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In the past ten years, the world has seen a flurry of diplomatic activity that seem to indicate a fundamental change in China's strategic preferences. But has it fundamentally changed? This paper seeks to answer this question by examining China's strategic culture, comparing it to that of ASEAN. It will apply the theoretical concepts concerning strategic culture and the socialization process to try to determine if China's strategic preferences toward cooperative behavior have indeed changed fundamentally. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a paper on whether the U.S. should pursue regime change in North Korea prepared for the 2005 annual conference of the International Studies Association in Honolulu, Hawaii in March. It notes that the U.S. failure in Iraq may encourage North Korean President Kim Jong II to increase aggressive behavior. It suggests to the U.S. and its allies to develop a multi-faceted strategy that will remove threat of North Korea's nuclear weapons. It proposes a policy which is based on the assumption that North Korea already have nuclear weapons.

The article discusses the challenges facing Sea Line of Communication (SLOC) security in Southeast Asia and its impact on the strategic access of the U.S. It cites that the primary reason for the failure of the U.S. to gain operational access to implement its plan to improve security in key waterways in Southeast Asia is a continuing decline in its ability to influence states in the region. It suggests that the U.S. should emphasize the criminal component of the global war on terrorism (GWOT) to maintain its ability to pursue its regional interests.

The article describes the scenario planning framework developed for negotiations to disarming North Korea. It discusses steps to establish a security environment that is more conducive to the interests of the U.S. The first step is defining the policy question at hand, followed by identifying the major trends that affect the policy question. The third step is to analyze the major trends affecting the environment surrounding the policy question.

This study uses polling data from the current post-9/11 and the early Cold War time periods to gauge the short term and long term effects of national adversity on policy preferences of military force. It supports that notion that public opinion is rational, and reflects predisposed policy preferences, even in the face of a national consensus of threat perception caused by major crises. Initially, there will be a relatively short term reaction in which the public will support wider range of military operations, but over time it will gradually revert back to a predisposed set of preferences for the principle policy objectives of military force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese foreign policy is changing to reflect the realities of a new world order, an order in which the United States is a hegemon with unsurpassed power and China seeks to successfully continue its “communism with capitalist characteristics”. In this world, China has wisely chosen not to compete directly with the United States, but to use the development of regional multilateral institutions to spread its influence while diluting that of the global hegemon. One poignant example of this policy is the ASEAN+3 forum and the ongoing development of an East Asian Security Community (EASC). Considering that China is a key member of ASEAN+3, it can serve as a powerful catalyst or obstacle to the development of an EASC. To what extent will China support such a security community? Why would it support a security community at all? To answer these two questions, this paper will present an overview of Chinese engagement with ASEAN+3 and the recent East Asian Summit, as well as explore what may be driving this increased multilateral engagement. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]