Search

We are currently witnessing a turn to racism and anti-racism in Latin America. The recognition of racism is not new, but the attention and challenge to racism, in such an orchestrated way, is. What are the signals of such turn to racism and anti-racism? What are the overall lessons for Latin America and from Latin America to global antiracist efforts? This introduction looks at the arguments of the articles in this special issue to highlight how issues of racial visibility, naming racism, racial data, legal rights and recognition, entrepreneurship, mestizo identity, the possibilities of alliances, racially-aware struggles against class (and gendered) oppression, are key to understanding this turn. While we do not claim that these articles cover the full extent of this turn in Latin America, we suggest that analysing how this turn appears in Latin American opens useful ways of thinking about anti-racism more widely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines how the dissenting opinions authored by justice Sonia Sotomayor expanded the rhetoric of race and judicial speech at the U.S. Supreme Court by drawing on whiteness, colorblindness and critical race theory. Topics discussed include role of judicial voice in court, feminist rhetorical criticism that typifies legal opinion writing, feminist theoretical work on race, affect and embodiment, and feminism's analysis of rights rooted in social and structural relations of power.

Scholars, policymakers, and advocates have long bemoaned the Supreme Court's colorblind Fourth Amendment jurisprudence. The Court has alternatively ignored or condoned racially discriminatory searches and seizures, allowing government agents to engage in widespread racial profiling. Proposed reforms have typically focused on doctrinal solutions that would limit police discretion or called for the reversal of Terry v. Ohio. This Article provides a comprehensive doctrinal, regulatory, and legislative solution to racial discrimination in police investigations. It proposes a novel solution: adopting recent jury selection reforms aimed at preventing racism in jury selection to combat racial profiling in searches and seizures. Several states, including most prominently Washington and California, have adopted new procedures to combat the analogous problem of racial discrimination in jury selection. These states mandate the rejection of a peremptory strike where a reasonable observer, guided by lists of presumptively invalid justifications, could find that the strike was motivated by racial bias. This Article proposes that criminal legal system actors, regulators, and legislators should incorporate these principles to combat racial discrimination in searches and seizures. Central to this Article is a doctrinal solution whereby trial courts, guided by lists of presumptively pretextual justifications, should suppress evidence if a reasonable observer could conclude that the search or seizure was the product of racial profiling. Although not a panacea, this proposal is a tangible, viable prophylactic to racism in stop and frisk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing across multiple media platforms, Barstool Sports ("Barstool") is one of the most important sport brands in the United States. While Barstool's critics frequently assert that the company is "racist," few, if any, detail how their racial politics work. Through a brief genealogy of Barstool's cultural history and a close critical reading of "The Barstool Documentary Series," we show how Barstool's racial politics operate through gender—specifically the affective appeal of Big Man sovereignty and the homosocial bonds of White fratriarchy —to create and normalize racially exclusive and White male-dominant social worlds that dovetail remarkably with racial and gender ideas that organize what Maskovsky calls Trump's "White nationalist postracialism" and the Proud Boys' "Western chauvinism." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the relationship among White antiracism, colorblind racial ideology (CBRI), and White privilege awareness. We use Critical Race Theory (CRT) to frame the historical context of racism in the U.S. and the emergence of racist ideologies. We examine the extent to which White privilege awareness mediates the relationship between CBRI and antiracist practices among White people. We found that (1) participants' antiracist practices were increased the more they rejected power‐evasive forms of CBRI, (2) people who were more aware of their White privilege were also more driven toward antiracist practices, and (3) respondents' awareness of their White privilege was enhanced as they rejected power evasive forms of CBRI. We also found that White people were more likely to participate in antiracist practices when they rejected power evasion CBRI partly because rejecting CBRI enhanced their awareness of White privilege. Our results suggest that the fight against racism requires White people to acknowledge and dismantle the privileges that come with being a member of a dominant group. We contend that CRT is a powerful framework for psychology because it helps resolve the problem of understanding how structural phenomena become ideologies that shape the way people believe and behave. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This qualitative study integrates critical race theory to examine the practice of multicultural competence and the mechanism of discursive racism in the context of child welfare workers. We troubled the dominant paradigm of multicultural competence taken up by practitioners, and deployed discourse analysis on racial dialogue in a real‐life setting to highlight how the multicultural competence approach risks becoming a form of colorblind racism that diminish the importance of structure racial power which we call race dismissiveness. In our findings we identified four distinct patterns of race dismissiveness that the practitioners adopted to deflect racial dialogue: race identity fetishism, racial peripheralization, racial erasure, and racial externalization. We argue that the separation between semantic expressions of multicultural beliefs and enacted racial practices needs to be conceptualized as a part of the discursive enactment of colorblind racism that functions to keep structural racism intact through everyday practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a Critical Race Theory perspective, we investigated how racial ideology, in particular colorblind ideology, was present in Black forgiveness narratives for racial violence. We collected United States news articles from two high profile cases of Black forgiveness (N = 122), the shooting at the Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church and the killing of Botham Jean. We used a thematic analysis to address an overarching research question of: In what ways are these Black forgiveness narratives reflective of racial ideologies that may pressure or misrepresent Black forgiveness? Our results suggested that colorblind ideologies were present in representations of Black forgiveness. Colorblind representations of Black forgiveness ignored and diminished the racial context of the cases, reinforced false equivalencies through Christian messaging, perpetuated Black forgiveness as a palatable path to peace, and maintained a perception of White virtue and morality despite racial violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Article takes a contrarian approach to the first Justice Harlan's famous phrase from his dissent in Plessy v. Ferguson, "[o]ur Constitution is color-blind," to argue not only that the Constitution has never been colorblind, but also that racial realism counsels against falling for the siren call of constitutional colorblindness. This Article provides a quick tour through America's racial history, from the colonial period through the first constitution, which then is remade following the Civil War. It sketches the operation of America's racial compact that subordinates people who are Black, Indigenous, Latinx, and Asian in a system that simultaneously subordinates White people who lack wealth and power. The Court's application of nominal or formal colorblindness has shielded those who have benefited and continue to benefit from racism such that colorblind constitutionalism, rather than addressing and redressing inequality, serves to enshrine and advance it. In this sense, our Constitution has never been colorblind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ted Lasso (2020–23) has garnered much acclaim from both fans and critics, racking up an impressive 21 Emmy nominations for its final season. Commentators repeatedly highlighted that the show's emphasis on kindness, compassion and empathy was a key aspect of its success. This article will investigate how this emphasis played out when tackling complex issues such as racism, xenophobia and anti-immigrant sentiment in the context of English football and its fandom. I argue that the show used special episodes and emphasized individual action with regard to systemic issues, employing post-racial narrative logics, appeals to multiculturalism, tokenism and strategic Whiteness, to deflect from organizational and societal accountability for entrenched discrimination. The same pattern is also seen in the narrative arcs of Sam Obisanya and Nate Shelley. Though the two have contrasting depictions – the latter turning villainous for a time while the former remains virtuous – I maintain that both reflect a larger disinterest in the interiority of characters of colour relative to their White counterparts. I will also examine how the show sidesteps systemic racism in English football fandom to portray fans as largely positive. Finally, through an analysis of Edwin Akufo, I argue that the show's commentary on issues in world football also reinforces racist stereotypes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The continuing power of racist ideology threatens liberal democracy, for racism is more than a personal bias or a social construction. It is an ideological framework that reduces human beings to an existence along a color-coded spectrum, with people designated as "white" at the top of the hierarchy and people designated as "black" at the bottom. One has to see this ideology clearly in order to choose a proper response and then act accordingly. First, the reality of "race" has been exposed as unscientific and illusory, and as based not on biology or genetics, but on a legacy of empowerment for some and enslavement for others. Second, this racist ideology, part of our disenchanted, secular age, is exposed as a continuing form of enchantment in its manner of seeing the world, opening the possibility for a spiritual response. Third, dismantling this racist ideology requires a reimagining of "blackness" as a source of life and spirituality, as a way of countering and rewriting the dominant racist narrative. Fourth, a postsecular spiritualty, based on the work of Pope Francis—that emphasizes the importance of protecting our common human dignity, of caring for each other, and of "walking together"—can be engaged as a path for action in the battle against racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article calls for a shift of educational approaches from colorblind deficit models to asset-based models that reconsider antiracist art educational narratives. Topics discussed include perpetuation of systemic racism with colorblind deficit-oriented positionalities, strategies for transitioning from deficit-based toward asset-based perspectives about Black, Indigenous and people of color (BIPOC) students, and cause and motivation to change White privileging practices.

In 2020, anti-Asian racism re-emerged during the coronavirus pandemic in Germany and elsewhere, manifesting in media narratives, and evoking different forms of violence and exclusion, especially in public space. Racialisation as an everyday process creates "counter-frames" by racialised groups. They are constructed in relation to institutionalised interpellation as "the other." Building on Feagin's concept of "white framing" and "counter-framing" and Löw's concept of space, this paper discusses the effects of racialisation, coping and anti-racist resistance strategies as developed by the Asian diaspora. Social change regarding racism will be analysed through Foroutan's concept of "postmigrant society." We based this study on a convenience sample of people with Asian heritage which we conducted in 2020 in Germany. In addition, we included a diary study for which a subset has been sampled. We argue that the pandemic influenced the formation of counter-frames against anti-Asian racism in the specific context of Berlin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Has racism become a wicked problem, or it persists because of deficient anti-racism and/or unintentional or wilful neglect? This article examines neglect and denial as cognitive and functional features embedded in structural racial inequities. Denial and neglect, often analysed in socio-political discourse, are related yet distinct concepts, while neglect remains an underexplored feature of racism. I argue that denial and neglect embody key epistemic omissions enabling new racism to thrive unimpeded. Drawing on colourblind, White ignorance, and racial apathy literature, I conceptualize "racism as neglect" to draw attention to persistent yet insidious, often discounted racial inequities permeating the Global North. Understanding neglect and denial, and how they operate through minimization, ignorance, silence, or indifference, is crucial in tackling racism occurring in ideas, behaviours, and policies, and in omissions of anti-racist actions. Combating racism requires producing evidence of racism and pressing society to abandon evasion of responsibility and take effective actions against structural racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite research showing that public beliefs about the distribution of resources in society is a crucial factor in the reproduction of inequality, we do not know what Americans believe about environmental inequality or what factors structure those beliefs. Results of a novel national survey (n = 1000) show that Americans poorly understand environmental inequality, often view inequalities as fair, and are only marginally supportive of a range of key policy tools. Regression analyses reveal that the dominant factor explaining Americans' views of environmental inequality is what I term color-blind environmental racism. Color-blind environmental racism refers to a specific manifestation of color-blind racial ideology, wherein belief in a post-racial society obfuscates and justifies environmental racism and reduces support for policy solutions. Given the pervasiveness of color-blind environmental racism in the American mind, it is likely a substantial cultural barrier facing the environmental justice movement, from local siting disputes to the passage of federal policy. Future research should build on this study to further explore the roles of public opinion and color-blind environmental racism as barriers to achieving environmental justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on styles of racetalk, the way we talk about race in racist social structures, suggests that racial discourse is either covertly or overtly racist, with covert racism being dominant in the offline world and overt racism remaining dominant online. In this study I ask: is there a style of racetalk found in online discourse that does not fit within the covert/overt binary of racetalk that is present in the current literature. To address this research question, I draw on data from three social media platforms, TikTok, YouTube, and Twitter, and examine two racialized popular discourses, the cancellation of Aunt Jemima and the debates over Critical Race Theory. I find that among conservative social media users, but not liberals, neither overt nor covert styles of racetalk, describe the character of the racial discourse in my data. Instead, I find a distinct style of racetalk with three characteristics: (1) Conservative social media users draw politicized boundaries which frame Black people as part of their ingroup and leftists as an outgroup, (2) The members of the political ingroup, white conservatives and Black people, share a common threat from the political outgroup, and (3) The political ingroup should represent a multiracial political coalition who supports conservative politicians and causes. I introduce Colorblind Nationalism as a theory of politicized racetalk which situates these findings within our current socio‐political context and creates avenues for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the turning points in the 1960 presidential campaign was a gathering of 150 Protestant ministers at the Mayflower Hotel in Washington on September 7, 1960, two days after Labor Day. During the closed-door gathering, Protestant leaders, including Norman Vincent Peale, unanimously adopted a statement warning about the dangers to the First Amendment and the separation of church and state should a Roman Catholic be elected president. Drawing on newly available archival sources, this article examines the role of religion in the 1960 campaign, including John F. Kennedy's long struggle to neutralize the issue and the significance of Paul Blanshard's 1949 best-seller, American Freedom and Catholic Power. Although Peale was roundly criticized for his role in the Mayflower gathering, the real force behind the meeting was Billy Graham, who did not attend. After assuring Kennedy in a letter dated August 10, 1960, that he, Graham, would not raise the religious issue in the campaign, Graham, at Peale's behest, convened a group of Protestant ministers at the Montreux Palace Hotel in Switzerland eight days later to discuss how they could deny Kennedy's election in November. The direct consequence of the Montreux meeting was the Mayflower Hotel gathering. While Peale took the heat for the meeting, Graham continued to play both sides, insisting publicly that he was neutral in the presidential race while working behind the scenes to advance Nixon's candidacy, a strategy he employed again twenty years later in an attempt to jettison the reelection of a fellow evangelical, Jimmy Carter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Supreme Court's recent decision striking down the use of race-based classifications in university admissions reflects its growing commitment to the concept of "colorblindness," which has implications well beyond education. In anticipation, many schools and other actors are already moving toward alternative, facially race-neutral strategies for promoting diversity and reducing racial disparity. But what will happen when those policies too are challenged because they have race-related motives? Will courts soon find all race-conscious policymaking unlawful based on its ends? This is the next stage of the legal battle over colorblindness, and it is already underway. The first wave of this litigation has centered on selective public magnet schools at the K-12 level. At the time of the Supreme Court's affirmative action decision, four challenges to magnet school admissions policies were already pending in, or had just been decided by, the federal courts of appeals. All of the policies in question are race blind: Applicants' race is not considered in any way. But all were nonetheless challenged under the theory that they were crafted impermissibly with diversity concerns in mind. In one, a district court threw out the policy. These cases are clearly designed to be vehicles for the Supreme Court to extend the colorblindness principle to the ends sought by policymakers, not merely to race-conscious means. Such an extension would completely upend the government's role in addressing racial inequality and throw countless existing policies into question. Other similar challenges will surely soon follow. This Article uses the magnet school litigation as an entry point to examine the future of colorblindness, arguing that precedent and many other considerations counsel against extending the principle beyond racial classifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses the U.S. Supreme Court case Students for Fair Admissions, Inc. versus President & Fellows of Harvard College on applying the Equal Protection Clause that eliminates all forms of racial discrimination. He cites the Court's ruling that the Harvard programs failed strict scrutiny on required colorblindness, and that the Clause had transcendent aims. The author states that the Clause is not necessarily about colorblindness, and that it is not the right principle for the Clause.

Focusing on the Quebec public debate concerning the N-word affair that occurred in 2020 at the University of Ottawa, this article aims to determine how the discourses of racism denial produced by members of dominant groups are maintained within the public space, despite the anti-racist critiques produced by members of dominated groups. By combining critical race theory, the theory of epistemic injustice and ignorance and the speech act theory, this article offers a critical analysis of the Quebec media discourse on the N-word affair. It thus traces the positions denouncing the use of the N-word as a racial insult and a manifestation of systemic racism and those justifying the need to protect academic freedom and freedom of expression in the face of a cancel culture threatening to censor them. The analysis of the Quebec case reveals that the public denial of racism reproduces hermeneutical injustices regarding anti-racist critiques, particularly regarding those expressed by Black communities, and this through a new linguistic mechanism that I call "illocutionary deviations." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shonda Rhimes' latest televisual sensation updates her post-racial and post-feminist fantasies for a post-Trump world. Discarding her trademark colorblind casting, Bridgerton confronts racial tensions and gender disparities within a fanciful reimagining of the aristocracy of colonial Britain. Yet, in a move familiar to longtime viewers of Shondaland, the means of resistance to such injustice is gratuitous displays of interracial relationships. Bridgerton constructs a historical fantasy that centers authentic love and desire as the exclusive mechanism for constructing a post-racial and post-feminist society. Through love, the English aristocracy is transformed into a permissive, racially inclusive matriarchy wherein one's duty is to live and love authentically. While previous scholarship has contextualized Rhimes' work within neoliberalism, I argue that the racial and gendered politics of Bridgerton are more adeptly understood through Fisher's theory of capitalist realism, which describes contemporary capitalism's investment in mystifying authority and equating authentic consumption with identity construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I consider Bromell's critique of Rancière in the context of a discussion of the Black Lives Matter movement, focusing on taking a knee. I argue that Rancière's analysis can shed light on the Black Lives Matter movement, while also agreeing with Bromell's general argument that race blindness is characteristic of Ranciere's work. In this spirit, I suggest that taking race seriously implies Rancière's conception of humans as poetic beings requires revision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using content analysis of Buffalo media and 20 semi-structured interviews, I document the use of immigrant entrepreneurialism as a neoliberal urban governance strategy. Racism evasiveness is central to this strategy. I observe that immigrants and refugees are treated as symbolic capital as part of a neighborhood branding strategy that involves parlaying diversity into material benefits. I call this strategy global appeal. Buffalo's resurgence is a feel-good story that draws on neoliberal market logics, colorblindness, and diversity ideology. These stories allow Whites to evade racism when discussing neighborhood renewal and racist comments. Drawing on Bourdieu's theory of symbolic capital, Bell's concept of neighborhood frames, and Beeman's theory of racism evasiveness, I argue that immigrants and refugees are used as symbolic capital to construct a neighborhood brand. This is part of a strategy of roll out neoliberalism that relies on two neighborhood frames: revitalization and diversity. The revitalization frame credits immigrants and refugees with contributing to the neighborhood through homeownership, entrepreneurialism, and school enrollment. The diversity frame celebrates people of different races, cultures, and ethnicities coming together while both evading and obscuring racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As most studies focus on the outcomes of multiculturalism, assimilation and colourblindness (MAC) for students, little is known about why schools vary in the diversity approaches that they adopt and the role of the teacher in this process. This study explores how teachers implement MAC diversity approaches and what drives them in doing so. Based on a cluster analysis of 38 schools, three extreme cases were selected that either valued (multiculturalism), rejected (assimilation) or ignored (colourblindness) ethnic diversity. In these schools observations and in-depth interviews were conducted with 39 teachers, 23 students and 3 headteachers. Our results indicate that teachers varied in their implementation of MAC diversity approaches according to four diversity domains: 1) multilingualism, 2) religious diversity, 3) ethnic discrimination and 4) diversity curriculum. Teachers' beliefs and attitudes (individual-level) and their preconditions for teaching (micro-level) appeared as the most important motivators for adopting a particular diversity approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing from strategic whiteness and guided by racial rhetorical criticism, this article analyzes Disney's Zombies movie trilogy. Situated within the context of anti-Critical Race Theory policies and the use of children and K-12 education as political pawns, the timely release of Zombies as a postracial narrative motivates this research. Through the positioning of humans, zombies, werewolves, and aliens as fixed symbolic racial groups within the imagined utopian United States town of Seabrook, Zombies presents an ideology of diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) that sustains white power and fluidity. This rhetorical analysis presents three conclusions. First, the imaginary utopian town of Seabrook is a postracial space developed around stereotypical racialized characters and narratives that contribute to the historical marginalization of Indigenous, Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI), and Black people. Second, through the protagonist Zed and the cinematic construction of zombies, the trilogy perpetuates a postracial anti-Blackness via the inscription of a policed and controlled monstrosity onto Black identity. Third, the second protagonist, Addison, engages in the propagation of whiteness via voyeuristic racial tourism and white purity. In total, the children's mediated narrative upholds white centrality and power obviated by contemporary DEI discourses and representations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The science-fiction Netflix series Sense8 features eight "sensates" across the world who suddenly become telekinetically connected, able to inhabit each other's bodies. I put forth the term visual interchangeability to explain these cinematographical swaps, when audiences perceive one character temporarily standing in for another. Able to experience each other's arousal, the sensates partake in transglobal orgies: As bodies of different races interchange with one another, individual sensates' sexual orientations and preferences are seemingly rendered irrelevant. Praised for its LGBT + representations, and particularly of trans identity, Sense8's utopic implications suggested by the sensates' apparent pansexuality and raceblindness is undermined by its essentializing, inaccurate depictions of non-White and non-Western cultures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the role of race and racism in the lives of teachers and students in the United States, particularly in classrooms with a majority of non-White students. Topics include the reluctance of White teachers to discuss racism, the need for these discussions in classrooms, and the author's study on how sixth-grade students engaged in conversations about race facilitated by a White teacher.

Debates to "secure the border" have often dominated immigration legislation. Since the COVID‐19 pandemic began, this rhetoric has intensified with the use of the Title 42 program to "expel" asylum seekers without hearing the merits of their case. This article outlines how the Title 42 policy has exacerbated dangerous border crossings while advancing discriminatory policies which disproportionately affect non‐White asylum seekers. Using the framework of Critical Race Theory, this article examines the impact(s) of race, ethnicity, and nationality within the immigration bureaucracy. It suggests that "race neutral" polices in immigration perpetuate racial subordination and exclusion for immigrants racialized as non‐White. Intertwined with xenophobia and anti‐immigrant bias, this work also suggests that public health rationales have long been used to exclude "unfit" or "unclean" migrants due to the "fear of contamination" and infection. The Title 42 program is a violation of human rights, immigration laws, and stipulations in the United Nations Charter which prohibits refugees from being expelled to countries where their lives or freedoms are threatened. Related Articles: Garrett, Terence M. 2020. "The Security Apparatus, Federal Magistrate Courts, and Detention Centers as Simulacra: The Effects of Trump's Zero Tolerance Policy on Migrants and Refugees in the Rio Grande Valley." Politics & Policy 48(2): 372–35. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12348. Garrett, Terence M., and Arthur J. Sementelli. 2022. "COVID‐19, Asylum Seekers, and Migrants on the Mexico–U.S. Border: Creating States of Exception." Politics & Policy 50(4): 872–86. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12484. Silverman, Stephanie J. 2012. "'Regrettable but Necessary?' A Historical and Theoretical Study of the Rise of the U.K. Immigration Detention Estate and Its Opposition." Politics & Policy 40(6): 1131–57. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00393.x. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I, like many White people, have been complicit in perpetuating a normalization of Whiteness. My early adherence to an ideology of colorblindness manifested in racial insensitivities that affected me in all contexts of my life. In this critical autoethnography, I use two tenets of culturally relevant pedagogy to analyze how these racial insensitivities affected my instructional and relational practices as a teacher. I do so in an effort to provide deeper understanding regarding the relationship between ideology and teaching. Implications to this work are aimed at providing ways to better support preservice and inservice teachers in designing racially-equitable teaching practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Entrepreneurship research, as with most organizational research, almost always adopts a race neutral lens through which racial inequality is understood as exogenous to organizational theories. This approach is problematic because entrepreneurship is an embedded process and cannot be understood independent of its contexts, and the contexts in which it unfolds are often marked by racial inequality despite the apparent absence of overt racial antipathy. We examine more than 100 articles that address entrepreneurship and race, with a focus on underrepresented minorities in the United States: African, Hispanic, and Native Americans. From these articles, we not only derive why minority entrepreneurs continue to be disadvantaged despite widespread support for their entrepreneurship, but we also elevate themes of racial agency endemic to entrepreneurship from marginalized racial positions. We argue that entrepreneurship research needs to consider race; that is, scholars need to incorporate racialized structures into their theorizing. Doing so not only will highlight the structural underpinnings of racial disadvantage for underrepresented minority entrepreneurs, but it also casts entrepreneurship as an essential mechanism for racial agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, scholarship was extended on the cultural meanings of race and athlete activism by interrogating one key media spectacle surrounding athlete protests: President Trump's 2017 speech questioning the National Football League (NFL) players' character, with a focus on NFL owners' responses. The NFL owners' statements (n = 32) were subjected to critical discourse analysis. Discourses of post-racial nationalism and functionalism and the subject positions of "good player citizen" and "benevolent facilitator" (re)created meanings of the protests devoid of racial politics, linked to ideologies of color blindness, meritocracy, and diversity. These discourses and subject positions allowed the NFL owners to control protest meanings to maintain White privilege and appeal to their White fan base. These findings expand research on color-blind racism in sport, which perpetuates neoliberal ideals and the myth of a post-racial America, via taken-for-granted language use within discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this rejoinder we argue, based on the papers of this commentary series, that 'race' is such a tricky notion because it can be used in (at least) two very different and contradictory ways—as a concept to disentangle racism and racialisation (what M'charek calls the 'work race actually does') and as a way of categorization and social classification, in which case it might create the very essentialised hierarchies 'race' as a critical concept tries to disentangle. We wonder if it is indeed possible to use 'race' as a concept without evoking 'race' as a social classification. At first, we give a short summary of the four discussion papers and then delve into two aspects the papers share, namely the need for spatial and temporal contextualization and comparison, as well as their choice not to take up our invitation to compare race as a category with gender. In a second step we will discuss two points arising from the papers, (1) 'race' as category, not as lens, often resulting in essentialism and (2) 'race' as potentially obscuring racism and racialisation. We conclude by proposing to give more space to complexity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses Paul Beatty's Booker Prize winning comic novel, The Sellout (2015), as it relates to theories of black posthumanism, as outlined in the work of Alexander Weheliye and Hortense Spillers. In the novel, the protagonist – identified by his second name, "Me" – goes on trial at the Supreme Court for violating the thirteenth and fourteenth amendments by respectively owning slaves and reintroducing segregation. My article explores a series of deeply troubling questions implied in the text, around how black identity is constructed in Obama's America, or in the country's so-called "postracial moment." What if, in Beatty's anarchic fictive universe, black characters opted to become slaves, or masters, or segregated subjects? What happens to our conception of post-civil rights progress and postracial utopias when such choices are made, however satirically? I wish to consider Beatty's provocations around definitions of the human, as they intersect with constructions of race (and postrace) – particularly in the light of recent scholarship in black posthumanism. The article will draw on Weheliye's twin reframings of Giorgio Agamben's delineation of bare life and Hortense Spillers's distinction between body and flesh. The aim here is twofold – both to consider the novel's uses and abuses of humor (frequently characterized in criticism as Beatty's "black satire") and to position the novel within the wider frame of black posthumanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay addresses how law professors can engage critical and decolonial theories to teach students how to deconstruct the marginalizing narratives required in asylum advocacy. These theories provide the theoretical and praxisoriented frameworks for professors seeking to liberate their pedagogy. The goal is for law students to begin their legal work knowledgeable of the law and skilled at advocacy, while also cognizant of how the law reifies existing hierarchies. To achieve this goal, professors must begin to ask different questions in partnership with their clients and students that are historically informed and aimed at dismantling structures and systems that maintain hierarchies. To this end, this essay proceeds in three parts. The first part discusses how In re Kasinga--a seminal gender-based asylum case--helps law students engage with critical, intersectional, and decolonial theories. While Kassindja's case resulted in thousands of women and girls being granted asylum, it enshrined a baseline of objectivity that centers on the intersection of Westernized gender norms and racialized narratives that center whiteness. This section focuses on how decolonial theory highlights the invisible norms that have led to the disproportionate denial of asylum for Black and brown asylum seekers. The second part highlights how teaching the colonial history of the Refugee Convention permits students to understand the historical roots of the gender and racialized norms that pervade how we determine who qualifies as a refugee. The third part discusses how Kassindja's case can be instructive for highlighting the tensions that arise in attempting to conform the client's story to norms that often reinforce stereotypes. In conclusion, the essay starts to engage with pedagogical strategies for teaching clinic students to move from theory to praxis to generate alternative strategies for engaging in critical lawyering. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The eponymous protagonist of Tumac, a comic book published monthly in Sweden between 1978 and 1980, is a young indigenous boy who in contemporary times becomes emperor of a hidden Inca empire. After attempting to create a society where all social hierarchies have ceased to exist, Tumac leaves this hidden location in the jungle to help bring about a revolution in Latin America. This essay argues that Tumac is a prime example of what can be classified in broad terms as a wave of international solidarity in Sweden infused with New Left politics. During this period, colourblindness was elevated to a governing norm and antiracist vision, symbolised here by an indigenous hero fighting for social justice in a part of the world that increasingly took centre stage in the national political debate. In short, Tumac is a leading example of how Sweden wanted to be seen and saw others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article addresses the problems created by the Colorado property law with the way people think and deal with race, its origins and legacies arising out of settler-colonialism and White supremacy. Topics include the emergence of Colorado's property regime in the context of the racialized wars of aggression in the state, a discussion of restrictive covenants or White supremacy found in real property in the U.S., and the ongoing maintenance of colorblindness in Colorado's property regime.

This introduction discusses responses to ethno-racial discrimination in a hostile political environment, colour-blind France. The article presents the current characteristics of the French case, including data measuring ethnoracial discrimination. We outline the on-going role of state institutions and their agents in disqualifying minority claims, but also the recent turn against Islam and the hostility towards new movements against structural racism. We discuss how colour-blindness constrains both local policies and movements. We examine the consequences for individuals that experience discrimination and the collectives that fight against it. We highlight the various strategies that they adopt such as discretion, infrapolitical mobilization as well as tactical re-framing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2018, 848 Moroccan railway workers had the French national train company convicted for national origin discrimination. In the French context, this fight and the judicial outcome are remarkable. The absence of class action and the colour blind environment have historically limited mobilization against racial discrimination. This article examines the conditions of this success despite the institutional context. Some peripheral actors tried but failed to impose a racial and post-colonial framing. Only the "national origin discrimination" framework enabled the achievement of the legal case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Metal detectors became ubiquitous throughout the United States after their use in airports during the late-1960s and early 1970s when they were installed to address hijackings. While earlier perceptions of the technology's invasiveness prevented the metal detector's deployment in the United States beyond jails and prisons, security officials came to identify the device as a means to address the carceral-security state's legitimacy crises and square mass surveillance with demands for civil and political rights. Those designing and implementing the first airport security program understood hijackings as elements of global rebellions against U.S. empire and drew from policing efforts at home and abroad in their efforts to securitize airports. Officials and courts argued that the universality and objectivity of the machine that determined potential danger solely through the presence of metal removed individual police discretion and was thus race-neutral. Claims of the technology's novelty not only obscured its carceral and counterinsurgent origins but helped propel the metal detector's deployment to new spaces including public schools and workplaces. The metal detector reproduced existing class and racial hierarchies and strengthened police discretionary authority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article builds on those who have critiqued Hulu's The Handmaid's Tale along racial lines and calls into question the esteemed status the show holds as a rhetorical resource for contemporary feminist activism. By drawing attention to the parasitical relationship that the archetype of the vulnerable (but resilient) white woman has to Black pain and death, I argue that the series further calcifies the dominance of white feminism, enacting what I term "white feminist necropolitics." To illuminate this theory, the essay presents a close analysis of The Handmaid's Tale. Specifically, I demonstrate how the show deploys post-racial logics to center a white feminist heroine whose story of saviorism relies on the cooptation of Black pain and the exploitation of Black death. Ultimately, this critical reading of the series points to the ways in which white feminism and necropolitics are intricately entangled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Islamophobia has seen a disturbing rise in British and international contexts; however, we see limited attention being afforded to this in the context of Higher Education (HE), particularly the impacts of this through the lens of staff members. HE continues to frame itself as a post‐racial, secular, progressive, and inclusive space, yet is perpetually opposed due to its surreptitious and violent incidences of racism, classism, sexism and ableism. We discuss here, using liberatory‐based and autoethnographic methodologies, Muslim staff members' experiences and insights of Islamophobia in UK HE institutions (HEIs)—a severely underrepresented group and largely invisible issue in the academy. We highlight the need to expose, challenge, question, and destabilise the continuous victimisation of Muslims within these spaces and beyond. We unpick issues related to intersectionality and different levels of exclusion by exploring the sense of belonging felt by Muslim staff; specific challenges and episodes of Islamophobia faced; and ways the sector can dismantle Islamophobia and begin developing practices to genuinely support anti‐Muslim, anti‐racist inclusion and social justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

White liberals like to claim that they live in a post-racial society. Furthermore, they believe that most people do not sympathize with the far-right. However, it is not racism fueling right-wing extremism in North America and Western Europe but the dominant ideology, liberalism. Consequently, Slavoj Žižek argues that racism is a problem concerning "objective violence," which he further breaks down into "symbolic violence" and "systemic violence." These primarily target minority groups. Thus, "objective violence" best explains the West's problematic views of Muslims and Islam since it supports what Edward Said refers to as "Orientalism" and reproduces racist depictions of racialized communities. These are incredibly harmful since the West still perceives the Orient and its residents as violent, strange, and backward. These Orientalist attitudes ultimately lead to discrimination against Muslims and Arabs. Furthermore, this ideology naturalizes and legitimizes capitalist social relations while concealing racialization processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Nobel laureate, Nadine Gordimer wanted to drag Rampolokeng off to her personal analyst, he questioned, ‘is it me or the things I write about that are sick?’ Indeed, Rampolokeng’s acerbic poetry, a mongrelized, polyglot invective against hegemonic Western discourses, social injustice, tyranny and corruption is striking for its grotesque and surreal imagery, scatological diction and the eschewing of conventional forms of poetry. The nihilistic impulse to destroy oppression, racism and its attendant ideologies is mostly situated in post-apartheid South Africa and is scripted in a macabre litany of activism and indignation. The narratorial voices of subversion/inversion of social and political hierarchies satirize, parody and decry inhumanity: ‘I look out on vultures pecking their souls fleshless’ (Rampolokeng 1990:1). His subjectivity deftly manipulates African oral stylistics, Jamaican dub poetry, American ghetto rap, jazz and contemporary popular music in irreverent, intertextual abandon. This study will critique Ramolokeng’s textual strategies of subversion that undermine hegemonic discourses and privilege the downtrodden masses. In doing so, it will reflect upon the nihilistic impulse to eradicate injustice, elitism and dogma and validate a thesis that the passion for destruction is paradoxically a creative impulse for a more humane, compassionate and just world order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical Race Theory (CRT), a theoretical framework that has been gaining much recognition in sport literature, is a useful and beneficial tool in discussing race and racism. To better understand the context in which academic support staff members appreciate the functionality and significance of race, the present study measures the racial competence and colorblindness of athletic academic support personnel. This study explores the need to integrate a model such as CRT that promotes "racial competency" among academic support departments working closely with student-athletes of color. The study surveyed 101 athletic academic support staff members at NCAA Division I member institutions. Findings suggest that there is a lack of understanding of the tenets of CRT and a need to implement multicultural competence and diversity training for athletic academic support staff members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The election of former President Barack H. Obama allowed for the false ideology of post-racialism to become mainstream. Fast forwarding to 2016, many thought we were thrust backwards into time. The reality is that racism and anti-Blackness have been mainstays in the American fabric and remain a constant even when people pretend to be unaware of it. What we have learned is that racism is as essential to the United States as oxygen is to humanity. If we truly reside in a time where we have surpassed race and racism, why are there are so many racists? I am not referring to faux reverse racism or equating anti-racism or naming racism as racism. I am specifically referring to actual racism which is rooted in and maintained by whiteness as an American system. Bonilla-Silva (2010) once asked how it were possible to have such a high degree of racial inequality in America where most white people claim that race/racism is no longer a problem. The answer? Racism never left us, and it is waging war in every aspect of our democracy from education to politics and healthcare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]