justicia (0124-7441) is the property of Universidad Simon Bolivar and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Derecho UNED is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article offers information on the concept of alethic nihilism, which argues that nothing is true. The author presents arguments for alethic nihilism based on paradoxes such as the Liar and Curry paradoxes and defends the view against objections. They also discuss the compatibility of alethic nihilism with deflationism about truth and argue that deflationists should also embrace nihilism due to the expressive role of truth-talk.

Amnesty continues several of the social justice themes of precarity and subalternity (at times, a violent subaltern agency) of Aravind Adiga's fiction, and its literary narrative centres again on criminal acts and the moral dilemma the protagonist faces over whether to report a murder and expose his illegality to do "the right thing." Offering a postcolonial reading of Amnesty supported by concepts from migration, citizenship, and human rights studies, this essay discusses the novel's representation of the inhospitable conditions experienced by migrants victimized by the precarity of their status, whether discursively categorized as illegal, irregular, undocumented, unauthorized, or unlawful; by the consequent exploitations and abuse without recourse to justice; and by the suspension of their human rights. The theme of illegality is approached in Adiga's narrative from a more radical perspective of liminality – the state of "legal liminality" in which irregular migrants find themselves when longing to belong in the host country, or at least be legalized, while gripped and besieged by myriad daily fears and anxieties that their legal status will be discovered, compounded by a resolute refusal to leave the host country. Adiga forces this theoretical question of legal liminality to an extreme by presenting a protagonist who, as an irregular migrant, has committed the political crime of illegally overstaying in the host country. The central question of amnesty is raised when the protagonist faces the dilemma of stepping up to civic responsibilities without having been conceded participatory rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]