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ABSTRACT India's struggle for independence held the promise of an end to poverty and redemption from the communal‐cum‐class‐based inequality which had kept the peasant economy backward. But the planned substitution of the agrarian‐rural fabric for an industrial‐urban way of life failed to materialize. Casualization and contractualization of waged work indicated that labour had become thoroughly commodified in a state of ongoing footlooseness. It was a proletarianization proletarianization which did not allow for the collective action precondition to raise and settle the social question. The onslaught of neoliberal capitalism in the last quarter of the 20th century ended the brokerage of the nation state to secure the interests of labour next to those of capital. Less than 10 per cent of the workforce has continued to enjoy formalized occupational engagement, mainly in the downgraded public economy. Corporate capital in collusion with statist autocracy has not only effectuated the deregulation of employment but also abandoned the legal code of formality. The outcome is a state of lawlessness for the people at the bottom of the pile. Besides big business, politics and governance are identified in this reconfiguration as stakeholders in a brutal regime of informality, erosive of equality, democracy, welfare and civil rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This study focuses on contemporary cultural projects dealing with the Greek revolutionary event of the 1940s. Empirically, the study examines a growing corpus of different cultural practices dealing with aspects of the Greek 1940s. These cultural practices are viewed as counter-archives and conceptualized using the notion of the proletarian public sphere associated with counter-hegemonic legacies, discourses, narratives, and practices situated in today's Greek political antagonisms. The past is understood to haunt the present in instances when the constitutive violence of hegemonic discourses and institutions unfolds. The projects studied create public presences of subjects and circumstances repressed by the official Greek public sphere. This signifies a production of knowledge from below, beyond what official knowledge regimes foreground and exclude. The projects unfold utopian margins, pointing towards the existence of a living social memory of emancipatory and revolutionary struggles that remain incomplete. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos de Trabajo Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Electrónica Interuniversitaria De Formación del Profesorado is the property of Asociacion Universitaria de Formacion del Profesorado (AUFOP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Situated in the context of the land and ocean grabs in Ghana post-2007–2008 global economic crises, this article argues that the country is experiencing "primitive accumulation" without capitalist industrialization. I draw on the insights of agrarian political economy to argue that this has created cheap laborers without industrial capital to exploit. The corollary of this is the creation of additional "relative surplus population", worsening the country's (un)employment crisis. However, this "relative surplus population" is not marginal to global capitalist accumulation and exploitation; on the contrary, it is important to them. The article draws on ethnographic fieldwork in Ghanaian communities to document the voices of the dispossessed and semi-proletarianized about their experiences with the crisis of (re)production inflicted on them by global capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the 57th edition of the Bitef Festival in Belgrade, Serbia, which took place from October 3 to 10, 2023. The festival's motto, "Strength, don't let yourself be anyone's," reflects themes of resistance, rebellion, and non-conformity. The article highlights three performances from the festival: "Children of the Sun," "Goodbye, Lindita," and "Desire to Make a Solid History Will End Up in Failure." Each performance explores different themes, such as the failure of aristocratic society, loss and mourning, and the reinterpretation of the Serbian independent dance scene. The article concludes by acknowledging the financial challenges faced by the festival but expresses gratitude that it continues to thrive. [Extracted from the article]

This paper examines the demand for industrial labor among dispossessed peasants and how the non-absorption of peasants' labor into industrial production intertwined in and around the Bole Lemi industrial park (BLIP) in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The scores of peasants who were dispossessed to enable the establishment of BLIP were promised to get compensatory jobs. The park's expansion ensures capital accumulation for the companies but produces a 'pile of pain' for the dispossessed peasants. Drawing on fieldwork in Addis Ababa, this article illustrates that the promised transformation of dispossessed peasants' lives from farm to factory and rural to urban lifestyle did not happen. This is due to companies' ignorance of dispossessed peasants' labor because they are illiterate, 'unskilled' and beyond the productive capitalist age as well as companies' preference for employing young women. While rural women migrate to the city for industrial labor, on the contrary, the dispossessed peasants living in Addis Ababa are seasonally 'returning to the farm' as daily laborers in rural areas known for their labor shortages. The peasants become surplus to industrial production due to capitalists'2 preference for employing young women of 'productive age' (roughly between 15-30). As a result, a new precarious peasant class of 'three nos' – no land, no work, and no hope – is emerging. The aspiration, hope and expectation of modernity – city lifestyle, proletarianization and improvement in livelihoods turned into the reality of under/unemployment and migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Martine Sonnet's Atelier 62 is built on the silence of the author's father, a proletarianized artisan who never talked about his experience as a smith at Renault in Billancourt. Through the analysis of the representation of work in the text and of its impact on human life, this study aims to present possible interpretations for the silence of the smith. First, it will demonstrate that the different kinds of work are articulated in the text on two opposite symbolic poles, one linked to silence, to the non-transmitted; and the other linked to speech, to the sharing of experience, to transmission. Then, it will discuss what would be underlying this opposition, by suggesting that the silence of the smith can be explained, on the one hand, by the physical and psychological traumas suffered in his process of proletarianization; and, on the other hand, by his separation from the sphere of social (re)production, imposed by this same process. The interpretation of the social phenomena portrayed in the text will be supported by the contributions of Marxist, eco-feminist and care ethic theorists who all converge in the criticism of the capitalist logic and its search for economic growth in spite of human life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on various sociological theories on the characteristics of work, profession, and service, the paper analyses the validity of the classification of teachers’ occupation as a profession, raising the question of what teaching is if not a profession. It also explores the trend of the changing social position of teachers’ professional activities in contemporary contexts. The introductory part of the article reveals the sociological content of the concepts of profession, work, and service. It explains what features allow these concepts to categorize various occupations. Based on Abbott’s (1988) analysis of the development of professions, it identifies the processes taking place in all professions causing them to lose their privileged status in society. The loss of status of professions is analysed through the concepts of professionalization, deprofessionalization, bureaucratization, and proletarianization. The characteristics of these processes are revealed based on various authors.Based on theoretical studies, the article analyses the results of empirical research conducted in the spring of 2023. The research ‘Teachers’ daily professional activities’ was designed using the photovoice method. The study involved 47 teachers with different professional experiences from different regions of Lithuania. The study revealed that teaching in contemporary contexts is experiencing all the symptoms of deprofessionalization and bureaucratisation, as well as intensive proletarianization of teaching: teachers are subjected to various forms of exploitation; alienation from the school and pupils is increasing, and teachers are being dehumanized. The article concludes with the discussion statements.

The article informs about a symposium discussing Eli Friedman's book, "The Urbanization of People," highlighting its exploration of challenges faced by newly urbanized workers in China, particularly in social reproduction and schooling. Topics include geographical dimensions of worker agency, struggles over social reproduction, and critiques of Chinese urban policy, emphasizing the book's contributions to geographical studies, labor regimes, and urbanization debates.

Copyright of Mülkiye Dergisi is the property of Mulkiye Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The historiography of time in capitalism is dominated by "transition histories" that examine the shift from precapitalist time to industrial or abstract time discipline from the early modern period up through the nineteenth century. By contrast this article examines time in the history of women's understanding of their domination and their political liberation at the key moment of economic restructuring in the 1970s. Like generations of workers before them, women's mass entry into wage labor politicized their understanding of time. Yet unlike earlier struggles for shorter hours, women's proletarianization occurred amid incipient economic stagnation and profound sectoral reconfiguration. Mass proletarianization amid immiseration thus both shaped the rich and vibrant thought of what "free time" could be in women's lives, but it also set the limits on how much of it could be won. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An emergent polar futurism characterizes the contemporary built space of climate science in Antarctica, inaugurated in large part by the British Antarctic Survey's cutting-edge Halley VI research base. This article analyzes the spatial form, design, and use of Halley VI as well as the rhetoric surrounding it, seeing in Halley VI an expression of a particular "socio-technical imaginary" that implicitly gestures toward a tendential integration of climate science and global logistics. Alongside claims toward fostering a comfortable, communal life among its inhabitants, the imaginary embedded in Halley VI is one where climate research is subsumed within capital's broader aims to facilitate stable logistical movements and infrastructural durability amid chaotic, volatile conditions, a subsumption that bears in particular on the knowledge workers who inhabit the base. What a reading of the base's layout, interior, and lived-in uses exposes, the paper claims, is an implicit portending of a growing proletarianization of sensual experience and knowledge work among residents at the base, increasingly displaced as they are from the subjective core of the base's operations. This reading both extends and complicates recent calls in polar geographies to attend to speculative figurations of Antarctic futures, channeling Halley VI's polar futurism through structural determinants drawn out of literatures critically dealing with design, the history of systems sciences, and theorizations of ongoing restructurings of contemporary labor. The article suggests then that imaginaries of Anthropocenic futures such as those embedded in Halley VI's polar futurism might serve at once as speculative-projective tools and implicit sites for carrying out critiques of tensions and pernicious trends that underlie such Anthropocenic speculation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay argues that the diagram and mechanomorph, those idioms for which Francis Picabia is most known in the history of the avant-garde, pushed past representation on the one hand and aesthetic abstraction on the other to access and articulate the historical specificity of the emergent proletarian subject position. Split between human labor bearer and source of abstract labor, the worker becomes both appendage and analog to productive technology as a node in the circulation of value. Borrowing language from Marx, who used the term "universal prostitution" to describe surplus-value-productive, or modern, labor that not only internally divides but also pits the worker against her or his own interests, Picabia's work investigates the advent of the post-human as a function of value. In this sense, his work is indicative of "real," or concrete, abstraction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Tábano is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica Argentina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present study seeks to examine the position of conservative workers between relations of production and daily political practices in the context of hegemony. The study will first touch upon the economic-political character of the mode of capital accumulation in Turkey. In the context of core-periphery dualism, relations in the base forced social classes in Turkey to become a part of the global network of production and neoliberal hegemony of the new world order. Under conditions of dependent semi-peripheral capitalism, the working class is situated in the public sphere, in the habitus of a politically excluded social status in line with efforts for conservatizing daily life. Political tendencies of conservative workers manifest themselves through criticisms targeting modernism rather than the capitalist mode of production. While turning out as a hegemonic ideology bringing along practices of submissiveness on the part of individuals in the process where capitalism reproduces itself, the conservative thought also socializes an epic and pastoral culture sphere that bars the development of class consciousness in wage workers. Hence, while proletarianization in production relations and depreciation of labor expands, there emerges control over daily life in civil society. The subject of this control is the typology of conservative workers conceptualized as the paid believer in the light of a field survey conducted in Ankara, the capital city of Turkey. The significant findings of the research confirm that the category of paid believer adapts to practices of control at the workplace under the influence of hegemonic ideologies. Consequently, in daily life, the category of the paid believer has a pragmatist essence that combines with submissiveness and fatalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Eels, pie, mash, and liquor is the traditional but largely forgotten food of the cockney, London working class. This paper examines the ingredients, rituals, and culture in one of the few remaining shops that serve a historical dish that is a living gustatory link with a hyper-local, early capitalist past and a gastro-nationalist present. The work takes as its starting point a sensory ethnographic investigation that interrogates a partially hidden world of performative, nostalgic memorialization in one of the very few de facto proletarian spaces within a city of neoliberal modernity. The spaces are, I argue, a negotiation with, and a micro-resistance to, the hegemonic culture memorialized within a largely insular, conservative cockney culture infused with a local patriotism. It further examines a food culture coded through ideas of respectability and manners, and via the concept of a "classed" body, the notion of sensation, disgust, and impurity that condense time and memory around the metaphor of the eel as cockney. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Socjologiczne is the property of Studia Socjologiczne and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examine the representations of mining in the literary works of these three miner-writers. It aims to explore their relationships to community, class struggle, and politics, as well as analyze how their language and style express these relationships. It further emphasizes the desire of these writer-miners to communicate and fulfill their artistic ambitions, often blurring or transgressing the boundaries between "proletarian literature" and wider literary, cultural, and social fields.

This paper analyzes the integration process of the Uruguayan MLN-Tupamaros guerrillas in the Revolutionary Coordinating Junta, especially after 1974. Although the Tupamaros maintained good relations with most of the guerrillas in the region, their entry into a Junta Led by the Argentine PRTERP, it was a remarkable process of transformation. The military defeat, the questioning of the armed struggle and the strengthening of a trend oriented towards greater proletarianization, related to the PRT-ERP, explain the denaturalization of the Tupamara. This process will be addressed using different archival documentation and in-depth interviews with recognized leaders of the MLN-T. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the biographies of two queer sub-proletarian women who were socio-racially persecuted, pathologized, and criminalized under National Socialism and who, having been labeled with the construct »asocial«, survived imprisonment in several concentration camps. The central questions are: How did marginalized women whose sexuality did not conform to prevailing norms try to defend themselves against the escalating state measures of control, persecution, and violence to which they were exposed? What spaces for action were available to them and how did they use them? The result shows two very dif ferent survival strategies: One protagonist created her own – albeit unreal – space for action by taking refuge in a dream world but accepting the values attributed to her by the persecuting authorities. The other protagonist sought to regain the initiative by making use of all the spaces available to her. She survived by becoming a perpetrator in the concentration camp as a Kapo or »prisoner functionary« and was later sentenced to a long prison term in Poland as a war criminal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the teeth of the coronavirus crisis the British HE system has been thrown into chaos and the severe limitations of the market model have been cruelly exposed. After thirty years of expansion and increasing neoliberalization, the contradictions of the marketized system have been realized by the virus, pushing the entire sector to the edge of bankruptcy. On this basis it is easy to see why the British HE system is haunted by the spectres of commodification, proletarianization, devaluation, alienation, disenchantment and, what Bernard Stiegler calls, disbelief and discredit. From this point of view the future of the British university looks bleak and yet we must consider the pharmacological possibilities that might arise from this dark situation. After explaining the history of the neoliberalization of British HE through the lens of Stiegler's work in the first part of the article, and then exploring the history of the university in the second part of the paper, in the concluding section I seek to consider ways in which it might be possible to use the crisis to escape the grip of ever-increasing technological nihilism and invent a new model of HE beyond the disenchanted university. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented which explores the adoption of the adoption of legal automation and artificial intelligence (AI) technologies and the technical proletarianization of the legal profession. Topics discussed include the conceptions of AI by computer scientists Alan Turing and John McCarthy, the disruption of the legal practice with the development of machine learning, and the perceived impact of legal AI utilization on lawyers.

Early Soviet cultural politics were shaped by the networks that Russian artists and intellectuals had formed in Paris before the First World War. In fall 1918, Anatoly Lunacharsky, head of the People’s Commissariat of Enlightenment (Narkompros), appointed Marc Chagall, who had spent the years 1910–1914 in Paris, Commissar of the Arts for the Vitebsk region. Lunacharsky, a revolutionary Marxist and art critic, had been in exile in the West before the October Revolution. This essay explores the relationship between these two figures and the formative influences that their time in Paris and engagement with Western art had on cultural politics in the early years of the Soviet state, particularly Lunacharsky’s concept of proletarian art and Chagall’s activities at the People’s Art School in the provincial town of Vitebsk, which became a site of creative activity and an influential center of the Russian avant-garde. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mülkiye Dergisi is the property of Mulkiye Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 2016 Brazil's Senate ousted the popularly re-elected President Dilma Rousseff, who had been accused of budget mismanagement under the pretense that she committed an impeachable crime that justified the parliamentary coup. This paper investigates the hypothesis that her government was removed once it could no longer sustain a neoliberal pro-finance agenda, which depends on the state, and that the forces that seized power promised to restore and strengthen. Pro-finance policies had been established in the 1990s by the Cardoso government and were maintained by the Lula da Silva government. The latter, nevertheless, was able to raise wages, as did Rousseff, but more slowly. Her government also loosened some neoliberal policies, such as the so-called fiscal austerity. Rousseff's non-elected successor, Michel Temer, tried to limit budget spending by implementing a 20-year ceiling on the real growth of virtually all expenditures except public debt interest. He also began aggressive privatizations and, after curtailing labor protections, proposed a regressive social security reform to further cut state expenditures. Thus, the Temer government promoted dispossessing policies to redistribute economic surpluses—e.g., through future primary fiscal surpluses—and allow the expansion of capital accumulation. The latter is driven by the proletarianization that follows welfare cuts—i.e., cuts in the social wage—due to the budget cap and regressive social security and labor reforms that sought to increase the supply of cheaper labor-power. Capital could also expand because budgets can increase the commodification by private companies of hitherto state-provided pensions and healthcare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural Anthropophagy, a pioneering concept developed in 1928 by the Brazilian Modernist poet and thinker Oswald de Andrade (1890–1954) in his Manifesto Antropófago , is a fundamental approach for understanding the aesthetic practices of Brazilian collaborative theater groups and their work on Shakespeare. The notion of anthropophagic appropriation is anchored on the idea of creative freedom, assimilating rather than rejecting foreign artistic legacies and mixing them with Brazilian culture—a process which allows the co-existence of self and other in a new interactive relationship. The theater group Nós do Morro [We from the Hillside], based at the Vidigal favela in Rio de Janeiro, approaches Shakespeare from an anthropophagic perspective, reimagining his plays through the lens of local and global traditions. The present essay addresses Nós do Morro's first Shakespearean production, Sonho de uma noite de verão: uma intromissão do Nós do Morro no mundo de Shakespeare (2004), which highlighted the communal dimensions of the troupe's theatrical activities, mainly issues of social transformation and ecological concerns. Nós do Morro's Dream staged a metatheatrical invasion of the performance by proletarian waste collectors from the theatre company's 2003 production, titled Burro sem rabo [ Tail-less Donkey ]. The waste collectors invaded the Centro Cultural Banco do Brasil, the elitist downtown theater where Dream was taking place, to kidnap the Shakespearean mechanicals and take on their roles themselves. This inventive device symbolically and literally constitutes an act of exchange and sharing, expressing their intent to approach Shakespeare according to their own aesthetic agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article re-examines the scholarly assumption that the theater of early Soviet Russia saw A Midsummer Night's Dream as an ideologically unobjectionable and unproblematic play. Tracing how Russian productions of Dream were reviewed from 1919 throughout the 1920s, the first section of this article examines comments on the play's potential usefulness for building a proletarian theater and concerns about the interpretative challenges it posed. The second section moves to address the expectations for Shakespearean comedy as a genre in the 1930s, framed by Shakespeare's new position as a cult writer within the cultural policy of socialist realism, and shows that Dream was interpreted as a humanist vision of an idyllic, egalitarian, and conflict-free future. Finally, the article analyzes the 1941 production at the Central Red Army Theater in Moscow, focusing on the director's assistant's rehearsal notes, which were eventually published as an essay. Both the initial notes and their final, published version reveal Soviet theater practitioners' battle with the recalcitrant play-text as they attempted to force the play into alignment with its official interpretation. By charting how staging Dream challenged early Soviet Russia's idealized vision of Shakespearean comedy and, by extension, of Shakespeare as a proto-socialist playwright, this article proposes that, when translated into performance, this comedy proved no less ideologically insidious and destabilizing than did Hamlet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text proposes elements of reflection on the question of work in the contemporary digital context by discussing Cazamian’s position on a possible end of Taylorism, based on an interview he gave to the Le Monde newspaper in the 1980s.During that period, with the emergence of personal computers, digital networks, … and New Information and Communication Technologies (NICT), it was opportune, as Pierre Cazamian did, to positively question the impact that the latter would have on work, on production organization and on skills. Forty years later, it is interesting to consider the current situation with regard to these hopes of the 1980s: how generalization of connected computing has automated services and replaced a good number of jobs with work done by customers/consumers; how network reticularization anticipates human choice based on real-time analyses of prior average positions; and therefore, always the urgency to put humans back in control of the machine, nowadays by fighting the dominant trends of digital technologies. We therefore successively examine: - the notion of “professional knowledge” undermined by the proletarianization of workers, but also of many other professions; - the impact of “free software” communities’ on production processes; - the new division of labor induced by digital technology and its production processes; - the progressive constitution of polymorphic “invisible machines”, resulting not only from the digitization of production, but also of services and daily life; - digital technology pharmakology, the latter’s curative aspects compensating for the toxic aspects.To conclude, we present various curative actions that allow users of these technologies to adopt them rather than adapt to them. In other words, to take control of them in order to master them with the aim of using them for their own collectively defined needs. Some of these actions are carried out by the Institute for Research and Innovation (IRI) within the framework of Contributive Research with inhabitants of Seine-Saint-Denis, in the north of Paris.Allowing humans to master the machine, as Pierre Cazamian mentioned in the interview he gave in 1980 to the newspaper Le Monde.

Despite its comprehensiveness, Lenin's classical analysis of the imperialistic nature of capitalism deserves to be considered under a new lens. This article is an attempt to highlight some important features of late imperialism. While Lenin's analysis is the focal point of critical inquiry, the article goes beyond his account to examine some important features of classical theory that remained unaddressed by Lenin. The attempt is to dialectically sublate Lenin's theory with the analysis of contemporary imperialism. It is suggested that the mechanism of financial accumulation, concentration and centralisation of finance capital is broader than classical conception of finance capital. Another important driver of contemporary imperialism is the globalisation of industrial capital driven by transnational corporations and arm's length production. The central feature of this new form of production is global monopoly capital resulting from combined interplay of concentration and internationalisation. The article also endeavours to understand the global proletarianisation of labour as a consequence of the accumulation at the world scale; a point only obliquely addressed by Lenin. The article concludes by comparing capitalism's crisis and decay in Lenin's analysis with the capitalism of present times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text proposes elements of reflection on the question of work in the contemporary digital context by discussing Cazamian's position on a possible end of Taylorism, based on an interview he gave to the Le Monde newspaper in the 1980s. During that period, with the emergence of personal computers, digital networks, ... and New Information and Communication Technologies (NICT), it was opportune, as Pierre Cazamian did, to positively question the impact that the latter would have on work, on production organization and on skills. Forty years later, it is interesting to consider the current situation with regard to these hopes of the 1980s: how generalization of connected computing has automated services and replaced a good number of jobs with work done by customers/consumers; how network reticularization anticipates human choice based on real-time analyses of prior average positions; and therefore, always the urgency to put humans back in control of the machine, nowadays by fighting the dominant trends of digital technologies. We therefore successively examine: - the notion of "professional knowledge" undermined by the proletarianization of workers, but also of many other professions; - the impact of "free software" communities' on production processes; - the new division of labor induced by digital technology and its production processes; - the progressive constitution of polymorphic "invisible machines", resulting not only from the digitization of production, but also of services and daily life; - digital technology pharmakology, the latter's curative aspects compensating for the toxic aspects. To conclude, we present various curative actions that allow users of these technologies to adopt them rather than adapt to them. In other words, to take control of them in order to master them with the aim of using them for their own collectively defined needs. Some of these actions are carried out by the Institute for Research and Innovation (IRI) within the framework of Contributive Research with inhabitants of Seine-Saint-Denis, in the north of Paris. Allowing humans to master the machine, as Pierre Cazamian mentioned in the interview he gave in 1980 to the newspaper Le Monde. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article addresses the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP) between Mexico and Canada by examining the forms of disposability and job insecurity of Mexicans employed in Canadian agribusiness. We argue that the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program has exacerbated the precarity and disposability of Mexican workers by restructuring family dynamics and care chains. This article represents a critique of the SAWP as a model of regulated labor migration, serving as a basis for analyzing the consequences of the proletarianization of the Mexican peasantry and its use as disposable labor for export. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As we begin to witness a new phase in the integration of digital social media platforms with educational institutions, we ought to ask how learning exchanges may be altered as a result. Looking to transformations in knowledge exchanges outside of formal education, we find that these technologies have already modified the ways in which communities engage with each other. Gerlitz and Helmond explain that the Like Economy built into all major social media platforms flattens exchanges between users to engagement metrics. With online communities increasingly isolated from each other thanks to inscrutable recommendation algorithms, the most frequent cross-community exchanges manifest in outbursts of rage, producing a so-called 'Dislike Society'. Practitioners would rather briefly unite to tear down other ways of living than to build new ones. Within the Dislike Society, any form of knowledge that could shape new communities is lost to the governance of algorithms in what Bernard Stiegler calls 'proletarianisation'. To re-apply knowledge to the improvement of life, as suggested by Whitehead, the attention of learners needs to be shaped in response to new technological conditions. This is best achieved within the educational institutions that now face a reorganisation by the same companies that brought us the Dislike Society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a world-system built through dispossession and exploitation of African and Indigenous peoples, the case of the San in Botswana is significant. The government of Botswana recently led a protracted campaign of dispossession of the Indigenous San, likely due to there being diamond reserves near and within the Central Kalahari Game Reserve. This article argues that synthesizing critical theories of accumulation, dispossession, and State strategy can help us understand how and when dispossession of the Indigenous San led to commodification and/or proletarianization, while also helping to understand what became of the dispossessed. It expands theorizing on the sociology, geography, and political economy of (under)development, Indigenous rights and sovereignty, and State-Capital relations in Africa. The structural pressures for States in the periphery to cultivate extractive economies while seeking integration within the circuits of global capitalism remain present, decades after achieving colonial independence. This highlights the tensions, limitations, and illusions of successful ‘development’ in the stratified world-economy. Finally, the findings in this article critically challenge the story of Botswana being the ‘miracle’ of post-colonial Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• The Bolsonaro administration and its class allies used the pandemic as a political opportunity and the state as a tool to advance dispossessions. • Dispossessions such as debt interest payments or privatizations simply redistribute surpluses or means of production, with no impact on capital expansion. • Dispossessions of peasants or indigenous people from lands and forests expand capital by turning their means of subsistence into means of capitalist production. • The transfer to for-profit companies of public services, facilities, or spaces turns means of subsistence into commodities and thus expands capital. • Capitalization, commodification, or the termination of contemporary commons reduce means of subsistence and thus increase the availability of exploitable labor-power. In 2020–2021 Brazil simultaneously experienced the far-right presidency of Jair Bolsonaro and the world's largest health crisis in a century. The Covid-19 pandemic struck the country deeply, killing about 690 thousand people by late 2022. They were also years of increased pressure by capital on peasants and indigenous people, targets of the violence with which capital, ever since its dawn, has wielded to advance over spaces that serve the subsistence of immediate producers. In this period, the Brazilian state continued to comply with decades-old demands from neoliberal ideology for privatizations and the dismantling of protections for workers and the poor in general. These phenomena, when articulated by theory inspired by the Marxian concept of primitive accumulation, suggest that the Bolsonaro administration and its class allies used the pandemic as a political opportunity for dispossessing policies. The article discusses this based on concepts that distinguish dispossessions that serve capital expansion from those that do not. The first group includes processes that lead to proletarianization of immediate producers in addition to the capitalization or commodification of hitherto means of subsistence. Among dispossessions that do not expand capital are those that involve the simple redistribution of surpluses or means of production. The paper contributes to the literature on dispossession by analyzing concrete manifestations of it, drawing on a conceptual framework that distinguishes dispossession types that have been conflated in much current research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses the relationships between archaeology and wage labor in twentieth-century Mexico through an analysis of governmental payroll records from El Tajín, Veracruz. For Indigenous Totonac workers, the long-term presence of archaeological labor provided opportunities for income and social mobility in a context of dispossession and proletarianization while contributing to socioeconomic stratification. In a region where the traditional agricultural base declined during the twentieth century, participation in wage labor provided a source of regular cash income and opportunities for skill development and social mobility. Participation, however, depended on intermediaries and their kin and social networks, meaning that not all had access. The analysis suggests that staterun archaeology must be understood in practical and economic terms as well as in a regional context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on a case study of algorithmically controlled manual labour in German manufacturing and delivery logistics, this article develops the concept of cybernetic proletarianization. It does so by joining an empirical analysis of labour processes with theoretical class analysis. Thus, it reconstructs Marx's understanding of technical proletarianization as a dialectic between expulsion and reintegration of living labour in production processes. In the cases researched here, a qualitative and quantitative expulsion of living labour could be observed in different forms: First, deskilled flexibilization via digital instructions on working steps; second, a cybernetic mode of work intensification that is based on a permanent digital evaluation of the labour process; third, data-based automation, which builds on the data collected from the labour processes. This expulsion is counterweighted by a process of reintegration of devaluated living labour due to new highly labour-intensive forms of production and distribution, which are enabled by algorithmic work control. However, these processes are highly conflictual, resulting in different 'technopolitics from below', in which workers influence or even disrupt the processes of cybernetic proletarianization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on ethnographic material from Gitanos of Spain and current EU Roma integration policies, we explore the contemporary construction of the Roma ethnic group category as a specific type of "stranger" in the context of the European neoliberal culture complex. Our argument is that this classificatory reconstruction can be seen to work as a cultural prerequisite for the socio-political shaping and management of the Roma as a neoliberal "stable stranger." This new stranger is based on constructing Roma as a potential unused labor pool and as recent immigrants, in contrast to the Gitanos' own ideology and locally grounded identity of self-employment and anti-proletarianism. The paradoxical consequence of the integration policies, therefore, is the potential pushing of the Gitanos further away from Spanish mainstream society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Perhaps the most essential device for the organization of the novel form is narrative point of view. Mikhail Bakhtin, in "Discourse in the Novel" (1934–1935), maintains in fact that "every language in the novel is a point of view, a socio-ideological conceptual system of real social groups and their embodied representatives. ... Any point of view on the world fundamental to the novel must be a concrete, socially embodied point of view, not an abstract, purely semantic position." György Lukács, too, having discovered the particular Standpunkt of the proletariat in History and Class Consciousness of 1923, would define the novel—for instance The Historical Novel in 1938—as the "conscious and consistent application of ... specifically historical viewpoints." On closer inspection, Antonio Gramsci, only a few years earlier, had touched on similar theoretical issues in a (somewhat cryptic) observation on the Italian novelistic tradition: "the 'point of view' of the key cannot be that of the lock." This observation in turn opened the way to a veritable taxonomy of various ways of representing "the people" in the Italian novel - from Manzoni's "paternalism" to Dostoevsky's "con-science." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]