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In the past few decades, liberal and democratic thought has been subjected to attacks from the adherents of nationalism, populism, and social radicalism. Much of these attacks involve suspicions about liberalism's association with the contents and purveyors of structured knowledge, scientific and humanistic alike. I suggest that an examination of the history of liberal beliefs may add to our understanding of what is at stake. Such an examination may reveal how liberal thought in the twentieth century shifted away from its earlier individualist and constitutional position towards the pluralist position that grants a special place to educated knowledge, to experts and professionals, and thus invites allegations of elitism. In particular, I focus on the differences between the ideas that conventional liberal authors elaborated during early modernity and the nineteenth century, on the one hand, and the version of liberal values and the polity based on them that were tacitly adopted during the mid-twentieth century, on the other hand. The examination involves highlighting the common denominators of mid-century authors on right, left, and centre, such as Laski, Popper and Hayek, as well as asking what in their shared worldview could attract allegations of elitism from later generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper captures women's religious agency and their bonding with the mosque by taking a snapshot of the discourse and experiences of female preachers, appointed by the Egyptian Ministry of Endowments, who were confronted with the closure of mosques within the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. Though these female preachers have managed to perform their preaching roles while being detached from the mosque, their spiritual affinity to the mosque could not escape notice. This paper argues that the detachment of the female preachers from the mosque due to COVID-19 offers a novel conceptualization of 'religious' agency that could be partially ascribed to their attachment to the mosque, not as a locale for their 'official' or 'semi-official' affiliation with the state, but as a 'sacred' extension of the private space of the home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From subtle shifts in the procedural mechanics of self-defense doctrine to substantive expansions of justified lethal force, legislatures are delegating larger amounts of "violence work" to the private sphere. These regulatory innovations layer on top of existing rules that broadly authorize private violence--both defensive and offensive--for self- protection and the ostensible maintenance of law and order. Yet such significant authority for private violence, and the values it projects, can have tragic real-world consequences, especially for marginalized communities and people of color. We argue that these expansions of private violence tap into an ancient form of social control--outlawry: the removal of the sovereign's protection from a person and the empowerment of private violence in service of law enforcement and punishment. Indeed, we argue that regulatory innovations in the law of self-defense, defense of property, and citizen's arrest form a species of "New Outlawry" that test constitutional boundaries and raise profound questions about law and violence, private and public action. Simultaneously, we use the New Outlawry as a frame to explore connections between several constitutional doctrines heretofore considered distinct. Whether limits on authorized private violence fall under the state action doctrine, the private nondelegation doctrine, due process or equal protection, or the republican form of government guarantee, experimentation with the New Outlawry provides an opportunity to explore how these different doctrinal categories share common jurisprudential and normative roots in the state's monopoly over legitimate violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human pro-environmental behavior in the private sphere is an important factor which influences nature and the environment and thus can contribute to the management of environmental problems. Although there are a variety of self-reported measurement tools for pro-environmental behavior, an established and validated measurement instrument for pro-environmental behavior in the private sphere is still missing. Therefore, in this investigation, the personal pro-environmental behavior (PPB) scale, was developed and validated on 7000 individuals. In study 1, eight appropriate items were selected and the factor structure was exploratory examined. It was shown that the scale represents a multidimensional construct. In study 2, the results from study 1 were supported using confirmatory methods. In the final study 3, evidence for the validity of the scale were found. Thus, it could be shown that the PPB scale can be a suitable measurement tool for pro-environmental behavior in the private sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The public nuisance tort is now in a critical stage of development, mostly in the United States but also in other jurisdictions, including civil law systems. It is becoming ever more consequential in practice and, at the same time, widely misunderstood by courts and scholars. Our ambition is to defend a private law theory of public nuisance. Contrary to the view that the underlying rights protected by this tort contrast with private rights (say, to bodily integrity), we argue that these public rights are private rights like any other right in the law of torts since they protect private persons taken severally. And, yet, these private rights are also distinctively public in the sense that they protect the interests of private persons to use and enjoy the public sphere. In that, public nuisance imposes not merely ex post liability for undermining these interests but also, first and foremost, constructs a liberal public sphere. Our case for public nuisance shows that private law extends beyond the private sphere to capture entitlements and responsibilities that do not arise from, or attach to, ownership of land; it also resists the reduction of private law to rights of action and ex post determination of liabilities. More concretely, our reconstruction of public nuisance solves two key doctrinal challenges that the tort struggles with – concerning the standing to sue in public nuisance and the economic loss rule – and it also refines the potentially significant role of this tort in addressing the urgent threat posed by climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The public nuisance tort is now in a critical stage of development, mostly in the United States but also in other jurisdictions, including civil law systems. It is becoming ever more consequential in practice and, at the same time, widely misunderstood by courts and scholars. Our ambition is to defend a private law theory of public nuisance. Contrary to the view that the underlying rights protected by this tort contrast with private rights (say, to bodily integrity), we argue that these public rights are private rights like any other right in the law of torts since they protect private persons taken severally. And, yet, these private rights are also distinctively public in the sense that they protect the interests of private persons to use and enjoy the public sphere. In that, public nuisance imposes not merely ex post liability for undermining these interests but also, first and foremost, constructs a liberal public sphere. Our case for public nuisance shows that private law extends beyond the private sphere to capture entitlements and responsibilities that do not arise from, or attach to, ownership of land; it also resists the reduction of private law to rights of action and ex post determination of liabilities. More concretely, our reconstruction of public nuisance solves two key doctrinal challenges that the tort struggles with – concerning the standing to sue in public nuisance and the economic loss rule – and it also refines the potentially significant role of this tort in addressing the urgent threat posed by climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Croatica et Slavica Iadertina is the property of University of Zadar, Department of Croatian & Slavic Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Rorty claims that metaphysicians and religious scholars agree with the separation of the public sphere (politics) from the private sphere (religion). While metaphysicians try to find this goal by discovering the nature of public and private, theorists try to do this by prioritizing public instead of private or vice versa. But Rorty, by creating a dividing line between the private sphere and the public sphere, claims that the political sphere does not need to obtain its foundations from the individual criteria of the private sphere, to which religion also belongs. He removes the centrality of truth from the stage of thought with an epistemological and religious approach and replaces it with dialogue (correlation with different "us") in which no member is more fundamental than another and no member is allowed to Judgment is not about other competence. According to Rorty, religious arguments are viewed as limited knowledge, which is non-negotiable and acts as a dialogue stopper. This is where religion not only becomes a way to reject the authority of the rest of the world, but also acts as a way to block the will of agreement between people. Our assumption is that Rorty's view of religion, which is based on the theory of the primacy of politics over religion, is contradictory to her ideal of a society for which both religious pluralism elites are important and maintaining political solidarity.

The distinction between public and private spheres has become increasingly blurred in the digital age. As more aspects of life move online, where information is potentially visible to anyone, traditional barriers dividing public and private realms dissolve. This creates a default condition of publicness for much online activity. In response, Internet users have developed novel ways of demarcating contexts as more public or more private through "gestures" (Vilém Flusser) that range from literal bodily movements to highly context-dependent and media-specific signs. This essay argues that in digital environments, the notions of "public" and "private" take on active, performative dimensions as verbs — "publicking" and "privating." Users engage in ongoing yet subtle negotiations to establish "spaces of appearance" (Hannah Arendt) and signify communication as directed toward distinct audiences. The essay criticizes classic theories of the public sphere as inadequate for digital life. It proposes recasting the distinction as fluid and gestural rather than stable and institutional. Although overlooked as trivial, micro-gestures of publicking and privating enable users to perform publicness and privateness in a time in which the public has become an act rather than a place. Studying these fleeting yet meaningful gestures provides insight into how users resist the default publicness of contemporary digital life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rorty claims that metaphysicians and religious scholars agree with the separation of the public sphere (politics) from the private sphere (religion). While metaphysicians try to find this goal by discovering the nature of public and private, theorists try to do this by prioritizing public instead of private or vice versa. But Rorty, by creating a dividing line between the private sphere and the public sphere, claims that the political sphere does not need to obtain its foundations from the individual criteria of the private sphere, to which religion also belongs. He removes the centrality of truth from the stage of thought with an epistemological and religious approach and replaces it with dialogue (correlation with different "us") in which no member is more fundamental than another and no member is allowed to Judgment is not about other competence. According to Rorty, religious arguments are viewed as limited knowledge, which is non-negotiable and acts as a dialogue stopper. This is where religion not only becomes a way to reject the authority of the rest of the world, but also acts as a way to block the will of agreement between people. Our assumption is that Rorty's view of religion, which is based on the theory of the primacy of politics over religion, is contradictory to her ideal of a society for which both religious pluralism elites are important and maintaining political solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Nesir: Journal of Literary Studies / Edebiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Nesir: Journal of Literary Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Polskie Forum Psychologiczne is the property of Kazimierza Wielki University in Bydgoszcz and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Polskie Forum Psychologiczne is the property of Kazimierza Wielki University in Bydgoszcz and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the opening months of the COVID-19 pandemic in the U.S., thousands of volunteer makers stepped up to produce PPE through third sphere labor, volunteer work that emphasizes community maintenance. Drawing on 78 semi-structured interviews and 662 open-ended questionnaires, we consider how third sphere carework could destabilize hierarchies between public, private, and third sphere labor and in the valuation of feminized versus masculinized work. We find women and men makers differed in what they made, but not in their motivations for producing PPE or how they valued the work of other makers. Makers rejected the idea that they should perform such work without any appreciation from third sphere recipients, but private sphere demands limited women makers more than men. Throughout men makers' efforts, we find ample evidence of caring masculinities as a response to disaster. We conclude with a consideration of what these trends mean for redoing gender and third sphere carework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the poetic and epistolary corpus of François Maynard as a case study for understanding public and private spaces for reading and writing in the seventeenth century, with particular reference to notions of the cabinet as a physical, social, and literary space. It considers Maynard's poems as personal gifts, published texts in collective anthologies, and texts circulated in manuscript form among a variety of readers. This study demonstrates the fluid boundaries that often existed between public and private literary spheres in the proliferation of poetry at this time, and argues that in Maynard's case, the division between public and private readership depended less upon the number of readers of a text or the ease with which a text could be obtained, and more upon the control that he was able to maintain over the text as a physical object. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The distinction between acta jure imperii and jure gestionis, while playing a pivotal role in the law of state immunity, appears alien to the law of state responsibility. However, recent practice has shown conceptual overlaps between these different areas of international law. The sovereign/commercial dichotomy has informed the attribution of parastatal entities' conduct to a state under Article 5 of the International Law Commission's Articles on Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts (ARSIWA). More precisely, acta jure gestionis have been excluded from the scope of attributable conduct. Against this backdrop, this study investigates whether, and to what extent, the distinction between acta jure imperii and jure gestionis dictates the interpretation and application of Article 5 of ARSIWA. We conclude that the distinction does have relevance in this context, although Article 5 was not designed to preclude the attributability of commercial acts. However, its obscure wording has allowed subsequent practice to overly narrow the scope of attributable conduct. This study, critically analysing a restrictive doctrine of state responsibility, aims to provide a more accurate and desirable conception of the rule and a clear and detailed guideline on when the commercial act of parastatal entities can be attributable to the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although constitutional social rights continue to attract much scholarly attention, their role in shaping private law is often overlooked. This neglect has led some scholars to underestimate social rights' transformative potential. This article considers social rights' influence over contract and property law in India, Colombia, and South Africa--three leading jurisdictions of the Global South. It argues that social rights can promote redistributive outcomes and inspire important shifts in private law's values and modes of reasoning. However, it cautions that the depth of this transformation will depend on how judges choose to cross the public-- private divide. One tradition rejects any role for social rights in the private sphere. Another approach is comfortable imposing positive social duties, but only on firms that resemble the state. One notch further along, there are approaches that prefer maximum flexibility and pragmatism, but which fail to invest much effort in elaborating legal doctrine or a theory of relationships. The final method integrates constitutional aspirations into private law. Integration transforms private law's modes of reasoning and offers the clearest language for confronting private domination and inequality. However, it can also threaten wide swaths of private law and risk a legitimacy crisis for the judiciary. This article charts each of these paths of influence. It considers the legal environments that foster each path, as well as their normative dynamics, internal limits, and shortcomings. This effort is meant to mirror developments in the literature on comparative public law, where scholars have mapped diverging strategies for enforcing social rights in litigation against the state. More fundamentally, this article aims to recentre private law in discussions of how social rights participate in transformative constitutionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper attempts to explore notions of public-private dichotomy with reference to collective agency and inclusion. It looks at a women's shelter run by a missionary wife Julie Gundert of the Basel Mission in nineteenth-century Malabar. The missionaries played a key role in the introduction of printing and the development of a modern public sphere in the region: a space, nevertheless, restricted to men from the educated elite classes. Julie's shelter, meanwhile, provides an alternate cultural space where women, especially those from the excluded communities, the disabled, the abandoned and the lowest classes and castes could come together. The shelter is seen as a location of intimate and privatised cultural contact radically different from that practised in the formal, restrictive sites of the emerging public sphere; a space where subaltern cultures challenged the status of the visible public sphere as the key platform for social-cultural inclusion and agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The exclusion of women from political participation and the separation of private and public spheres seem anchored in human history to such an extent that we may think they are necessary. I offer an analysis of a philosophical moment in history, the early years of the French Revolution, where politics and domesticity were not incompatible. I show how this enabled women to participate in politics from within their homes, at the same time fulfilling their duties as wives and mothers. The republican home, on this interpretation, was a place of power and virtue, a merging of the public and the private sphere where political ideals and reforms could be born and nurtured. This conception of the home was derived in great part from a reading of Rousseau's writings on motherhood. As the influence of French revolutionary women became more visible, they were severely repressed. The fact that they could not hold on to a position of power that derived naturally from the ideals they and others defended, I will suggest, was caused both by the fact that the framework used to allow women political power was insecure, and by the gradual replacement of republican ideals by liberal ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Párbeszéd: Szocialis Munka Folyoirat is the property of University of Debrecen and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Aeronautical Science Bulletins / Repüléstudományi Közlemények is the property of National University of Public Service and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Yearbook of the Department of Serbian Literature with South Slavic Literatures is the property of University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Prior content analyses have shown privacy news to be primarily negatively valenced. However, the effects of such news have gone unexplored. Using priming theory, this analysis examines the role of privacy news on trust in data institutions, privacy attitudes, and privacy literacy. Findings show that privacy news consumption is positively associated with privacy concern and literacy, which were negatively associated with trust in data institutions, fully mediating the effect of privacy news consumption on trust. These conclusions suggest a benefit of integrating privacy news consumption into relevant theories and models and have societal implications for consumption of privacy news. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The lack of space, movement and even breath afforded to many communities cuts across seemingly mobile life trajectories, constraining and constricting even (and often especially) the movement of people across and within transnational borders. How do arts organisations and projects explicitly work against the violence of these forms of constraint? Where liberal models of the public sphere have underpinned many ideas of art in public space—particularly those based in the notions of appearance and the "general" public—it is from situated praxes originating from what Stahl and Stoecker have described as the "expanded private sphere" that poignant lessons can be learned of a community and curatorial practice dedicated to solidarity and support. In this paper, we elaborate a notion of art in public that refuses a division from the "private", without straying unproblematically into the terrain of the personal or exploitative economies of care. We draw from our collaborative experiences in using creative strategies for countering the narrative containment of refugee groups in the face of UK media racism through the project Conflict, Memory, Displacement as well as the limitations we encountered. Using the concept of Azamba—a Malawan practice of community care and midwifery recently adopted by the women's group Global Sistaz United in Nottingham, UK—we further elaborate how practices and narrations of care and community support might reconfigure our relation to ideas of art, curating and publics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Digital network platforms are built on sociotechnical interaction between actors and actors. The creation and development of new public services based on digital platforms inevitably leads to the transformation of the relationship between the state and citizens. The attractiveness of state digital platforms for citizens increases when resolving the contradiction between the possibilities of new forms of social interaction and the threat of misuse of personal data, the risk of harm or persecution.The article presents the results of the analysis of the boundaries of the public and private in the interaction of the state with citizens on digital network platforms. The research method is a comparative analysis, which is based on the dichotomy of public and private, reflected in the concept of private and public X. Arendt, concepts of the public sphere J. Habermas, regulatory and legal concepts of privacy by R. Gavison. The empirical base was made up of a sociological study conducted to obtain information about the boundaries of privacy and publicity of personal data in the digital network space (n = 1 000 among the population over 18 years old living in metropolitan megacities and median regions by the level of informatization, 2020) and the results of Kaspersky Lab surveys conducted in 2019–2020.The conducted research allows us to assert that almost 2/3 of citizens have faced the misuse of confidential information on the Internet. Most of the respondents are aware that websites, social networks and search engines can collect data for web analytics. At the same time, citizens consider it possible to transfer personal data to the authorities in a generalized form for making managerial decisions. Half of the surveyed population does not object to the implementation of digital control over the actions and movements of citizens. Thus, despite the existing negative experience, it is unlikely that there will be any obvious resistance to organizing the collection of personal information on digital network platforms.

The lack of space, movement and even breath afforded to many communities cuts across seemingly mobile life trajectories, constraining and constricting even (and often especially) the movement of people across and within transnational borders. How do arts organisations and projects explicitly work against the violence of these forms of constraint? Where liberal models of the public sphere have underpinned many ideas of art in public space—particularly those based in the notions of appearance and the “general” public—it is from situated praxes originating from what Stahl and Stoecker have described as the “expanded private sphere” that poignant lessons can be learned of a community and curatorial practice dedicated to solidarity and support. In this paper, we elaborate a notion of art in public that refuses a division from the “private”, without straying unproblematically into the terrain of the personal or exploitative economies of care. We draw from our collaborative experiences in using creative strategies for countering the narrative containment of refugee groups in the face of UK media racism through the project Conflict, Memory, Displacement as well as the limitations we encountered. Using the concept of Azamba—a Malawan practice of community care and midwifery recently adopted by the women’s group Global Sistaz United in Nottingham, UK—we further elaborate how practices and narrations of care and community support might reconfigure our relation to ideas of art, curating and publics.

Studies into Afro-Caribbean families focus primarily on the prevalence of matrifocal households or the subordination that characterised women's role in the home. While these themes are critical to understanding the gender dynamics within Afro-Caribbean households, the proliferation of this narrow view of women's roles as mothers or subordinated wives has contributed to an underestimation of the complexities of women's lives within the home. This traditional narrative of Afro-Caribbean women presents a portrait of the home, domesticity and economic security derived from dependence on a man which was unlikely for many Caribbean women. This paper captures the frequently trivialised trauma associated with women's experiences within the private sphere. The paper contends that while the dominant literature positions Afro-Caribbean women as revered heads of their households, many Afro-Tobagonian women endured years of misery within the home due to a culture of domestic violence, financial hardship and the social acceptance of extramarital affairs. This knowledge offers us a peek into the interiority of women's lives and complicates our understanding of Afro-Caribbean women's experiences from 1900 to 1960. This work is undergirded by oral testimonies from Afro-Tobagonians, newspaper articles and official documents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the how education policies that leverage census data misallocate funding because of statistical uncertainty, comparing the impacts of quantified data error and of a possible differentially private mechanism. Topics include the quantified and unquantified errors alike are not acknowledged; differential privacy is the cornerstone of the Census Bureau's updated disclosure avoidance system, and negative impacts of statistical uncertainty on marginalized groups.

Through a discussion of Carl Schmitt's work this paper explores the theoretical implications of a war fought against a non-human enemy and suggests that Schmitt's work provides a useful framework of analysis for understanding the martial rhetoric that has surrounded Covid-19 policies. In Schmitt's work we can identify the intricate relation between the absolutization and dehumanization of the enemy on the one hand and the dissolution of the distinction between the public and private sphere on the other. Schmitt's warnings about the dangers of a global war in the name of humanity prove relevant to the war against a virus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to analyze the spread of Covid-19 through the socio-cultural approach of the Gorontalo community. With descriptive analysis, this research is focused on two levels of society, First, communities who have a kinship system and strong social interaction; Second, urban communities in administrative and private spaces such as in residential. The results of this study indicate that the spread of the virus will accelerate in communities where social interaction is quite high. Massive spreads and clusters are found in areas that have villages, administratively are villages or villages, but culturally is a model of villages with a very strong kinship (Ngala'a). In contrast to cases that occur in administrative and private spaces such as in residential where the contact is broken. In these spaces, it cannot be called a link because of low social interaction. Populous, but there is no social contact and physical contact. Referring to the results of the study, it can be concluded that Covid-19 spreads because it follows a pattern of kinship and culture. To deal with it, there must be a cultural strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social theories of International Relations (IR) are normally premised on a deep distinction between public and private spheres. Whether articulated as 'capitalism', 'the market', or 'civil society', all attribute some analytical priority to the private, with explanatory significance for the public sphere and therefore also central to the critique of realism in International Relations. Liberalism in particular sees the source of peace as a flourishing private sphere that narrows the scope of the otherwise violent, war-prone orientation of the public which defines states. However, we argue that this orientation is ill-equipped to grapple with the world-historical significance of the 'Rise of China' that is better understood instead as a form of industrialism not premised on the public/private distinction. This inapplicability of categories foundational to liberal IR theory leaves it unable to meaningfully engage the Rise of China debate. Using Uneven and Combined Development (U&CD), this paper elaborates industrialism as a pattern of state-led development in China that prioritises industrial capacity as an end over strictly private objectives (e.g. profits). Arising in substantial part from the exigencies of political multiplicity, industrialism seeks national unity and vindication of a distinct civilisational identity through the pragmatic means of industrial capacity under conditions of modernity. Whilst this argument partly echoes the developmental state literature, it goes further by visualising this across both the longue durée and the current conjuncture, right up to the much-discussed Belt and Road Initiative. Finally, the argument emphasises U&CD's potential to originate a simultaneously non-liberal and non-realist account of the implications of China's rise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the research work reported here was to clarify the semantics of the notion of "friendship". The main research question is to what extent friendship is recognised by students and teachers as a value constituting the identity of the Jagiellonian University's academic community. From it follows another one: what role does friendship play in the value system of the academic ethos-does it have the potential to clarify or transform values enshrined in documents and recognised as enduring? This study uses qualitative data generated from the collected research material: semistructured interviews and online surveys with closed questions, single and multiple choice. Content analysis was used to examine the interviews by identifying words, phrases and sentences related to the research tasks. The conclusions can be summarised as: 1.Friendship functions in horizontal relationships; 2. Friendship is an essential value of university ethos, realised through its other, already recognised and acknowledged, values: fair treatment, kindness, responsibility and respect for the other; 3. Friendship evolves in the system of references; 4. Friendship realised as a value of the ethos leads to a merger of the professional and the private spheres; 5. Friendship is automatically excluded when a vertical relationship appears. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Arendt‐inspired philosophy of education has been a lively field of research in recent years. This research is mostly based on Arendt's essay 'The Crisis in Education'. In the same historical context, Arendt wrote her initial essay on education, the controversial 'Reflections on Llittle Rock', and her political‐theoretical work The Human Condition. All three texts show Arendt's concern about the public realm and its capture by 'society', which she understands as discarding the distinction between private and public. This raises the question of where education should be located in Arendt's thought: in the private realm, in society or in the public realm? In her 'Reflections' Arendt places education in the societal realm, but this approach fails to convince. The answer consistent with Arendt's use of the category of the 'in‐between' in her educational thought is that it is in none of the above. Instead, education takes place in an ambiguous zone in between private and public, where both make their influence felt, but neither dominates the other. This has implications not only for how we should understand Arendt's educational philosophy but also for her notions of private and public spheres as well as for other political‐theoretical concepts in her work. This answers the question about the location of education in a second way: education in Arendt's thought is not simply derivativeof her political works but can itself serve as an interesting perspective from which to view her writings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A literary criticism for the book "The Great Demarcation" by Rafe Blaufarb is presented, which explores the dissociation between the public and private spheres that occurred during the French Revolution and the invention of modern property. It mentions that Blaufarb argues that this epochal process was consummated by imposing full ownership as the legitimate juridical form and examines the transformations of private law, particularly property law and state sovereignty.

Most studies on the processes and effects of neoliberalization concentrate on the public sphere. Some feminist scholars argue that young middle class women are increasingly becoming the bearers of neoliberalism – encouraged to achieve success in multiple areas of life. There is, however, a lack of empirical research on how women engage with neoliberal ideals in post-socialist settings. This article draws on 25 interviews with single mothers in Estonia to discuss how neoliberal ideology manifests itself in the private sphere. Our findings suggest that single mothers have an ambivalent relationship with neoliberalism as they are both challenging as well as reproducing this ideology in their everyday practices of gender and motherhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of TESAM Academy Journal is the property of Tesam Academy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Online user activities are tracked for many purposes. In e-commerce, cross-domain tracking is used to quantify and pay for web-traffic generation. Our previous research studies have shown that HTTP cookie-based tracking process, though reliable, can fail due to technical reasons, as well as through fraudulent manipulation by traffic generators. In this research study, we evaluate which of the previously published tracking mechanisms are still functional. We assess the efficacy and utility of those methods to create a robust tracking mechanism for e-commerce. A failsafe and robust tracking mechanism does not need to translate into further privacy intrusions. Many countries are rushing to introduce new regulations, which can have a negative impact on the development of robust technologies in an inherently stateless eco-system. We used a multi-domain, purpose-built simulation environment to experiment common tracking scenarios, and to describe the parameters that define the minimum tracking requirement use-cases, and practices that result in invading privacy of users. This study will help practitioners in their implementations, and policy developers and regulators to draw up policies that would not curtail the development of robust tracking technologies that are needed in e-commerce activities, while safeguarding the privacy of internet users. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religion, despite its signifi cance in social life, has always been a complex and controversial issue, especially in its relation to politics (state), human rights and liberal democracy. From a theoretical perspective, the paper contributes to clarifying the distinction between the public and private spheres, as well as religion the public sphere/space. Besides, the paper analyzes disputes about the free expression of religious symbols in public space through the case of the French Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the process of gendering memory as a counterpoint to the politicization of memory observed in the Polish context. The core problem of the paper is a description of a local case of this type of gender ‘memory practising’ in the area of the public urban sphere, specifically one created by the Łódź Women’s Heritage Trail Foundation (https://www.facebook.com/ŁódźkiSzlakKobiet) – a gender-profiled female grass-roots initiative that is concerned with the city’s past. The article consists of three main parts referring to, respectively, the functioning of memory in the urban public sphere as a form of dialogue (hemerneutic-interpretative anthropology with Jurgen Habermas’ and Seyla Benhabib’s theories is the theoretical foundation here), the process of gendering memory (appearing alongside the narrative phrase and feminist proposals for the interpretation of memory as a form of its pluralization), and the presentation of the activities within the Łódź Women’s HeritageTrail Foundation’s particular initiative – namely ‘Women Routes in Łódź’ – as a kind of case study for the city as a landscape of memory. The paper deals with the tension observed between the politics of memory and the political practice, and the alternative memories that arise from the idea of multiplicity and polyphony, including the voice of women. The authors raise the issue of the genderization of memory in the context of an inquiry into how the pluralism of collective memory and the diversification of the public sphere develops as a result of the discourses and operation of the alternative memory, including gender-focused memory.

In one of the foundational articles of persona studies, Marshall and Barbour (2015) look to Hannah Arendt for development of a key concept within the larger persona framework: “Arendt saw the need to construct clear and separate public and private identities. What can be discerned from this understanding of the public and the private is a nuanced sense of the significance of persona: the presentation of the self for public comportment and expression” (2015, p. 3). But as far back as the ancient world from which Arendt draws her insights, the affordance of persona was not evenly distributed. As Gines (2014) argues, the realm of the household, oikos, was a space of subjugation of those who were forced to be “private,” tending to the necessities of life, while others were privileged with life in the public at their expense. To demonstrate the core points of this essay, I use textual analysis of a YouTube family vlog, featuring a Black mother in the United States, whose persona rapidly changed after she and her White husband divorced. By critically examining Arendt’s concepts around public, private, and social, a more nuanced understanding of how personas are formed in unjust cultures can help us theorize persona studies in more egalitarian and robust ways.