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The proposal rehearses an analysis from the category of parrhesia developed by Foucault in terms of the acts of political denunciation that occurred in conflicts over the government of land in Latin America. It is a bet that, assuming the distances of time and context, attempts a temporal retreat of the notion, focusing on the danger assumed by those who speak frankly in the midst of disputes that confront a governmentality of extractivist type with ways of life whose relationship with the land supports a different truth. In effect, parrhesia elaborates a contract of meaning between the right to speak and participation in a political conjuncture; between discourse and a community that harbors the dangerous exercise of freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the symbiotic relationship between Latin literature and Roman rhetoric. It discusses a historical debate between Howell and Burke about the nature of rhetoric as a discipline, with Howell arguing for a non-mimetic approach and Burke arguing that all symbolic acts should be considered rhetoric. The article also highlights the broader perspectives on rhetoric that have emerged in recent years, including the recognition of global rhetorics and the study of material rhetoric. It emphasizes the need for researchers to adopt new analytical methodologies and collaborate across disciplines to gain a more accurate understanding of the relationship between literature and rhetoric. [Extracted from the article]

Axel Honneth's book, "The Poverty of Our Freedom," argues that our understanding of freedom is lacking and that modern society's failure to fulfill the promises of social liberty leads to societal fragmentation. The book consists of thirteen essays that challenge this normative crisis and expand on Honneth's vision of social freedom. Honneth engages with philosophers such as Hegel and Marx to argue that freedom is only possible in relation to others in the social sphere. The book emphasizes the importance of recognition, respect, and solidarity in reimagining freedom as a collective endeavor. [Extracted from the article]

Most linguistic studies of political speaking in the field of critical discourse analysis tend to focus on speeches delivered by prominent politicians either in a domestic party-political setting or in the international arena. Less attention has been afforded to speeches by civil rights activists and campaigners for other progressive causes. To fill this gap, the present paper focuses on political speaking occurring outside of the party-political setting. The data comprises 120 American activist speeches from the years 1808–2016. The analysis focuses on the construction of ingroups and outgroups, and whether the use of personal pronouns is affected by the type of audience. The frequency trends bring forth new information about the referential complexity of pronouns within individual speeches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This summary is about a collection of articles that examine the concept of discursive democratisation from different angles. The articles explore various aspects of democratisation, including colloquialisation, power dynamics in language use, and how political figures are represented in discourse. The studies use corpus-based methods to analyze linguistic changes over time and shed light on the connection between language and historical events. The authors stress the significance of considering sub-registers and conducting contextual analyses in corpus-pragmatic research. They also emphasize the importance of interdisciplinary collaboration and the establishment of best practices in this field. [Extracted from the article]

In this paper, a stylistic approach has been used to investigate the linguistic features of President Joe Biden's inauguration political speech. Special importance is given to its linguistic characteristics that affect the structure of the selected political speech. This paper is an attempt to highlight the political language of Biden's political speech. The aim is to seek out how political speeches are packaged to persuade citizens and readers and how stylistic analytical tools assist readers in interpreting the language of Biden in the selected speech. The data has been collected from Time Magazine. The data selection is restricted to Biden's inauguration political speech and has been chosen based on certain foregrounding features that indicate a powerful stylistic effect on readers. The qualitative method has been used to analyze the selected data. In the analysis, some linguistic features, such as graphological, syntactic, grammatical deviations, transitivity, and modality have been used to investigate the style of the selected speech to reveal persuasion. The findings show that Biden's inauguration political speech achieves power, and persuasion through the use of certain stylistic features including lexical and grammatical categories such as abstract nouns, personal pronouns, mental processes, and certain modal auxiliaries. It is concluded that the lexical items that Biden uses are crucial in passing his message to his nation. However, the tendency to use distinctive foregrounding features in the consistent repetition of lexical items and sentence structures are stylistic technique used by Biden for the sake of persuasion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Philosophers have studied various ways in which things can be said implicitly, and how this can be exploited in both derogatory and political speech. The present paper follows this tradition by focussing on a linguistic phenomenon which has so far received little attention from philosophers, i.e. (linguistic) false friends. In linguistics, false friends are understood as bilingual homographs or homophones which differ (significantly) in some kind of conventional linguistic meaning. We will argue that such false friends can be used for (political) dogwhistling. Hence, by providing a better understanding of the linguistic phenomenon of false friends, the present paper aims to provide a better understanding of dogwhistling, possibly opening up new ways of preventing or at least containing the negative consequences of these speech acts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Politicians use political value rhetoric to win elections or persuade constituents towards policy positions, but the effectiveness of this rhetoric is unclear. I argue that partisan forces constrain the effectiveness of this rhetoric and that this constraint is conditional based on the value evoked and the match between the politician's and message recipient's partisanship. To examine this, I conduct a survey experiment with a diverse U.S. national population and show that politicians' value rhetoric is disproportionately evaluated based on the value evoked as well as whether the politician is in-party or out-party: in-party politicians are punished—and out-party politicians rewarded—for trespassing on the other party's values. I then use individual-level variables to examine what drives this result, finding that both party-congruent value endorsements and affective polarization levels moderate the asymmetric responses to political value trespassing. Lastly, I replicate this experiment and reproduce the same findings. The results speak to political values, the effectiveness of political rhetoric, party betrayal signaling, and the true object of out-party distaste, which seems to be more about the party than the party member. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Whitlam Labor government (1972–75) is remembered for ushering in a new era in Indigenous affairs, with the move to "self‐determination", abandoning the longstanding insistence on "assimilation". The new government intended to deploy the Commonwealth's new legislative power established in the 1967 constitutional referendum to bring in a range of reforms, responding to consistent demands from Indigenous leaders, activists, and supporters through the previous decade. Whitlam's campaign speech promised anti‐discrimination legislation, provisions to allow Aboriginal communities to incorporate, and legislation of a system of land tenure. The government faced considerable political obstacles, ultimately curbing the ambitious reform agenda. Nevertheless, these initial efforts to conceptualise representation, recognition, and compensation laid important foundations for the current public debate about "Voice, Treaty, Truth", following the Uluru Statement from the Heart. This paper explores self‐determination through the path‐breaking work of the Woodward Aboriginal Land Rights Commission and the establishment of well‐resourced land councils as authoritative and legitimate representatives of Aboriginal people in the Northern Territory. The Whitlam government's willingness to experiment with power‐sharing in the sensitive area of land ownership provided a valuable prototype for genuine engagement with First Nations people today, as Australia contemplates the failure of the constitutional referendum around a Voice to parliament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines how public health issues were communicated during the 2020 US presidential campaign, particularly those concerning the global COVID‐19 pandemic. Using content analysis, we examined the available campaign speeches of the two major candidates, Donald Trump and Joseph R. Biden. We examined how the candidates discussed the COVID‐19 pandemic and vital areas of public health in those speeches. Analysis of these speeches found little discussion on healthcare in general and little to no discussion on the vital areas of public health. We also found that COVID‐19 statements were not as prevalent as we anticipated, given the unprecedented scope of the pandemic. Even during a pandemic, public health matters received very little attention during a Presidential campaign. Public health topics accounted for less than 1% of the content in candidates' official speeches. Given that elites help increase knowledge of public health concerns and influence policy, the lack of attention given to the pandemic in the 2020 general election cycle is surprising, if not alarming. Key points: The language used by US presidential candidates and other political elites can have an effect on health policy, health outcomes, and public health.During the 2020 US presidential election, Donald Trump and Joseph R. Biden paid little attention to public health issues in their campaign speeches.Political elites can help increase public awareness regarding health issues. The minimal discussion of health issues during the 2020 US presidential campaign is surprising and alarming for public health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the concept of fair value of voting rights in a just liberal democratic society, with a focus on equal political liberty and unencumbered access to the ballot. The author criticizes restrictive voter ID laws and argues that societies committed to equality should make it easier, not harder, for citizens to vote. The historical context of voting rights in the United States, particularly for black citizens, is highlighted, emphasizing the need to guarantee fair value through unencumbered access. The article also discusses the varying opinions of Supreme Court Justices on voting rights and the disproportionate impact of voter ID laws on marginalized communities. The author asserts that the burden should be on states to justify making voting more difficult and emphasizes the importance of equal participation in the political process. [Extracted from the article]

In this essay I identify a type of linguistic phenomenon new to feminist philosophy of language: biased evaluative descriptions. Biased evaluative descriptions are descriptions whose well-intended positive surface meanings are inflected with implicitly biased content. Biased evaluative descriptions are characterized by three main features: (1) they have roots in implicit bias or benevolent sexism, (2) their application is counterfactually unstable across dominant and subordinate social groups, and (3) they encode stereotypes. After giving several different kinds of examples of biased evaluative descriptions, I distinguish them from similar linguistic concepts, including backhanded compliments, slurs, insults, epithets, pejoratives, and dog whistles. I suggest that the traditional framework of Gricean implicature cannot account for biased evaluative descriptions. I discuss some challenges to the distinctiveness and evaluability of biased evaluative descriptions, including intersectional social identities. I conclude by discussing their social significance and moral status. Identifying biased evaluative descriptions is important for a variety of social contexts, from the very general and broad (political speeches) to the very particular and small (bias in academic hiring). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of BSU International Journal of Humanities & Social Sciences is the property of Beni Suef University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Within a timespan of a few years, regulatory sandboxes, a novel initiative for testing fintech innovations, have spread to financial conduct authorities across the world. We study the discursive diffusion of this regulatory innovation as evidence of a broader reconfiguration of relations between the financial sector and its regulators. To do so, we analyse media articles, policy documents, and political speeches, identifying the logics and arguments used to diffuse rhetorical sandboxes. Based on the initial mapping, we detail the anatomy of three national arguments, showing how the underlying rationales for establishing sandboxes are variously reproduced across the contexts of the UK, Singapore, and Denmark. In each case, we find, innovation is posited as a driver of competition, which, in turn, leads to economic growth. Through regulatory sandboxes, financial regulators are becoming actively involved in the promotion of innovation and, hence, continue to rely on and reproduce the exhausted promissory legitimacy of neoliberalism. Whilst appearing to depoliticize the field of finance, the assumption that regulators should be 'open for business' is in itself political; as such, we argue, it needs to be approached more critically, which becomes possible by shifting the analytical focus from discursive diffusion to rhetorical struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Alsun Beni-suef International Journal of Linguistics, Translation & Literature / Mağallaẗ Kulliyyaẗ Alsun Banī Swaīf Al-Dawliyyaẗ Li Luġawīyāt wa Al-Tarğamaẗ wa Al-Adab is the property of Beni Suef University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While variation in the southern Peninsular Spanish affricate /tʃ/ has been considered in the context of deaffrication to [ʃ], this study examines an emergent variant [ts] in the context of sociolinguistic identity and style in political speech. Based on a corpus of public speech from Madrid and Andalusia, Spain, this study examines the phonetic and sociolinguistic characteristics of the affricate, finding variation in the quality of the frication portion of the segment through an analysis of segment duration (ms), the center of gravity (Hz), and a categorical identification of realization type. The results suggest that both linguistic variables, like phonetic environment, stress, lexical frequency, and following vowel formant height, as well as extralinguistic variables, like speaker city, gender, political affiliation, and speech context, condition use. Based on these findings, it appears that production of the alveolar affricate [ts] is an incipient sociolinguistic marker in the process of acquiring social meaning. It is particularly associated with female speech and prestige norms that transcend regional identification. This alveolar variant serves as an additional sociolinguistic resource accessible for identity development among politicians and offers insight into ongoing change in the affricate inventory of southern and northern-central Peninsular Spanish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

False and misleading political speech has become a fact of life in elections. On an intuitive level, politicians' willingness to use false and misleading political speech feels troubling. Many discussions of false and misleading political speech frame the issue as one of morality. But moral concerns alone fail to make a normative case for regulatory or legislative intervention. This Article attempts to make that normative case. False and misleading political speech inhibits, and even prohibits, the deliberation and discussion that both the United States Constitution and the United States Supreme Court have indicated are essential to American democracy. False and misleading political speech erodes the ability of voters to cast informed votes, meaning votes may no longer constitute voters' informed consent. In this way, false and misleading political speech strikes at the heart of the collective decision-making process that sits at the core of American democracy. Accordingly, regulatory intervention is justified. Such intervention could draw on consumer protection law, and the regulatory framework used in New Zealand, to regulate false and misleading political speech in a manner consistent with the First Amendment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of collective memory receives increasing attention in international relations. This burgeoning scholarship, however, mainly centres on its role as a strategic tool in foreign policy, binding it to national context. This research uses collective memory as an analytical framework to gauge identification processes at the international level. Specifically, we examine how states self-present themselves with various collective We's and against multiple others. Contingent upon exclusive biographical narratives, we show how states transform and present collective memories in ways that resonate with their particular identity combination. Using inductive comparative analysis of speeches delivered by heads of state of Germany, the United States, and Israel during United Nations General Assembly sessions (1991–2017), analysis demonstrates how states evoke the past to narrate who they are, as states. Expanding understanding regarding how historical events are utilised in foreign policy, findings illustrate the dynamic juggling process states perform with various elements of self. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The maiden speech – the first speech given by a newly elected member of parliament (MP) – is a tradition in many parliaments, a personalized rite of passage to political power. As ethnic minority MPs remain relative newcomers, the maiden speech is, for them, even more politically charged. How do ethnic minority MPs represent their identities in this transformative moment? Our data set includes 93 ethnic minority MPs who have held a seat in the Dutch parliament, covering 88 maiden speeches, spanning 11 cycles (1986–2023). The diachronic and intersectional analysis shows that the relation between descriptive, substantive and symbolic representation for historically marginalized groups fluctuates and is influenced by the political environment. The ‘firsts’ of a particular gender/ethnicity intersectional group are less likely to narrate a minority identity than non-firsts. Progressive party ideology influences the extent to which ethnic minority MPs emphasize an (intersectional) minoritized identity. Personal stories and family histories are often used to counter stereotypes, unmute silenced cultures and share values. The focus on the maiden speech as a political narrative sheds light on the blurry lines between substantive, symbolic and descriptive representation. The political narrative is a strategic tool for MPs from historically disadvantaged groups to represent collective identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Professional athletes increasingly use their popularity to speak out about political topics off and on the field. However, only few studies explore how audiences react to political speech in elite sports. Existing research has tended to focus on very few high-profile cases, usually in the United States, such as Colin Kaepernick's anthem protest. Going beyond single cases, this paper investigates factors that systematically influence public support for elite athletes' political activism. We integrated a vignette experiment into a survey of the German population (N = 1002). Using multi-level regression models, we analyze how public support for athlete's political acts varies with political topics, the specific political action carried out as well as the local reference of the issue in question. Moreover, we also compare the level of public support for political actions between athletes and non-athlete celebrities. Findings indicate that support is subject to conditions: Athletes receive more support when their critique refers to political topics abroad (as opposed to domestic topics) and when non-disruptive actions are chosen, for example, expressions of opinion instead of boycotts. The specific message has the strongest influence on support: actions and statements that express a progressive political claim for stricter environmental protection receive more support compared to a rather conservative claim for border security. Findings add to the state of knowledge by showing which forms of political activism meet with broad acceptance and which are likely to polarize audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We are living in what Professor Jonathan Turley calls an age of rage. However, it is not the first such period. Professor Turley explores how the United States was formed (and the Constitution was written) in precisely such a period. Throughout that history, sedition has been used as the vehicle for criminalizing political speech. This Article explores how seditious libel has evolved as a crime and how it is experiencing a type of American revival. The crime of sedition can be traced back to the infamous trials of the Star Chamber and the flawed view of free speech articulated by Sir William Blackstone. That view continues to resonate in "bad tendency" rationales for criminalizing what Professor Turley calls "rage rhetoric." An advocate for a broader theory of free speech, Professor Turley suggests that the United States should break this cycle and reject a crime that it is not only superfluous in many cases, but the product of the anti-free speech theories extending back to the seventeenth century. The elimination of the crime would fulfill what Professor Turley believes is the original and revolutionary view of free speech articulated by some figures at the start of the Republic. It would finally slay what James Madison called the "monster" lurking in our political and legal systems for centuries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a summary of recent contributions in the field of political and legal anthropology. It discusses themes such as war, violence, grassroots mobilizations, migration, gendered and queer citizenship, and multispecies politics. The article highlights various ethnographic accounts and books that explore these themes, including works on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the war in Ukraine, popular responses to state violence, struggles for Black citizenship in Latin America, and the experiences of migrants and refugees. The article aims to illuminate key thematic currents in contemporary research within the discipline, providing valuable resources for library patrons conducting research on these topics. [Extracted from the article]

Politically grappling with history is a constructive act, one that relies on context, structure, and agency, and is also directed at the forging of cultural coherence. In light of the growing transnationalization of commemoration practices, political actors not only rely on national past but also appeal to historical foreign events in political domestic speech. This research focuses on Israel as a case study for theoretical expansion of the political encounter with history and the experience of alterity. Qualitative analysis of Israeli political rhetoric since the 2000s demonstrates how Israeli prime ministers primarily rely on domestic collective memories; when used, events of others are intended to create a sense of shared experience through comparison. 'Importation for comparison' is thus the apparatus reflecting how Israeli prime ministers comply with current needs put forth by internal and external challenges in a globalized world. Contributing to the ongoing discussion regarding the nature of identity, this research underlines how referencing to events from abroad is one of the prominent ways in which national self is evaluated, discussed, and negotiated, thus providing a better understanding of how Israeli society imagines itself in relation to others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Index.Comunicación is the property of Index.comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article tells the story of the confidential, copyrighted pamphlet authored by statesman Alexander Hamilton aimed at unseating then U.S. President John Adams from the Federalist Party, but which was leaked to the political opposition during the 1800 election. Topics discussed include First Amendment protections for political speech, infringement or permitted political speech, and implications of Hamilton's copyrighted pamphlet for copyright doctrine and constitutional interpretation.

This study employed rhetorical discourse analysis to examine the rhetorical appeals employed by Sangguniang Kabataan chairperson candidates in their political campaign speeches. Thematic analysis was also used to identify the general themes drawn from the analyses. Gagich & Zickel's key linguistic characteristics served as a framework to identify linguistic characteristics present in the speeches of the selected candidates. Our focus, as researchers, centered on analyzing the rhetorical appeals present in ten campaign speeches delivered by SK chairperson candidates, originating from both urban and rural barangays in General Santos City, disseminated on the social media platform Facebook. Throughout the data collection process, our findings revealed that in urban barangays, pathos had the highest percentage, followed by logos, with ethos being the least utilized appeal. Conversely, in rural barangays, logos emerged as the predominant appeal, followed by pathos, while ethos remained the least utilized. Moreover, the linguistic characteristics of "elaboration", "emotion-laden vocabulary," and "credibility" surfaced as the most frequently employed. Distinct themes such as Credibility and Qualifications, and Youth Empowerment through Education were identified in the speeches. Based on the results of this study, we recommend that voters familiarize themselves with Aristotle's Rhetorical Triangle, which empowers them to analyze political discourse discerningly, distinguishing credibility, well-founded arguments, and appeals rooted in emotion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How does protest affect political speech? Protest is an important form of political claim-making, yet our understanding of its influence on how individual legislators communicate remains limited. Our paper thus extends a theoretical framework on protests as information about voter preferences, and evaluates it using crowd-sourced protest data from the 2017–2019 Fridays for Future protests in the UK. We combine these data with ~2.4m tweets from 553 legislators over this period and text data from ~150k parliamentary speech records. We find that local protests prompted MPs to speak more about the climate, but only online. These results demonstrate that protest can shape the timing and substance of political communication by individual elected representatives. They also highlight an important difference between legislators' offline and online speech, suggesting that more work is needed to understand how political strategies differ across these arenas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes Bernardo Vega's September 1962 campaign speech delivered in Caguas, Puerto Rico, to assess its potential to perform a decolonizing function. Vega was one of the top leaders of the Movimiento Pro Independencia (MPI) in Puerto Rico. This speech was one of several he made during a recruitment campaign for the MPI. The speech offers a window into the rhetorical style of independentistas in Puerto Rico. A discourse analysis of the speech provides a means to evaluate its potential to produce a decolonizing function, understood as a disposition to engage in anti-colonial political behavior. The paper finds that Vega's speech act failed to meet the conditions that might have made it a decolonizing tool because of its structure and, most importantly, due to a fundamental incongruence between text and context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text describes two anthologies on political narratives about Europe. The first volume analyzes speeches on European integration from the 1960s to the 1980s and shows a shift from enthusiasm to uncertainty. The second volume examines the relationships between the EU, Germany, and Turkey through narratives. The authors emphasize the importance of narratives for political behavior and note that the analysis of narratives has been neglected so far. Both anthologies provide a detailed analysis of political speeches and contribute to the research on European integration. [Extracted from the article]

Most scholarship on political rhetoric views it as an exercise in changing the minds of an audience. However, we see numerous examples of political speech aimed at those who already agree with the speaker, to motivate them to act on judgments they have already made. This kind of discourse is often dismissed as pandering, or the "red meat" rabble‐rousing that contributes to polarization. I draw upon Frederick Douglass to render a more complete account of this speech, which I term "hortatory rhetoric." Douglass draws upon the prophetic tradition of Black Christian preaching to develop an alternative for when persuasion has reached its limit. This kind of speech raises a set of normative difficulties that differ from those raised by the rhetoric of persuasion, which Douglass helps us to think through. He provides a framework for understanding when it might be permissible or even desirable to abandon persuasion for exhortation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the emergence and evolution of the "speech without doors" genre in seventeenth and eighteenth century England, highlighting its role in making parliamentary debates accessible to the public and reshaping political communication. It explores how this genre challenged the traditional boundaries of political discourse, particularly in relation to the privacy and secrecy of parliamentary deliberations, and examines the genre's various forms and influences over time.

Spousal immunity, a husband's exemption from the legal consequences of rape, was an English legal import that was comprehensively protected in the patriarchal colonial context of New Zealand. Spousal immunity was ended in New Zealand through the Rape Law Reform Bill No.2 (1985). Spousal immunity had existed for nearly 100 years within the legal system without challenge by legal professionals or politicians. During the reform process the vast majority of public submissions, political speeches and media coverage positioned the criminalisation of marital rape as the sensible and just thing to do. The relatively smooth passage of this significant legal reform seems incongruous with the clause's one-hundred-year history as a husband's protected and entrenched immunity. Spousal immunity provides a key example of legal and social change led by feminist action and knowledge. Feminists led change and politicians responded. This article explores how feminist legal change happens, by examining the conditions and tactics which led to the criminalisation of marital rape in 1980s New Zealand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is an interview conducted by Anna Paula Uziel, a professor at Rio de Janeiro State University, with Saulo Amorim, who was president of ABRAFH (Brazilian Association of Homotransafetive Families), about the history of the Association, its impact on the spread of these family configurations, and how it intersects with the interviewee’s fatherhood story. The different characters who make up this story speak about the political moment in the country, the incorporation of transparenthood into ABRAFH. and how it is becoming a space of sociability and comfort for those who practice non-hegemonic parenting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to examine the impact of hate speeches by political leaders on political behavior among private university students, with a focus on the mediating role of locus of control. Hate speeches by political leaders have become prevalent in public discourse, raising concerns about their impact on behavior so it is crucial to understand the relationship between variables for addressing the consequences of rhetoric in political domain. A quantitative research methodology was employed to collect the data from private universities students in Pakistan. Regression and Correlation test have been conducted by using the SPSS. Results have shown that there is no connection between hate speeches and political behavior but there is a positive correlation of hate speeches and political behavior with external locus of control and there is a strong negative association between internal locus of control and political behavior. The recommends a more comprehensive study by collecting a larger sample size to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the variables and their relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Jordanian Educational Journal is the property of Association of Arab Universities and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article focuses on instances of spoken communication which qualify commonly as "oratory" and which can be modelled within the socio-semiotic of "spoken and monologic". This includes both "podium oratory", as exemplified by political speeches delivered from a stage to an audience that is physically present, as well as forms of "digital oratory" which have developed via the digital interface, including videos posted to social media. The study proposes to model both types of oratory with respect to a range of multimodal and linguistic resources. The study notably explores spoken and monologic discourse in regard to grammatical intricacy and lexical density, the two types of information packaging which respectively inform prototypical speech and writing. Digital oratory reflects trends associated with the technologisation of discourse, and its underpinnings as socio-semiotic. The discussion also makes the case that systemic functional linguistics (SFL) theory, via its articulation between system and function, provides an ideal lens through which these activities can be modelled, as well as their social role and the symbolic power attached to them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main aim of this paper is to identify the anticipated political and social consequences for the security of Poland and its citizens due to the presence of hate speech in public discourse. A morphological method was used in the research. The paper consists of an introduction, three chapters and a conclusion. Introduction outlines the research problem and presents elements of research methodology. The second part provides examples of hate speech against refugees, migrants, national minorities, people with different culture, skin color, religion, while the third part characterizes attitudes and behaviors expressed in hate speech against LGBT people. The fourth part characterizes examples of hate language used in the political debate taking place in Poland. The conclusion summarizes the research results obtained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Quintilian defined the standard view of sarcasm, or verbal irony, as speech in which we comprehend something that is the complete opposite of what is said. However, This study aimed to investigate the pragmatic features of politically sensitive communication devoted to the events and issues surrounding the present-day Iraqi TV program disputes, which consist mostly of speech acts of offense and insult, frequently taking the form of sarcasm and irony. Also, it aimed to examine the roles of sarcasm and irony in politicians' and Iraqi party representatives' politicized communication. Furthermore, this study investigated why the speakers chose sarcasm to convey their thoughts, as well as why this method of communication was more effective than others. To achieve these aims, the data obtained from Balharf Alwahed, a TV show, by watching multiple episodes on YouTube that include journalists and their interviewees, was used to find out the function of sarcasm in political speeches and the role sarcasm plays in Iraqi TV shows. The findings revealed that sarcasm is an important method of criticism in television interviews. The interviewer deliberately used irony as a weapon to strike his guests with a smooth criticism that the guests would accept without any problems. Additionally, humor is one of the implicit means of provocation used by broadcasters to trace the emotions of the guest, which may lead to knowing the truth. Thus, humor is used by broadcasters with cunning and savvy, where the dialogue is knotted with an intelligence that is not very provocative to the guest but rather works to stir his feelings a little to reveal his political past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the complex and dynamic nature of subversive speech in contemporary public discourse, focusing on its impact on socio-cultural, political, and technological landscapes. It examines the interpretations made by the Indian judiciary concerning the importance of political dissent and the harms of subversive speech. It also highlights the delicate balance between freedom of expression and the societal imperative to prevent harm. Hate speech, a corrosive element in societal interactions, is examined for its potential to breed hate, perpetuate discrimination, and undermine the cohesive fabric of societies. Political dissent, a cornerstone of democratic engagement, is scrutinized for its potential transformation into subversion, which poses challenges to democratic governance. Satire, a potent tool for critiquing power structures, is analyzed for its cultural impact and the precarious line it draws between humor and harm, especially in the digital age. The paper also examines the amplifying influence of media and technology, mainly social media platforms, where subversive speech thrives due to algorithms prioritizing sensational content. The attention economy, fueled by algorithms and user preferences, is explored as a shaping force in the digital landscape, where provocative expressions garner attention at the expense of nuanced discourse. The digital age introduces new dimensions to these challenges, necessitating global collaboration and ethical frameworks that transcend geographical boundaries. Responsible subversion is introduced as a guiding paradigm involving strategies encompassing media literacy and education, dialogic engagement, legal and ethical guidelines, community empowerment, technological innovation, and global collaboration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Australia, the marriage-equality plebiscite of 2017 prompted significant debate over appropriate limits to free speech in the context of expressions of religious belief. This article reports on the results of a political discourse analysis of media coverage in prominent national newspapers from 2017 to 2021. Findings show the debate was dominated by three representations: discrimination against Christians, disagreement as rights abrogation, and the meaning of 'free speech' as unbridled and unlimited. These representations were deployed in an (ultimately unsuccessful) endeavour to override long-held views about the appropriate place of freedom of speech in Australian political culture and law, and to misrepresent the meaning and purpose of vilification laws. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, word length in the texts of public speeches by USA and UK politicians is analyzed. More than 300 speeches delivered over the past two hundred years were studied. It is found that the lognormal distribution better describes the distribution of word length than do the Weibull and Poisson distributions, for example. It is shown that the length of words does not change significantly over time (the average value either does not change or slightly decreases, and the mode slightly increases). These results are fundamentally different from those obtained previously for sentence lengths and indicate that, in terms of quantitative linguistic analysis, the word length in politicians' speech has not evolved over the last 200 years and does not obey the principle of least effort proposed by G. Zipf. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proffers an Afromodern analysis of black liberation, embodied in the Black Lives Matter movement. In doing so, it revisits the historical concept of barbarism as a critical modality for human silencing, in order to make sense of anti-black racism in our extant social order and its re-articulation through systematic discourses of black criminality. The essay explores two dialectically opposing modernities as having differentiated effects on the construction of the human being. Euromodernity barbarizes the black subject as a carceral being, absent political speech. Afromodernity, contrastingly, fashions the black subject as a communicative being endowed with political speech and as such, black politics becomes not a relic of barbarism, but in lieu, embodies a modern re-enactment of political society. The paper concludes that Black Lives Matter functions as an Afromodern displacement of Euromodern anti-black racism by contesting American democracy as a carceral apparatus to ensure a democratic revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The public sphere should be regulated so the distribution of political speech does not correlate with the distribution of income or wealth. A public sphere where people can fund any political speech from their private holdings is epistemically defective. The argument has four steps. First, if political speech is unregulated, the rich predictably contribute a disproportionate share. Second, wealth tends to correlate with substantive political perspectives. Third, greater quantities of speech by the rich can "drown out" the speech of the poor, because of citizens' limited attention span for politics. Finally, the normative problem with all this is that it reduces the diversity of arguments and evidence citizens become familiar with, reducing the quality of their political knowledge. The clearest implication of the argument is in favour of strict contribution limits and/or public funding for formal political campaigns, but it also has implications for more informal aspects of the public sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study delves into the role of image schemas in language with a specific focus on their presence in the construction of metaphors in political speeches delivered during the 2018 electoral campaigns in the Kurdistan Region, Iraq. Image schemas refer to recurring patterns of understanding that arise from our bodily movements through space. To achieve this, the study utilizes the Conceptual Metaphor Theory and Image-Schema Theory, which investigate the presence of image schemas in political discourse. The study centers on the PATH, CONTAINER and FORCE image schemas, examining their role in the formation of metaphors and how they structure the relationship between source domains (journey and container) and the target domain (politics). Precisely, the study examines how politicians conceptualize politics as a journey or container, identifying four structural elements that define this relationship. The research also considers the persuasive techniques employed by Kurdish politicians and how they impact voting patterns. Overall, the study shows that image schemas are an essential tool in gaining public support and influencing voters, and they work as source domains for accessing target domains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The announcement of one's candidacy for the presidency sets the stage for everything that will follow in the campaign. This study analyzes candidate announcements from the 2020 Democratic Party nomination for president and how each of the top six candidates branded themselves. The campaign announcement is the first opportunity to shape the brand of the candidate in a crowded field of candidates. Comparisons will be made between candidates with national name recognition and those who have yet to make a name for themselves on a national stage. For more well-known candidates, this address is meant to energize supporters and build momentum toward the nomination. Well-known candidates may be able to more clearly form a branding around policy positions. For the lesser-known candidates, it is a chance to introduce themselves to the nation and begin to build a following. These speakers may present a more personal narrative to brand themselves as an individual before presenting policy. A comparison will also be made between male and female candidates, including an analysis of gendered language in announcing their candidacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that spokespersons who claim to speak on behalf of a social group cannot escape the structural problem of delegation whereby speaking in someone's name entails speaking instead of someone. This form of delegated and authorised silencing through the promise of empowerment imposes symbolic violence on a group which recognises the spokesperson as a valid representative, without recognising its own potential disenfranchisement. I build on Pierre Bourdieu's sociological writings on language and symbolic power to theorise the trajectories of authorisation of spokespersons. In doing so, I critically engage with theories in International Relations which rely on a separation between speaker and audience to analyse the legitimation of political speech. Instead, I reformulate the speaker/audience relation through the concept of symbolic power and introduce the category of the spoken-for. When spokespersons struggle over symbolic power, they seek to impose social classificatory categories on social groups and spaces. I illustrate these dynamics in the context of human rights politics in Crimea, showing how various spokespersons are engaged in a symbolic struggle over 'authenticity' of their speech and the 'universal' of human rights. I conclude by suggesting new lines of inquiry to analyse creative strategies to mitigate the spokesperson problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]