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The article trace the development of Great Britain Labour Party. It mentions that British Labour Party made good use of the existing instruments of parliamentary politics to achieve socialism through the legislative route. It also mentions that in order to reinvigorate their electoral appeal, social democratic parties should become parties of values.

The article focuses on different approaches of Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) and a non-profit organization, Our Revolution. Topics include the launch of Our Revolution by Senator Bernie Sanders's 2016 presidential campaign and its transformation into a handful of state committees, several hundred local affiliates, and members for improvements in legislation such as Medicare for All; concern regarding DSA's members' meaningful involvement in party building; and DSA's no engagement with power struggles inside the Democratic Party and National Political Committee's support for Keith Ellison's chair campaign.

Scholars have long argued social diversity, and electoral institutions interactively shape party systems: diversity has little effect on the effective number of parties (ENP) in single member plurality (SMP) systems but increases ENP in proportional ones. We argue instead that where diversity is salient enough to generate demand for parties, it also hinders strategic coordination, preventing SMP rules from reducing the number of parties and producing a correlation between diversity and ENP. In contrast, non-salient forms of diversity have little impact regardless of institutional rules. We test this intuition using data from South Africa's municipal mixed-member system and explore its highly salient racial cleavage and less salient ethnic one. We find racial diversity correlates with ENP in SMP systems while ethnic diversity correlates with ENP in neither SMP nor proportional representation systems. Our study contributes to mounting evidence questioning the interactive hypothesis and points to the importance of the salience of social divisions in shaping party systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do Democratic women seek and hold office more frequently than Republican women? We use an original survey of donors to party campaign committees and women’s political action committees to answer this question. We theorize that the intense policy demanders in each party have built party cultures with substantively different orientations toward women’s political involvement. These cultures shape party elites’ behavior and influence responsiveness to a newly defined policy-demander group—women’s representation policy demanders (WRPDs)—whose primary goal is to increase women’s political representation. We reveal that Democratic elites’ political activity and financial contributions are significantly more motivated by WRPD concerns than are Republicans. We also show that WRPDs like EMILY’s List and Susan B. Anthony List are far more integrated into Democratic than Republican party coalitions. Thus, we reveal both the continued existence of distinct party cultures and the consequences of this distinction for women’s representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely believed that competitive elections are required for good democratic performance. Many races, however, see little electoral competition because of asymmetries in voters’ evaluation of candidates’ quality (due, e.g., to incumbency) and party labels (due, e.g., to ideology). We study the consequences of both types of imbalance in a unified theoretical framework building on the notion that voters are rationally ignorant and need to pay costly attention to learn about candidates. Our article rationalizes key empirical regularities such as the existence of large incumbency spending and electoral advantages or the heterogeneous effect of incumbency. Further, we highlight that properly accounting for voter attention is critical to interpreting empirical estimates of key determinants of electoral success, the sources of the incumbency advantage, and the causal effect of incumbency status. We also show that, while depressing electoral competition, imbalances nonetheless improve voter welfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Using evidence from Great Britain, the United States, Belgium and Spain, it is demonstrated in this article that in integrated and divided nations alike, citizens are more strongly attached to political parties than to the social groups that the parties represent. In all four nations, partisans discriminate against their opponents to a degree that exceeds discrimination against members of religious, linguistic, ethnic or regional out‐groups. This pattern holds even when social cleavages are intense and the basis for prolonged political conflict. Partisan animus is conditioned by ideological proximity; partisans are more distrusting of parties furthest from them in the ideological space. The effects of partisanship on trust are eroded when partisan and social ties collide. In closing, the article considers the reasons that give rise to the strength of ‘partyism’ in modern democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party-AK Party) defines its identity as a conservative democratic party whereas most of its founding members come from conservative Islamic backgrounds. The two most controversial subjects in Turkey have been the priority given to the Middle East and the composition of Turkish foreign policy's traditional approach in the last fifteen years since they came to power. AK Party has analyzed the alteration in the international system and tried to be a rising power in its region. However, the Arab Spring has led to a power gap and political instability in the Middle East where international relations are based on the balance of power. AK Party has tried to establish a field of dominance across Iran, which is the most powerful regional rival to be able to fill in this gap. However, the social events have become so unpredictable in Syria that not only regional powers but also non-regional powerful agents including Russia, USA, UK and France have involved in the problem. AK Party has tried to favor the transformation of Egypt and Syria by supporting the Sunni-Salafi groups. Thus, Turkey has become isolated in the region. The aim of this study is to analyze the background of the political ideology of AK Party's pragmatist policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When do political parties push for public investments in education, research, and infrastructure? Existing literature has mainly answered this question by pointing to parties’ state‒market ideology. In contrast, this article presents a novel argument highlighting the role of parties’ aspirations to office and their ambitions to maximize votes. It builds on the idea that investments not only constitute redistributive tools for politicians, but also work as public means to foster economic growth in the long run. This unique feature makes investments attractive for parties with high office and vote aspirations, because they anticipate government responsibility in the future and can use investments’ dispersed growth effects to appeal broadly to a large, heterogeneous pool of voters. Support for this claim is found through time-series cross-sectional analyses of party manifestos from 22 Western democracies between 1947 and 2013. Results also indicate that parties’ positions on the second social value dimension matter. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Purpose From a micro-macro perspective, the purpose of this paper is to analyze the welfare-related criteria reported by the heads of political parties’ youth wings in Mexico, the implicit and explicit religious beliefs that inform some of those criteria and the (Foucauldian) pastoral genealogy of both the criteria and beliefs.Design/methodology/approach The paper draws on qualitative data from semi-structured interviews with a group of 32 heads of three political parties’ youth wings in Mexico. The interpretation of the data builds on a previous genealogical analysis of Foucauldian pastoralism in colonial Mexico.Findings The respondents’ criteria on a state that should aim at procuring “material-spiritual” and “material-transcendental” types of well-being and politics as “help,” are partly informed by religious values. Such criteria and religious values have been partly constructed out of a pastoralism which was deployed during the Spanish colonial regime and included “temporal” and “spiritual” teleologies of government and the practice of charity as (self-)governmental technique.Originality/value The literature on welfare/social policies of Latin American countries like Mexico tends not to problematize issues of secularity other than the religions’ undesirable intrusions in the political field. Governmentality studies also tend to bypass Foucault’s discussion of pastoralism. An empirical study of the pastoral genealogy of contemporary political rationalities in a constitutionally secular country such as Mexico can prompt further research on the gaps above and comparative analyses of pastoral and welfare governmentalities across Latin American and other world regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper brings theoretical and empirical contributions to the scholarship on dimensions of politics in Europe. On the theoretical side it emphasizes the differences between Western and Eastern countries; we argue that while in Western Europe the main dimension of political conflict is the economic left-right, in Eastern Europe the main dimension is more likely to encompass cultural issues associated primarily with what in the Western literature is known as the secondary, social left-right. We trace the origin of the difference to the 1990s when parties in Eastern Europe chose to emphasize cultural issues to appeal to an electorate unfamiliar with capitalist economics and dissatisfied with the economic left associated with Communism and the economic right associated with painful reforms. To test this assertion we apply the Optimal Classification vote scaling method to an original dataset of over 24,000 votes from 22 European parliaments; the statistical tests support the hypothesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars’ attention to the concept of niche parties has greatly increased. While researchers agree that niche parties matter in a variety of ways, the definitions and measurements of such parties are manifold and an accordance remains yet to be found. I argue the given conceptualizations of niche parties (a) suffer from gaps between their measurements and theoretical concepts or (b) conceptual clarity. The theoretical concept I propose understands niche parties as (a) predominantly competing on niche market segments neglected by their competitors and (b) not discussing a broad range of these segments. By measuring exactly these two components in an additive index drawn from the MARPOR data, the validation shows that parties emphasizing niche segments differentiate themselves from their competitors also by using a condensed message on these segments. In particular, this component of party competition, the specialization of party offers, has not been studied in the literature on niche parties and should receive more attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature that explores the relationship between decentralisation and the structure of the party system has barely explored an important dimension of party integration, namely the degree of ideological cohesiveness among parliamentary elites. This paper purports to fill the literature gap by analysing heterogeneity in attitudes towards devolution among representatives from Spanish state-wide parties (the People’s Party (PP) and the Socialist Party (PSOE)). Drawing from a sample of 460 parliamentary elites, results show that within-party variation in preferences towards regional self-rule are accounted by the territorial cleavage (historical regions vs ordinary ones) as well as by an institutional cleavage, defined by the type of assembly – regional or national – in which representatives are elected. However, parties’ political and organisational trajectories moderate the impact of those cleavages: territory prevails in accounting for internal variation within the PSOE, whereas the institutional cleavage is more important to explain internal cohesiveness among PP’s party elites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do electoral systems and intra-party candidate selection procedures influence the degree to which parties act in unison? Whereas the theoretical literature is quite clear about the hypothetical effect of these institutions, empirical evidence is mixed. In this article, I solve the puzzle and theorize about the interactive effects of elections and selections on parties’ behavior. I argue that the effect of candidate selections depends on the electoral environment within which they operate. Specifically, in an electoral environment that creates incentives for candidate-centeredness, the less restrictive the selection method a party uses, the less unified its record; whereas in an electoral environment that emphasizes party-centeredness, the effect of selections on unity is more muted. Using the electoral reform and divergent selection mechanisms characterizing Israel during the last three decades and utilizing Rice Scores, I provide support for the conditional effect of electoral systems and selection procedures on party behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The popularity function literature has traditionally focused on incumbent government support, even under coalition governments. Here, we shift the focus from the government to the parties. To what extent are German parties held accountable for economic conditions when they hold the Chancellorship, serve in coalition, or sit in opposition? Using Seemingly Unrelated Regression to relax the Constant Economic Vote Restriction, we simultaneously model separate monthly party support functions for the Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU), Social Democrats (SPD), Liberals (FDP), and Greens over the post-unification period. After controlling for temporal dynamics and political factors, we find that economic evaluations have the strongest effect on support for the SPD and CDU/CSU when they hold the Chancellorship, and both of these parties are strongly affected when in opposition. The FDP remains insulated from economic perceptions, despite the party’s emphasis on economic policy. Additionally, economic evaluations do not significantly change support for the Greens as an issue party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When elections are free and fair, why do some political parties rule for prolonged periods of time? Most explanations for single-party dominance focus on the dominant party’s origins, resources, or strategies. In this article, we show how opposition parties can undermine or sustain single-party dominance. Specifically, opposition parties should be central in explaining single-party dominance in countries with highly disproportional electoral systems and a dominant party whose vote share falls short of a popular majority. Employing a quantitative analysis of Indian legislative elections as well as a paired case study, we show that opposition coordination plays a crucial part in undermining single-party dominance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a theoretically oriented contribution seeking to review the existing literature directly or indirectly addressing the “diversity gap” in political parties. Within this particular field I identify two main areas to conduct research: participation and representation. The premise is that the particular features of political parties, given their role in the democratic system, implies that they cannot be neutral when they identify the diversity gap as a problem, and therefore have to follow some strategies to deal with it. Based on the literature review and by preparing the theoretical framework of the different case studies for this Special Issue, I propose an interpretative framework comprising four main channels of potential analysis. I will end by arguing that what all these studies highlight is that in dealing with the incorporation of immigrants into political parties, the utilitarian logic prevails over any argument based on equality and power sharing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Special Issue seeks to explore the potentialities of strengthening a new field of research within migration and diversity studies: Immigrant incorporation in political parties. The point of departure of all contributions is that there is what we call a “diversity gap” between political parties as public representative organisations and diversity dynamics in democratic societies. This Special Issue seeks to explore the current strategies of political parties developing first conceptual frameworks, theoretical foundations and empirical hypothesis and approaches. The case studies come from four European countries, two from the North and two from the South of Europe: Germany, Ireland, Portugal and Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of interstate conflict has yielded a voluminous literature to date, yet much of the recent work has only just begun to underscore the importance of domestic factors in predicting conflict initiation in democracies. In short, some of these studies find that when electoral accountability is greater—measured in a variety of ways—interstate conflict becomes less likely. Despite this burgeoning literature, scholars have spent far less time analysing the role linkage institutions, such as stable party systems, have played in foreign policy discussions. To address this gap, we argue that in more stable party systems conflict initiation becomes less likely due to the greater accountability present in these systems. This conjecture is supported by the results of a time-series cross-sectional analysis of 48 democracies from 1978 to 2000 that uses multiple measures of conflict initiation and party system stability. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper analyses which districts are targeted by Spanish political parties in their electoral campaigns. We find that the major Spanish parties - PP and PSOE - mobilise districts where they are more likely to win a new seat or are in danger of losing one they already hold. The predicted closeness of the district race is more relevant in the smallest districts. We also find that Spanish parties mobilise their strongholds. We suggest that, apart from the pure office-seeking strategies, political finance motivations might also play a role in the mobilisation choices made by Spanish party elites. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The interface between politicians and the electorate is a vital component of the infrastructure of democracy and politicians now have many more tools available to communicate and engage with the electorate. Direct contact between politicians and the electorate is associated with increased levels of civic engagement. In this article, we examine the responsiveness of politicians in the UK by conducting: (i) an innovative test of responses to an undecided voter's email and (ii) follow-up interviews with electoral candidates. We found that a majority of electoral candidates had an identifiable email address and more than half responded to our undecided voter's email. However, there were considerable differences in the content relevance of the responses. There were also very few follow-up emails or further contact from the electoral candidates, suggesting only limited evidence of an integrated communication strategy. Electoral candidates also expressed concerns about communicating in a way that was ‘on record’. The findings provide a unique insight into the dynamics of communication between politicians and the electorate and the changing nature of the representation interface. Whilst the Internet has the scope for more personalized and two-way communication and for electors to hold politicians to account, it seems that politicians are more focused on campaign advantage rather than renewing the representation interface. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Drawing for the first time on personal interviews with over 25 informants and new documentary evidence, this article looks at an under-researched area of enquiry: political spaces and dynamics within Communist Party organisations that existed in parallel and functioned concurrently to the democratic centralist system. Taking as a case study a representative sample of the regional party membership of the French Communist Party Var Federation in 1956, it considers contemporary perspectives, interests, contradictions and tensions in everyday politics at this level which, whilst not representing internecine conflict as such, constituted nevertheless distinct articulations of communist identity and militancy. However, the objective of this article is not simply to measure the extent of adherence to a regulatory system within a political entity, although it inevitably does that. This is a qualitative study that examines in detail and explains in context power relations within a micro-political environment, within a wider political structure, within a world movement, at an important conjuncture in post-war history. In so doing, it sheds new light on the orientation, nature and practices of the Parti Communiste Français as a national party at this time. It also, automatically, addresses questions of human agency. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the need for the political group Labour Party to find a way of connecting the complex politics of English identity politics to some of the problematic constitutional issues in Great Britain. Particular focus is given to the renewal of interest in what is referred to as deep Englishness as cultural explorations of land and folk memories with a radical or anarchic edge oftentimes and the preference of the party's leader Ed Miliband for a constitutional convention.

The article discusses the Kurdish Constitution of ninety-six articles of the Democratic Union Party (PYD). It states that the constitution is based on a social contract that proclaims the Kurdish Autonomous Regions that is made up of three cantons in decentralized federal Syrian state. It mentions that the fundamental basis of the constitution is based on the equality of groups and communities.

Political parties are the engine of social life, without which citizens would not be able to express political will. According to the law of political parties, they fulfill a public mission guaranteed by the Constitution. That is why, considering the subject very current, we considered it important to analyze in this study, in the notion of political pluralism: the concept of political party but also its constitutional dimension. To this end, the study shows the view of the doctrine combined with the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what conditions do political parties split? This paper presents a model of intra-party politics to explain party unity in parliamentary systems. The theory derived from an incomplete information game predicts that parties split with positive probability, which rises with the cost of dissent following a failed attempt to split and falls with the cost of forming a new party. Party unity also is predicted to be high when the leadership faction's weight within the party is large. The model's results have implications for the relationship between party unity and the majority status of the government party, party system polarization as well as intra-party polarization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To what extent do social policy preferences explain party choice? This question has received little attention over the past years, because the bulk of the literature has argued that electoral choice is increasingly shaped by identity-based attitudes, rather than by preferences for economic-distributive social policies. We argue that in the wake of this debate, the significance of social policy preferences for electoral choice has been underestimated, because most contributions neglect social policy debates that are specific to post-industrial societies. In particular, they merely focus on income redistribution, while neglecting distributive conflicts around social investment. The Selects 2011 data allows investigating this crucial distinction for Switzerland. Our empirical analyses confirm that it is pivotal to take the pluridimensionality of distributive conflicts seriously: when looking at preferences for social investment rather than income redistribution, we find that social policy preferences are significant explanatory factors for the choice of the five major Swiss political parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The class cleavage has been the most important structuring force in most West European countries. In the last decades, the question regarding whether the social class still influences voting behavior has been intensively debated. One strand of literature suggests a transformation of the old class divide into a new -- or reformulated -- class cleavage. However, there is still little empirical evidence about the circumstances under which this new divide may become important. The present paper contributes to fill this gap, by analyzing in how far electoral competition conditions the strength of the new class cleavage. Applying data from the Swiss National Elections 2007 and 2011 to a comparative analysis across cantons we find that the impact of the new class cleavage on electoral choice varies according to party system polarization. The proportionality of the electoral system, by contrast, does not have a clear conditional effect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lack of party competition may impair government efficiency. If the voters are ideologically predisposed to cast their votes in favor of one political party, they may reelect an underperforming incumbent. Party polarization may magnify this effect since the median voter faces a higher cost of selecting a better, but ideologically distant incumbent. Alternatively, if the electorate is evenly divided between parties, polarization may induce parties to invest more effort in improving their election prospects. The current paper analyzes efficiency in Norwegian local governments. Efficiency has been measured by means of panel data on government service output over a 10-year period. Electoral dominance has been measured as number of elections wherein one party bloc receives at least 60 % of the votes, measured over six consecutive elections. Party polarization is defined as the ideological distance between the two party blocs, and it is measured on basis of survey data on the ideological preferences of elected politicians. Lack of party competition reduces efficiency, the effect being stronger in governments where more party polarization exists. These agency losses are larger in high-revenue municipalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Dark Duo Model of Post-Colonial Ideology proposes that two core ideologies (Historical Negation and Symbolic Exclusion) play a key role in shaping intergroup relations in post-colonial society. Using a longitudinal panel study of New Zealanders (N = 3,769), we examined the effects of these ideologies on political party preferences from 2009 to 2010. Historical Negation (denying the relevance of historical injustice) and Symbolic Exclusion (discounting indigenous peoples as representative of the national category) uniquely predicted cross-lagged changes in support for conservative (versus liberal) political parties. Testing these models in reverse showed that political party support also predicted the uptake of these ideologies. These effects held after controlling for a host of demographic factors, including socio-economic status, gender, ethnicity, religious affiliation, employment and education. We argue that Historical Negation and Symbolic Exclusion legitimize social inequality in post-colonial societies by shaping political party support, and that change in political support also leads to the endorsement or rejection of these ideologies over time. These findings demonstrate the importance of considering culture-specific ideologies when predicting changes in political attitudes and voting behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Tzavta club in Tel Aviv (until 1956 called the Center for Progressive Culture) was founded in 1946 by Hakibbutz Ha'artzi-Hashomer Hatza'ir kibbutz movement. Cultural activity was a traditional means used by political movements to increase their influence in society. However, as part of the “cultural front” of Hashomer Hatza'ir and Mapam, Tzavta had the additional goal of strengthening “ideological collectivism” among the members of the movement and the party. This article analyzes Tzavta's activity between 1956 and 1973, arguing that it was created to combine two functions – cultural and political. Although the leadership of Mapam intended to use the club as a political tool for disseminating the party's views and controlling internal conflicts, Tzavta became increasingly culturally autonomous and eventually uncontrollable. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Participation rates have declined sharply across developed democracies. But the precise impact of this decline on party systems has proven difficult to study due to endogeneity concerns. This paper seeks to address this issue by leveraging a natural experiment in Austrian parliamentary elections. By examining instances in which compulsory voting was gradually repealed in a federal setting, I isolate the causal relationship between turnout decline and subsequent shifts in party vote share. The findings suggest that turnout decline is not associated with a significant redistribution of votes between parties. The clearest visible effect is a consolidation of the party system, with a mild shift in votes from minor to mainstream parties. Evaluating the findings, the paper argues that characteristics of proportional representation systems insulate parties against the consequences of declining electoral participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent comparative electoral research shows that both ideological and competence voting are influenced by the degree of party system polarization. However, while the former association is uncontroversial, investigations on the latter have led to contradicting results. This study takes one step back, arguing that polarization rather affects how voters perceive party ideological positioning and competence. Building on literature linking elite polarization to mass partisanship, the study argues that party identification is a strong moderator of party evaluations in polarized elections. Hypotheses are tested with multilevel logit models on a pooled data set of European Election Studies from 1994 to 2009. Results show that partisans are more likely to view their preferred party as the most competent and ideologically close when the environment is polarized, while there is no such effect for non-partisans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Party system issue agendas are formed by the topics that individual parties decide to address, and these salience decisions are likely to be strategic. Two key strategies are commonly discussed in the literature: parties’ focus on (1) issues that they have ownership over and (2) issues that currently concern voters. Yet it is not known what explains the extent to which parties pursue each of these strategies. This paper argues that aspects of party organisation influence which salience strategy is pursued. Parties that have more resources will be able to ‘ride the wave’ of current concerns while parties with fewer resources are more likely to focus on their best issues. Furthermore, policy-seeking parties with strong activist influence will be less likely to ‘ride the wave’ and more likely to follow issue ownership strategies. An analysis of 105 election manifestos from 27 elections in 17 countries shows that aspects of party organisation are indeed strong and robust moderators of issue ownership strategies. Limited, albeit mixed, evidence is also found that party organisation affects the use of ‘riding the wave’ strategies. These results have important implications for our understanding of electoral campaigns, party competition and voter representation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses 21st century popular rebellion, focusing on how ideas of communism from the 1960s and 1970s have sparked rebellions in countries including Turkey, Greece, and Brazil. Other topics include the role of the Occupy protest movement in sparking rebellion, the need for a political party to represent the rebels and the role it would play, and the role of the commune in developing communist politics and ideas among rebellions.

This article focuses on the role played by the Labour Party in two devolution referendums, in Wales in 1997 and in the North-East region in 2004. Comparing the positive vote of the Welsh and the negative vote of the North shows how the governing party—the Labour Party which has also been historically dominant in each of these regions—contributed to the contrasting outcome. Our argument is that dominant parties impact both in their formal (structural, institutional) and non-formal (cultural, identity) aspects. The crucial role of the leading party is thus to enable (or constrain) a sub-state space for politics and popular mobilisation on territorial grounds. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Chinese government officials and academics have shown disproportionate interest in the small city-state of Singapore. The Southeast Asian country with a majority ethnic Chinese population has drawn their attention because it is the only country in the world that combines advanced industrial development with stable one-party rule. Singapore not only seemingly defies Western predictions that modernization will inevitably lead to democracy, but also appears to show that authoritarian regimes may be better suited to achieving societal stability in an Asian context. In particular, the ruling party of the city-state, the People's Action Party, has drawn the attention of conservative Chinese reformists who seek to fill the ideological void that emerged following the decline of Maoist ideology. Reformers in China also derive practical governance lessons from Singapore about fighting corruption, increasing professionalization, and improving responsiveness within the party-state. As such, political learning from the Singapore model must be seen as part of the ongoing process of transformation of the Chinese Communist Party. As a consequence of this learning process, Chinese reformers are using lessons from the Singaporean model as arguments in their efforts to bolster the ideological foundations and strengthen the governance capacity of one-party rule, thus reducing pressures for democratization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Veto player models generally rely on two assumptions: (1) collective actors like political parties behave as individual actors; and (2) all actors influencing policy production are domestic. Yet these are often violated by empirical reality. Under certain institutions, parties are less cohesive and may not behave as individuals, and international regimes can have considerable influence over legislation. Using data on labor-law production in Europe, we find that the effects of veto players are conditional on both party cohesion and international regimes. Future conceptualizations of veto players should be more sensitive to both internal and external institutional configurations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article starts from the remarks by Peter Mair on the growing gap between responsiveness and responsibility – or middle-run responsiveness – and the declining capacity of parties to bridge that gap. It focuses on the empirical analysis of the association between economic and substantive democratic dimensions and responsiveness, which are highly relevant to the way in which parties compete and govern within contemporary democracies. Following an introduction of the topic, the second section puts forward key concepts and hypotheses; the third presents the operationalisation of the variables and the applied method; the fourth and primary empirical section of the article analyses the non-procedural determinants of political and economic responsiveness, including freedom and equality as well as several key economic structural factors. The concluding remarks recapitulate the main empirical findings and submit a number of aspects that party leaders ought to take into account when addressing the thorny issue of responsiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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The article discusses the relationship between the government's management, or control, of corruption and democratization. The role that reforms plays in efforts to prevent corruption, including in regard to reforms that distribute power to citizens, is discussed. An overview of the role that voters play in preventing the re-election of politicians involved in corruption, including in regard to American electorate's voting U.S. President of the Republican Party Richard Nixon out of presidential office in 1974 following his involvement in political corruption, is provided.

In this article, I analyze the social policy reactions to economic crises in Australia and New Zealand. After the financial crisis of 2008, Australia built its crisis management strategy around a large fiscal stimulus with a significant social policy component, whereas New Zealand did not. While the government enacted fiscal stimulus measures, the social policy component was small and the government soon returned to welfare retrenchment and workfare policy. Based on a detailed account of recent crisis policies as well as a condensed overview of previous crisis responses (to the 1970s oil shocks, the early 1990s recession and the Asian financial crisis), I discuss the contribution of a number of factors to explaining this difference between Australia and New Zealand. These factors include: idiosyncratic causes such as the Australian mining boom and the Christchurch earthquakes, partisan politics, interest group structures, political institutions and policy legacies. The analysis shows that the recent differences cannot fully be explained through idiosyncratic factors, as partisan ideology was already crucial in strategic policy decisions during the first months of the crisis. The historical pattern further supports this conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]