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There have always been administrators who tried to rule over the people or assert dominance either by being elected or by inheriting the right to rule from their fathers since humans started roaming the Earth. As there is a community who are content with the acts of the political figures, there is also an opposition party that is unsatisfied with them. Those who support the government praised their actions and got rewarded because of their praises. The opposition parties expressed their criticisms towards the government and as a result, they were deprived of the boons of the government. However, after the martyrdom of Uthman ibn Affan, the lack of allegiance to Ali ibn Abi Talib and the improper practices of the Umayyah dynasty caused the public to be polarized. These groups found out that the best way to express themselves and announce their thoughts was through the use of poetry, which was accepted as the media of the period. The poems written by poets are like a glimpse of what happened during the period. Arabic poetry preserved its stylistic aspects during the Umayyah period. In addition to the poetry forms like praise, satire, ghazel, lament, wine, and boast, which were present in the Jahiliyyah Period, political poetry, whose roots reach far in the past, emerged as a new genre and reached its peak. Poets, who were thought as the most important actors of the time, functioned as the media organs during the Umayyah’s reign. Poets who supported the government were named as the pro-government media, whereas poets who opposed the government were named as the opposition media. The two most important poets who supported the khalifs and influenced the masses were Al-Akhtal and Jarir. They were as if the professional public storytellers of the khalifs, in the Umayyad period. In this paper, only the praises towards the khalifs of these poets will be inspected and the effect of poetry and the poets on the public will be emphasized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poet Sarah Clancy and cultural analyst Cornelia Gräbner explore themes that lie at the heart of contemporary poetry as an emancipatory, positioned form of speech; specifically, poems written by Sarah Clancy from within Ireland's anti-austerity movement, as part of the campaign to legalize abortion and from a positioning within constellations of transatlantic solidarity. Clancy and Gräbner explore the contestatory and propositional traction of poems that are created and spoken from within social movements and campaigns, often as a contribution to community-building; and poems that intentionally take the listener / reader out of their comfort zone, so as to expose and counter acquiescence to the status quo. In both cases, poetry-as-speech acts as a counterforce to the silent and silencing affects of consolation and of shame. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article utilizes the form of a creative writer's craft interview – a popular example is The Paris Review's "Art of Fiction" series – to explore the interview as a tool in creative writing practice. The mock interview – the author is both interviewee and interlocutor – allows the author to interrogate how interviewing functions as a means of exploring identity and so reorients them to another subject's pain and experience. In addition, the author examines Muriel Rukeyser's use of collaged fragments of interviews in her The Book of the Dead and includes a discussion of the poet Philip Metres's writings on documentary poetics as a means of thinking through new ways for them – and any creative writer – to incorporate the interview as a tool. The article ends with the importance of the collage-interview, in the age of ChatGPT, for preserving language complexity and of representing experiences beyond the author's imagination and experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to highlight the influence of cultural policies carried out in communist Romania in constructing the concept of "literary generation" between 1948 and 1965. Firstly, we focus on the militantly Marxist-Leninist discourse of official legitimization regarding a so-called “contingent” of poets who graduated from the "Mihai Eminescu" School of Literature and Literary Criticism in Bucharest between 1950 and 1955. In the second part of the article, we turn our attention to the ideological necessity of reinterpreting the phrase "young generation" in the context of the proliferation of the idea that writers are "builders of socialism" (1956-1960). Here, we focus on the polemical interaction between the "generation of the fight against inertia", represented by Nicolae Labiș (1935-1956), and the generation promoted "under the sign of the Revolution", represented by Nichita Stănescu (1933-1983), Ilie Constantin (1939-2020), and Cezar Baltag (1939-1997). In the last section of our discussion, we underline the dialectic between propaganda and aesthetics from which emerged what Romanian literary history records as the "(19)60s generation", and its references the 9th Congress of the Romanian Communist Party (July 1965) and Ion Pop's synthesis work Poezia unei generații ["The Poetry of a Generation"] (1973), in which the literary critic also includes Nicolae Labiș.

Politiske poetiske værker opponerer mod de herskende forhold med en bred civilisationskritik eller en målrettet kritik imod bestemte institutioner eller aktører. Tonefaldet varierer fra den direkte indignation til den subtile satire. I denne artikel diskuterer jeg to forskellige former for politisk lyrik, som jeg vil illustrere med to centrale værker inden for nordisk lyrik, nemlig et hovedværk fra den norske modernisme i 1960’erne, Paal Brekkes Roerne fra Itaka (1960), og et centralt værk fra de følgende årtiers danske politiske systemdigtning, Klaus Høecks Sorte sonetter (1981). Såvel Brekkes som Høecks værk forholder sig ironisk vrængende til den klassiske poetiske tradition, hvad enten det som Brekke er med en travesteret mytologi fra Odysseen efter James Joyces forbillede eller som Høeck med ”søndersprængte sonetter” efter Erik Lindegrens model. Sigtet med deres politiske digtning er derimod vidt forskelligt. I Brekkes generelle kulturradikale poetik betragtes det æstetiske, det etiske, det eksistentielle og det politiske som en syntese, mens Høecks politisk radikale værk har taget springet bort fra alle vante etiske og eksistentielle normer og over i en den revolutionære tro.

The purpose of this study is to highlight the influence of cultural policies carried out in communist Romania in constructing the concept of "literary generation" between 1948 and 1965. Firstly, we focus on the militantly Marxist-Leninist discourse of official legitimization regarding a so-called "contingent" of poets who graduated from the "Mihai Eminescu" School of Literature and Literary Criticism in Bucharest between 1950 and 1955. In the second part of the article, we turn our attention to the ideological necessity of reinterpreting the phrase "young generation" in the context of the proliferation of the idea that writers are "builders of socialism" (1956-1960). Here, we focus on the polemical interaction between the "generation of the fight against inertia", represented by Nicolae Labiș (1935-1956), and the generation promoted "under the sign of the Revolution", represented by Nichita Stănescu (1933-1983), Ilie Constantin (1939-2020), and Cezar Baltag (1939-1997). In the last section of our discussion, we underline the dialectic between propaganda and aesthetics from which emerged what Romanian literary history records as the "(19)60s generation", and its references the 9th Congress of the Romanian Communist Party (July 1965) and Ion Pop's synthesis work Poezia unei generaÈ›ii ["The Poetry of a Generation"] (1973), in which the literary critic also includes Nicolae Labiș. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bedouin poetry has yet to be explored in the context of memory studies, let alone the poetry of the Negev Bedouin. This article, based on a corpus of hundreds of poems documented between the mid-1940s and late-1980s, reviews excerpts from ten political verses composed by Negev Bedouin poets. These verses attest to the power of Bedouin poetry to evoke – at times in just a word or two – a wide range of meanings, a historical depth that may be submersed in a few expressions, and the ways in which these expressions activate memories of the past to communicate something of significance about the present.

The poetic heritage of the Negev Bedouin is rich and varied. Particularly captivating are their political verses, which are as old as the nomads themselves. The collection of poems recorded by Sasson Bar-Zvi, former officer of the military government, includes many political verses composed in the 20th century through which runs an unmistakable strand of protest and rebuke. This article seeks to examine the moment when a note of criticism first made an appearance in the political poetry of the Negev Bedouin. We will try to characterize the period in which this note appeared and the historical processes that led to its emergence. We will focus on the growing involvement of the Ottomans in the second half of the 19th century in the internal struggles of the Bedouin, an involvement that eventually led to the founding of a city at the border between the three major Bedouin confederations inhabiting the Negev at that time. At the centre of this study lies the poem that we identify—for now at least—as the first poem of criticism; we will analyse it and the information we have about it, then formulate hypotheses regarding the date, motivations, and circumstances of its composition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bedouin poetry has yet to be explored in the context of memory studies, let alone the poetry of the Negev Bedouin. This article, based on a corpus of hundreds of poems documented between the mid-1940s and late-1980s, reviews excerpts from ten political verses composed by Negev Bedouin poets. These verses attest to the power of Bedouin poetry to evoke -- at times in just a word or two -- a wide range of meanings, a historical depth that may be submersed in a few expressions, and the ways in which these expressions activate memories of the past to communicate something of significance about the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the link between politics and poetry in Sibylla Schwarz' work. In various texts, the author negotiates socio-political discourses on the hierarchical society, the position and appreciation of poets, as well as on her self-image as a woman and as a female writer. Poetry and the creation of poetry permeate her texts on a thematic level. Literature, however, is also her tool and means of expression with which she challenges injustice and false values and thus inscribes herself in the discourses of her time. In diesem Aufsatz wird die Verknüpfung von Politik und Poesie in Sibylla Schwarz' Werk untersucht. In unterschiedlichen Texten verhandelt die Autorin gesellschaftspolitische Diskurse zur Ständegesellschaft, der Stellung und Wertschätzung von Poet:innen sowie zu ihrem Selbstverständnis als Frau und als Autorin. Die Poesie und die Schaffung derselben durchziehen ihre Texte dabei auf einer thematischen Ebene. Die Literatur ist aber zudem ihr Werkzeug und Ausdrucksmittel, mit dem sie gegen Ungerechtigkeiten und falsche Wertvorstellungen an- und sich damit in die Diskurse ihrer Zeit einschreibt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The Political Void: ‘Zero Text’ at the Intersection of Performance and Demonstration This article defines the ‘zero text’ as a text that is completely absent(ed) and is replaced by its own paratext. Such a text is a pure statement, the content of which is constituted by its context, presentation, and authorship (or performance), as well as the form of the ‘zero text’ itself. The political potential of the ‘zero text’ under an authoritarian regime becomes apparent, for instance, in the famous joke about Rabinovich handing out blank pamphlets in Red Square, but it can also be seen in the literalization of folkloric motifs in a number of protest demonstrations in post-Soviet Russia. The origin of these demonstrations can be traced to ‘zero texts’ used in the poetic avant-garde (“Poem of the End” by Vasilisk Gnedov, for example) and in neo- or post-avant-garde practices from the second half of the 20th century – in particular, those associated with names like Alexander Kondratov and Dmitriy A. Prigov, whose work actualized the political semantics of the ‘missing text.’

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This research examined the poetry written by Nizar Qabbani in Arabic, which has been translated into Bahasa Indonesia. The investigation was related to how the expression of resistance from the source language into the target language can be used as one of the main media against a regime. This study used a qualitative approach. The data in this study are language units in the form of phrases, clauses, and sentences, in the source language (Arabic) and the target language (Bahasa Indonesia). Data analysis used the Spradley model, namely domain analysis, taxonomic analysis, componential analysis, and cultural analysis to find the relationship and meaning between the expression of resistance in poetry and aspects of micro and macro translation. The findings attempted to map what translation techniques appear in the expression of resistance in political poetry and how the tendencies of these techniques are at a macro level, whether the translation technique is more oriented towards the source language or the target language. The contribution of the research theoretically tries to show that literary works are an effective and elegant medium in conveying criticism of the government. The study of translation techniques should consider a particular literary genre, as literary genres influence the use and selection of translation techniques.

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Belfast Presbyterian radical Dr William Drennan (1754–1820) is widely regarded as the premier poet of the United Irishmen movement. However, while his significance as a key player in the political drama of the 1790s has been well documented, and his political poetry anthologized, few of Drennan's other poems have received critical attention. Permeating such neglected work from this poet of presbytery is an Irish dissenting, non-subscribing Unitarian Presbyterianism, which also crucially colors his famous political poems. It is proposed here that Drennan's muse is predominantly moral, specifically New Light, being the signature watermark of his chief poetical statements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Author Henrika Ringbom's collection of poems entitled Händelser ur Nya Pressen 1968–1974. Prosadikter (2009) is a rare piece of Finland-Swedish literature. Rewriting news from a Finland-Swedish evening press paper during the 1960s and 1970s, it offers a view on the colonial mind-set of the Nordic countries. The poems not only depict political events from various parts of a global world, they also open up an unmarked category in Nordic literature, that of race and whiteness. An essential part of Finland-Swede's self-understanding goes back to its status as a minority. This applies even to Finland-Swedish literature. It also has a notable tradition of female feminist writing that runs through the 20th century. Finland-Swedish literature, however, belongs also to a majority when it comes to Western ideas of race and whiteness in a Nordic context. In my analysis, I show how Ringbom scrutinizes events from a phase Tobias Hübinette and Catrin Lundström (2014) call the "white solidarity" (1968–2001), characterized by antiracism, anti-apartheid, social justice and gender equality, but also of color-blindness. I show how Ringbom contributes to the current discussions of political Nordic literature with a rich, complex, ambivalent and defamiliarizing way. The poems actively remind us how both political events and political poetry are complex and contradictory. Rather than offering a clear-cut poetic activism, Rinbom writes political poetry of the second degree, one that examines and reflects upon the conditions of politics, popular media, and political poetry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper seeks to contribute to the discussion of the political ramifications of Pythian 10 by drawing attention to two less studied features of the ode's mythical narrative: the glossing over of King Polydectes within Perseus' story, and the attribution of the rare appellation λαγέτας to Perseus. Additionally, it is argued that, as well as targeting a Thessalian audience, the ode sends a powerful political message to the other cities of the Delphic Amphictyony, in which Thessaly held a prominent place at the time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poems and literary texts have long been considered as the most important writings to illustrate the cultural and political developments of society. Examining the poems related to the uprising of Zayd ibn e- Ali (A.S) from this point of view, can display the process of poets' attention to this great event and the factors affecting it. The findings of the present research clarify that the content of the poems related to Zayd's uprising reflected axes such as the cautious anger against the Umayyad rulers, fear and hope of poets toward the description of Zayd's uprising, removing the Umayyad barriers, and Zayd's blaming.

This article examines the interrelation of contemporary Russian feminist poetry and political activism. Recent protest movements in the post-Soviet space demonstrate that female activists play major roles in all aspects of social transformation. While this had not yet become as clear in the case of Russia, a growing movement of young feminist and queer writers are giving voice to the suppressed through poetry. This article investigates this movement by tracing the development of the feminist network assembled around the internet platform “F-pisʼmo,” which has existed since 2017. Through political activism, festivals, creative writing courses, and the online-publication of poetry, prose, and philosophical essays on gender issues, the organizers and participants in the network engage the subaltern in empowering practices in order to undermine and transform the conservative and patriarchal social order of post-Soviet Russia. Analysis of one of the most powerful and controversial poems of this sort, “Moja vagina” (My vagina) by Galina Rymbu, demonstrates the political impact of feminist poetry in Russia and its link to US-American feminist discourse. It is argued that the method of political activism practiced by Russian feminist poets today can be described as speaking and acting through poetry in the sense of Hannah Arendtʼs political theory of the vita activa.

Since the mid-2010s, the problem of overcoming individualism and social atomi- zation through group solidarity has been a central motif of Russian political poetry. New responses to this issue primarily employ feminist optics and an intersectional approach: at the crossroads of gender, nation, and society, authors as diverse as Galina Rymbu, Oksana Vasyakina, Elena Fanaylova, and Maria Galina all explore possibilities for linking the poetic subject to the construction of a group con- sciousness or collective. I propose that a hallmark of this tendency is the increased frequency and ingratiating use of first-person plural pronouns. This “we index” (the ratio of the number of these pronouns to the number of lines in a text) seems to demonstrate a direct correlation to the author’s degree of thematic interest in the problem; meanwhile, the example of Ilya Rissenberg also shows how the soli- darity motif functions in political poetry with a low “we index.”

Russian feminist poetry has flourished in the post-Soviet period, especially the last decade. It has provided inspiring modes of resistance to all forms of indifference to bodily harms, particularly the harms to women. That poetry is studied here through the lens of feminist theory. The essay argues that a wide range of such theories finds resonance in these poems, and it introduces several key poets: Galina Rymbu, Oksana Vasiakina, Lida Yusupova, Elena Fanailova, and Mariia Stepanova, with a coda on Konstantin Shavlovskii.

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Introduction “Literature is a mirror of all events, rituals, behaviors, efforts and ideas of a society, which is the current language and identity of a nation, and a society can be identified by examining the content and subject of its literature and understand the events of social behaviors and trace the evolution of social phenomena ” (Ruholami, 2000, p. 9). The relationship between literature and social reality is not one-sided. In other words, literature is not a mirror in which the present of a society or social situation is merely reflected. If that was the case, then there would be no distinction between literary texts and social reports or history books. Literature not only emerges from the heart of social reality, but can also have a negative effect on that reality and help it change. It can be said that the relationship between literature and society is a dialectical one; literature arises from social structures, but at the same time it questions and denies those structures. Methodology With the rise of qualitative method in humanities research in recent decades, this method is mostly used in social sciences and humanities such as anthropology, educational sciences, literary studies, cultural studies and political science and is usually a combined research; that is, from a set of methods, techniques, and tools; it uses personal experience, introspection, biography, narrative, cultural products, and a variety of observational texts, historical texts, interactive, and visual texts, and encompasses a wide range of methods of interpretation and interpretive analysis. In fact, due to Richardson, qualitative research is an attempt to understand a phenomenon from different sides and angles and to engage in a process similar to the crystallization of the phenomenon under study (Raha Doost, 2004, p. 250). Since the field of literary research is wide and many of its problems are rooted in the various sciences, the literary researcher usually prefers to start his research activity with a question instead of hypothesizing and presenting a hypothesis or hypotheses after gathering information. Therefore, the place of hypothesis is floating in the design of literary research. Accordingly, how is the interaction and dialectical relationship between agency and structure in the evolution of Persian poetry and literature through the impact of contemporary Iranian socio-political structure forms the main question of this research. In order to answer to this question, this article according to Pierre Bourdieu's theory believes the prevalence of a realist approach in Persian literature provided a good platform for literary figures to establish such a "relationship" with the people and society by focusing on popular concerns and taking them into account during political events. Discussion Events, customs, behaviors, ideas, and moral and social status are considered as an example of a nation's historical background or in other words, social, cultural, and political developments, can be considered as its spoken language. Many of these events can be found in the boundless sea of ​​literary masterpieces. “The literature of any nation represents the heart and soul of that nation and encompasses one of the political and cultural pillars and civilization of any nation” (Grace, 2002, p. 50). Also, since the language of literature in politics is in fact a transition from internal to external thought in a social system, “a society without poetry becomes dumb, and a society that becomes dumb goes into decline.” (Davari Ardakani, 2009, p. 56) The creation of literary works arises from certain social situations, and therefore literature cannot be properly understood unless its relation to the mentioned situation is first carefully analyzed. Reflecting society situations is known as one of the functions of literature. Poetry, as the most prominent creative product of the language system, inevitably strengthens the social contexts of language and enriches the special social functions of language by adding mental mobility. Poetry that enjoys a prominent social status reorganizes language as the only factor in the relations of existence and, in Heidegger's words, “turns language into the home of existence” (Heidegger, 2002, p. 214). Following the Iranians' familiarity with the concept of "national state", which was first introduced in Europe in the 19th century, the interest in this concept (nation-state) as an ideal in which the state is no longer the power and domination but the representation of the people, in Iranian intellectual circles increased. The political structure was such that up to that time, such a government had not been experienced in Iran and there was no such a thing as nation, but it had to be invented, and this heavy task of innovation could be fulfilled through literature. Although Persian literature, despite having a long history in Iran, addresses abstract issues on the one hand and not addresses the concerns of the people on the other hand, caused its presence felt less in the context of society. But since the literary environment could not escape the influence of the social environment resulting from the constitutional changes, the poems of Iranian poets and writers as a literary asset found a large number of customers and audiences through language expressing the realities of society in the linguistic market by establishing a logical "relationship" with social structure. It was after this reception, the writers of poetry realized the value of their possessions more and better, and according to a mechanical and not merely emotional "relationship", the process of composing poetry to the more hidden layers of society was intensified. Conclusion The result of this research indicates that by adopting a realistic approach leading to the establishment of a "relationship" between writers and poets (agency) and the text of society and the audience of their poems (structure), Iranian poetry came out of the abstract state and instead of covering up and reporting general issues, it showed the realities of the society, the needs and demands of the people, and in return, the people recognized the words of the writers as their loud voice.

In this article the author analyzes the interaction and mutual influence of such ways of speaking, which we call Language Writing and metarealism, which he reveals on the example of the poems Sun (1987) by Michael Palmer and Oil (1999) by Aleksei Parshchikov. Palmer's poem is a decentralized statement in which syntactic interruptions, complex symbolism, and an abundance of references create an embodied heteroglossia. The catastrophe of the meaning and the assembly of voices here are somehow structured by the central symbol — the Sun — from the headline of The Sun newspaper of July 22, 1986 (“A headless man walks, lives / for four hours”) to the artificial light of consumption centers. And the semantics of dying, references to Baudelaire in the poem, as well as Palmer's separate “Baudelaire Series” somehow admit that one of the many overtones of Sun poem is “The Voyage”, the final text of Fleurs du mal. Marjorie Perloff points out the difference between the approaches of Palmer and Parshchikov in the article “Russian Postmodernism: An Oxymoron?”, where, comparing their texts, she writes that the approach of the second is closer to Arthur Rimbaud, not the split subject Language Poetry. However, the similarity and differences between the approaches of Palmer and Parshchikov are similar to the similarity and differences between Charles Baudelaire and Arthur Rimbaud, when both use the mythopoetics of swimming as death, but incomplete, or rather incompleting. But if the first include it in the context of criticism of commodity fetishism and the subversive power of allegory (according to Benjamin), then the second in the context of “clairvoyance” and observation of the “black and cold” waters of capitalistic Europe. So the poem Oil by Parshchikov is close to the poem Sun by Palmer both in the depiction of the world in a frozen catastrophe, in the collapse of the language, and in the political dimension. And as in the poem Sun through heteroglossia, the symbolism of the crisis meaning, a permanent apocalypse Palmer creates political criticism of the symbolic order of the consumption society, including intellectual commodity fetishism, as in the poem Oil with a multilayered image of raw materials, including as an ideological concept, Parshchikov opens up new ways for analytical political poetry.

The article deals with technogeneous imagery in the poetry of Alexander Eryomenko. In his texts of the 1984-1986 period technical and scientific images are often compared with natural objects. This topic has been understudied. Various statements have been made by philologists about the ethical dimension of this imagery. The main aim of this article is to disprove these statements. Poetic texts of the later period (1987-1989) are devoted to politics. The purpose of this article is to identify the link between the two periods of his work. The task is to reveal the ideological orientations of these periods. Poet actively opposed his art to Soviet ideology and Russian nationalists. The author of the article suggests the following thesis: the two periods correspond to two stages which show how his romantic world outlook unfolded. Alexander Eryomenko first absolutized the mechanistical nature of the outside world (Non-I), and later singled out the image of the enemy in it. In the postSoviet period (after 1991) the poet gave up both political and poetic activities. The reason for it is the exhaustion of the romantic conflict and the image of the enemy. Philology has studied the issue of the romantic world outlook in contemporary literature insufficiently. The methodology of this article reveals its potential results.

Verifica dei poteri is Franco Fortini’s most important collection of essays, as well as a pivotal book for the political, ideological and literary reflection carried out by the poet in the 1960s. Following the keywords of poetic «form» and literary «value», their meaning and the way they are declined from the oldest to the newest essay, this paper analyses the structure of the two editions of the book. Besides, comparing the essays to the contemporary poetic collections (Una volta per sempre, 1963; Questo muro, 1973), it aims to enlighten the formal and content link between Fortini’s poetry and his essay writing.

The article discusses the late political poetry of Eileen Myles within the context of a grassroots organization, collective mobilization and the economic and cultural conflicts over what constitutes a "commons" in the U.S. in the last decade. Topics include argument on a form of political commitment in Myles' writing such as in her "Evolution" poetry collection, criticism of the poet's use of the word "I" in the poem, and comments on Myles' representation of class politics in her writing.

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The poetic and pictorial works of the “Pre-Raphaelite galaxy”, as one might call the group formed by Dante Gabriel Rossetti, the Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood, and their artistic kindred, exhibit an ambiguous relationship to Victorian modernity and 19th-century technical and political “progress”, especially British urbanisation. As urban-living people, the Pre-Raphaelites were always in direct contact with the modern city and its evolutions, and if the urban context is not their one major topic, the paintings and poems that come to grasp with it from the late 1840s onward are the strongest proponents of what could be called an alter-modern philosophy: the acceptance of some aspects of modern society, combined with the rejection of its dehumanizing and alienating excesses, to form a via media, an alternative to untamed Progress and unchecked urbanisation. The return to Nature they advocate is not just a nostalgic look backwards, but a real way of life based on simplicity, common decency, and the equality of all mankind – a vision which comes to life in the 1880s in William Morris’s socialist pamphlets and proposals for a new city. We shall base our demonstration on a set of four poems: Christina Rossetti’s “The Dead City” (1840) and “Goblin Market” (1862), Dante Gabriel Rossetti’s “Jenny” (1848-1869), and William Bell Scott’s “Maryanne” (1854), and compare them with D. G. Rossetti’s painting The Gate of Memory (1857-1864) and some of William Morris’s essays. This corpus constitutes an ensemble of works answering one another, and openly attacking the alienating artificiality of the modern world and its consequences.This paper will successively focus on three aspects of the Pre-Raphaelite relationship to the modern city. The first aspect is its representation: the city is a fatal beauty which seduces and corrupts, winds its network around the characters, and whose façades hide only death. This criticism opens the way to an attack against urban modernity, characterised by unnatural excess and human alienation. Beings are reified and despised, used and abused, and finally lost in a haze that separates them from any source of meaning – all this the fruit of a capitalist vision of the world. After this criticism comes a proposal: a return to what is the essential part of humanity. The definition of this “human essence” may vary depending on the author, but always centres on intimate knowledge of oneself, God, or others. The modern city is not absolute evil: even its corruption is a thing of beauty. But it is only a half-drawn canvas that the Pre-Raphaelite project tries to achieve, by opening the way for humanity to realize its full potential.

In this autoethnographic reflection on my experiments with poetry as form and its value as method, I propose that poetry is perhaps well suited to address and be faithful to the political moment: the moment when the taken for granted no longer holds. Poetry seems able to escape the linearity often found in narrative writing and to replace any search for certainty with openness or ambiguity. As method it can reveal what may be hidden. Looking at both political poetry and the poetry of witness, I explore representation and point of view while insisting on the impossibility of individuality. Examples of my own writing are included to show how these questions arise in my first attempts to write the tears of the world into poems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Published almost exclusively in the multilingual Johannesburg newspaper Umteteli wa Bantu during the 1920s, Nontsizi Mgqwetho's poetry is enmeshed with the racial and industrial politics of her time and place. Despite its denunciations of the colonial state and vehement calls for black unity and activism, her work is complicated by its publication in a newspaper sponsored by the Chamber of Mines. This article investigates Mgqwetho's forceful political poetry and its intersection with both the coercive, racist labor policies of the period and the discursive power of Umteteli wa Bantu. It argues that in linking her religious and political convictions with the social anxieties of her times, Mgqwetho's work provided the ford through the era's turbulent political waters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the role that prisoners play in the poems of Seamus Heaney. From the time of the introduction of internment in Northern Ireland in the early 1970s, Heaney's poems frequently touch on prisoners, the conditions in which they are held, and how they might be conceptualized. This article discusses how these poems reflect contemporaneous political discourse regarding prisoners. It also shows how Heaney's engagements with prisoners are refracted, characteristically, through his earliest memories, and through his knowledge of literature. In particular, Second World War POWs and Heaney's knowledge of Russian authors, including Osip Mandelstam and Anton Chekhov, provide significant contexts for his engagements with Troubles-era prisoners. Drawing on materials from the Heaney Literary Papers held in the National Library of Ireland, this article demonstrates how the conditions in which internees were held shaped 'The Unacknowledged Legislator's Dream' in North (1975). Finally, it discusses the roles Nelson Mandela, and the prisoners of conscience campaigned for by Amnesty International, play in his work. This paper concludes that, although Heaney was resolute in not promoting violence, his attitudes towards those who perpetrated it, and were imprisoned for it, were complex and changing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Adab Al-Kufa is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines poetry by the Glaswegian suffragette Helen Crawfurd. Despite her role as an important figure in the period now known as Red Clydeside, Crawfurd's political activism as a socialist and suffragette has been neglected by labour historians. While scholarship on Crawfurd has begun to gather momentum in recent years, extant studies of her life and work neglect to mention her small but important literary output. The research presented argues that Crawfurd's poetry offers an illuminating feminist perspective on a period of Scottish political history largely dominated by male voices. Crawfurd's poems explore familiar socialist issues through a feminist lens, addressing themes such as peace, suffrage, childcare, and employment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A obra poética de Joaquim Pessoa consta em três fases, a fase da revolução deconstrutiva, a frase da salvação individual e coletiva por meio do processo místico e do amor, e aquela da recombinação destas duas trajetórias. Reconhece-se que a última fase da poesia de Joaquim Pessoa reflete uma sorte de síntese da trascendência duma política deconstruída e dum intimismo místico. As suas várias coletâneas poéticas publicadas durante o séculovinte e um representam a intensificação destas forças temáticas. Guardar o Fogo (2013) cria um espaço de singela e desmitificadora chamada à luz da sabedoria do ser e do seu entorno por meio duma aceitação e consequente aplicação dos gestos trascendentais da palavra versificada de Pessoa. Esta cole-ção evita a expressão mística explícita e Os Olhos de Isa (1983), embora siga a discussão simbólica em função de noções de liberdade coletiva e pessoal por meio do amor. Há também um discurso meta-poético e pós-humano que encobre a conversação ainda mais profunda acerca dos temas indicados acima. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Larq Journal for Philosophy, Linguistics & Social Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims to present a version of the poem Edirne by Maʿrūf ar-Ruṣāfī preserved in the Conti Rossini Archive at the Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei and to compare it with the copies in the collections of Muṣṭafā aṣ-Ṣaqqā, Muṣṭafā ʿAlī and Muṣṭafā al-Ġalāyīnī. The poem was composed on the occasion of the siege and capture of Edirne (formerly known as Adrianople) by the Bulgarian Army (1912-1913) and its themes are war, occupation and ḥamāsah (lit. "valour"). The qaṣīdah in the Conti Rossini Archive, found inside an envelope with other material from Tripolitania, bears in Italian the title "Per la caduta di Adrianopoli" ("For the Fall of Adrianople") and was most likely copied by Conti Rossini himself. The poem is composed of thirtyseven lines, each of which is divided into two hemistichs; the first verse consists of two lines, while the following seven verses consist of five lines each. The present work will focus on the literary aspects of the poem, providing a translation of the text and a description of its salient features, function and meaning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]