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This paper offers a phonological account of various ways in which reduplication interacts with independent processes in Lakota: transparent application in the case of cluster simplification, overapplication in the case of palatalization, and underapplication in the case of vowel mutation. I argue that all three patterns follow from phonological optimization rather than morpheme-specific constraints on the reduplicant or on other morphemes, and that the co-existence of divergent patterns is compatible with such a phonological analysis. Local application is the default pattern, while overapplication receives a cyclic explanation. For underapplication, which is the most recalcitrant pattern in Lakota, I offer an account in terms of Trigger Poverty, a concept which denotes an imbalance between the number of triggers and the number of potential targets created by copying. Trigger Poverty is likely to be a more general abstract source of underapplication beyond Lakota. This paper thus contributes to the discussion of modularity in phonology by presenting evidence that identity effects in reduplication can be epiphenomenal.

The alternations k~c, g~z, and x~s occurring before i in Bosnian-Croatian-Serbian (BCS) noun declension stem from the Second Palatalization of Velars, but are no longer phonologically conditioned. In the dative-locative singular of nouns with nominative in -a, they are favored or hindered by a combination of morphological criteria. In the dative-instrumental-locative plural of masculine nouns, they are almost exceptionless. In the same three cases of neuter nouns they occur more when the noun is directly after a preposition, less when other words intervene between the preposition and the noun, a phenomenon that has not previously been remarked in the literature. We exemplify it with the noun pazuho ‘armpit’.

This study examines the phonological system of the Dentong dialect in Cenrana District, Maros Regency, South Sulawesi. The results of research on the phonological system, it is found: (1) the vowel phoneme of the Dentong dialect is the same as the vowel phoneme in Bugis, namely /i/, /e/, /?/, /a/, /u/, and /o/ and the consonant phonemes, namely /b/, /c/, /d/, /g/, /h/, /j/, /k/, /l/, /m/, /n/, /p/, /r/, /s/, /t/, and /? /, nevertheless the phonemes /w/ and /y/ are not found; (2) The consonant sequences are /?k/, /nd/, /mb/, /?g/, /nj/, /nr/, and /??/; (3) Geminations of consonants in the form of phonemes are /kk/, /ll/, /mm/, /nn/, /pp/, /rr/, and /ss/; (4) sound variations, namely apheresis of eliminating phonemes /m/ at the beginning of a word, syncope of eliminating phonemes /ma/ in the middle of a word, epenthesis of inserting phonemes /h/ in the middle of words, prosthesis of adding phonemes /b/ at the beginning of words, and paragog of adding phoneme /?/ at the end of a word; and (5) the symptom of sound found accompanying articulation, namely labialization in the form of sound /w/ labia-dental consonant and palatalization in the form a/y sound.

There are very few place-names with initial Ch- [tʃ-] in Scotland, Northern England and much of the East Midlands. Names that do exist are almost exclusively late formations and usually consist of French rather than Old English place-name elements. This article investigates the reasons why assibilation is either present or absent from specific areas and why. The results lead to a reassessment of several points, including: (1) the phonetic and phonological development of the voiceless velar in Early English in particular environments; (2) the extent to which external influence counteracted palatalization and assibilation in some areas; (3) the disparities between the place-name and dialectal evidence.

This paper presents an analysis of two interacting sound changes in the extinct West Slavic language Polabian. Polabian is known to have two types of vowel innovations: (i) the incorporation of acoustic properties from consonant secondary co-articulations (either palatalization or velarization) and (ii) a systematic rotation of vowels (Timberlake 1995). This paper argues that the innovation in (ii) is a vowel chain shift similar to those analyzed in Labov (1994). Unlike the other languages surveyed in Labov (1994), Polabian has phonologically predictable exceptions to the general direction of vowel movement through the acoustic space. Unlike previous work on Polabian, this paper proposes that the vowel chain shift operated simultaneously with the innovation in (i) resulting in phonologically predictable exceptions. This paper tests Timberlake’s (1995) proposal and the current proposal in a Harmonic Grammar (Flemming 2001) which uses Purcell’s (1979) acoustic data from Russian as a proxy. The model only captures the correct distribution of vowel reflexes under the assumption that co-articulatory based innovations and vowel chain shifting were active at the same time.

This study aims at providing an autosegmental account of feature spread in assimilatory situations in Jordanian rural Arabic. I hypothesise that in any assimilatory situation in Jordanian rural Arabic the undergoer assimilates a whole or a portion of the matrix of the trigger. I also hypothesise that assimilation in Jordanian rural Arabic is motivated by violation of the obligatory contour principle on a specific tier or by spread of a feature from a trigger to a compatible undergoer. Data of the study were analysed in the framework of autosegmental phonology with focus on the notion of dominance in assimilation. Findings of the study have revealed that an undergoer assimilates a whole of the matrix of a trigger in the assimilation of /t/ of the detransitivizing prefix /Ɂɪt-/, coronal sonorant assimilation, and inter-dentalization of dentals. However, partial assimilation occurs in the processes of nasal place assimilation, anticipatory labialization, and palatalization of plosives. Findings have revealed that assimilation occurs when the obligatory contour principle is violated on the place tier. Violation is then resolved by deletion of the place node in the leftmost matrix and by right-to-left spread of a feature from rightmost matrix to leftmost matrix. It has been also revealed that spread of a primary or a non-primary feature from a trigger to an undergoer can motivate assimilation to occur in some assimilatory situations in Jordanian rural Arabic.

This paper is a response to the claim made by some Eυe scholars during a seminar presentation on “The Orthographic Challenges of -na to Learners of Eυe” that the habitual marker, -na of the Standard Eυe, is basically a prolongation of the last vowel of a lexical verb in Tɔηu dialect. The paper examines the habitual marker, -na, in Tɔηu dialect of Eυe. The analysis is performed on data obtained in a face-to-face interview with Tɔηu speakers randomly selected: a collection of speeches from the speakers in various social settings such as markets, churches, homes and funerals in some selected communities of Tɔηu. The study has shown that Tɔηu has four forms: -a, -e, -e and -ɔ of the habitual marker -na, depending on the kind of sound that ends the lexical verb to which it is affixed. This study revealed four phenomena that bring about these variations; vowel lengthening, labialisation, palatalization and coalition. It is, therefore, evident that Tɔηu does not mark customary action with vowel lengthening only; the assertion above is a misrepresentation of -na in the Tɔηu dialect. The impression that vowel harmony does not exist in Eυe must, therefore, be looked at again.

Ao considerar a língua como sistema inerentemente variável, a Teoria da Variação e Mudança (WEINREICH; LABOV; HERZOG, 2006 [1968]) postula que as variantes linguísticas apresentam o mesmo significado referencial, mas tendem a apresentar significados sociais diferentes. Esses significados podem ser associados a valores positivos, negativos ou neutros na comunidade. Neste estudo, mensuramos os significados sociais associados ao processo de palatalização /t, d/ por estudantes universitários do agreste alagoano, a partir de seis parâmetros de julgamento social: percepção da variação na cidade onde mora, crença a respeito do próprio uso linguístico, avaliação da variação, percepção do uso quanto à variação diatópica, quanto à escolarização e quanto ao preconceito linguístico. Adotamos uma abordagem direta (GARRET; COUPLAND; WILLIAMS, 2003) através de um questionário de crenças e atitudes linguísticas, que foi aplicado a 102 estudantes universitários. Os dados evidenciam que a percepção dos estudantes é sensível ao contexto linguístico, revelando que, para a palatalização regressiva, há uma avaliação positiva, indicando ser um estereótipo positivo, ao passo que, para a palatalização progressiva, há uma avaliação negativa, indicando um caso de estereótipo negativo na comunidade.

This paper presents the results of an articulatory study of palatalized consonants in Polish, a language with a typologically rare concentration of two phonemic series of posterior sibilants, one inherently palatalized, and the other contextually (allophonically) palatalized. For both phonemic and allophonic palatalization in Polish, it was found that the most stable correlates of palatalization are the advancement of the tongue root and a combined effect of raising and fronting of the tongue body. The advancement of the tongue root can be interpreted as the driving force in palatalization, while the effect of tongue body fronting and raising can be seen as secondary, resulting from the movement of the tongue root and the characteristic of the tongue as a muscular hydrostat.

SummaryThis study compares the Vulgar Latin Raetia, Noricum, Venetia et Histria, Pannónia Superior, Pannónia Inferior and Dalmatia with each other and their provincial capitals in relation to the hypothesized large dialectal isoglosses of Vulgar Latin, and in turn, to the modern Romance languages located in those areas, such as Western Romance, Northern Italian, Southern Italian and Eastern Romance dialects. The analysis is done on the palatal and velar vowels, the V∼B merger, intervocalic V drop, sonorization, degemination, assimilation, palatalization and final /-s/ drop. The territories of the Alps-Danube-Adria region will be classified according to their similarities to each other and their similarity to the Vulgar Latin or Romance dialects.

One type of phonetic study is the accompanying sound. The sound of inclusion indaily life is often not recognized. This is becouse the accompanying sound is produced accidentally by the speaker. Assessment of speech sound can improve the ability of students to listen and identify one type of phonetic study, teh sound of inclusion. The research method used is a qualitative research method with descriptive analysis research type. The data in this study were divided into primary data in the from of songs sung by singer Yura Yunita and secondary data in the from of books, journals, and articles. Data analysis is done by collecting all the notes in the fiels, then reducing the data in the form of sound, after that present it into a pattern that is formed, to produce conclusions. Based on the results of an analysis of two songs entitled “Malam Sunyi” and “ Harus Bahagia” found thirtteen accompanying sounds. The thirteen accompanying sounds are included in teh types of sounds including labisation, palatalization, retroflexion, glottalization, aspiration, and nasalization. Thus, teh song spoken by Yura Yunita can be used as an alternative teaching materials for phonology courses, especially in the accompanying soun materials.

Esta é uma resenha da conferência Fonologia: conquistas e desafios, proferida, no Abralin ao Vivo – Linguistics on-line, por Thaïs Cristófaro Silva, cuja fala foi marcada por seu posicionamento crítico acerca da atual conjuntura política do Brasil e do papel da comunidade científica no desenvolvimento de mecanismos voltados ao combate às desigualdades sociais. Ela destacou a interação entre a Fonética e a Fonologia e chamou a atenção para os três principais avanços da Fonética: o IPA, os avanços experimentais com diferentes tecnologias e a hipótese da motricidade cognitiva. Quanto à Fonologia, Cristófaro Silva (2020) abordou os seguintes fenômenos fonológicos do Português Brasileiro: a nasalização de vogais, a palatalização das oclusivas alveolares e o apagamento do [i] átono. Por fim, reconheceu os desafios a serem enfrentados pelas áreas em pauta, como integrar as diversas ciências cognitivas, elaborar novas terminologias, ampliar o conhecimento sobre o Português Brasileiro, valorizar o plurilinguismo e socializar o conhecimento.

In this text, we present a review of the lecture Phonology: accomplishments and challenges delivered by Professor and Doctor Thais Cristofaro Silva (FALE-UFMG) and mediated by the Professor and Doctor. Jose Sueli Magalhaes (UFMG) on July 16th, 2020, as part of the program of the Abralin Ao Vivo – Linguists Online event. Cristofaro-Silva explains the accomplishments, advances, and challenges of the past years in Phonology. The lecturer i) presents an overview of the methodological and theoretical contributions from Phonetics to Phonology studies, considering the peculiarities referent to their respective fields of study; ii) considers the emerging phonological phenomena in Brazilian Portuguese, such as the nasalization and palatalization; and iii) describes the main accomplishments of Phonology in Brazil, drawing attention to the plurilinguistic diversity existent in the country and citizens’ social commitment to know this reality.

espanolAlgunos procesos de evolucion fonetica descritos por la gramatica historica pueden rastrearse en la lengua hablada actual, sobre todo en contextos informales. Es lo que sucede con la palatalizacion, que ha llevado al prestamo adaptado del ingles tunear hasta la variante tunar, no sin antes padecer la ruptura del hiato en una fase intermedia con tuniar. En esta investigacion, por tanto, se pondra de manifiesto que aun es posible profundizar en el conocimiento de estadios primitivos del idioma mediante el analisis de fenomenos paralelos, para demostrar que uno de los contextos palatalizadores de la yod segunda sigue provocando desarrollos similares a los que ocurrieron en el latin vulgar con vocablos de identica estructura. EnglishSome processes of phonetic evolution described by historical grammar can still be traced in present-day language, especially in informal contexts. This is the case of palatalization which has caused the verb tunear to evolve into tunar, after passing through a previous stage as tuniar, which involves a breaking of the hiatus. This research intends to demonstrate that it is still possible to go deeper into our understanding of primitive satages of language through the analysis of parallel phe-nomena. In this case it serves to corroborate that one of the palatalizing contexts of second yod is still triggering processes which are similar to the ones that took place in Vulgar Latin in words with a similar structure.

Este trabalho insere-se na área de Fonética e de Fonologia, mais especificamente na discussão acerca da palatalização do /S/ pós-vocálico. A pesquisa dedica-se ao estudo da fala da comunidade de São José do Mipibu, de onde foram selecionados quatro colaboradores subagrupados conforme o sexo (dois homens e duas mulheres), a idade (dois de faixa etária mais jovem e dois de faixa etária mais velha) e o nível de escolaridade (dois com ensino superior e dois com ensino básico). A metodologia envolve a coleta de dados a partir de narrativa controlada e de questionário fonético-fonológico. A gravação de voz passou por transcrição fonética de oitiva e por tratamento acústico dos dados. A análise respalda-se nas teorias Geometria de Traços (CLEMENTS; HUME, 1995) e na Sociolinguística (LABOV, 1977). Os resultados obtidos foram: 1. linguisticamente, a palatalização do /S/ nessa comunidade é resultado de um processo dissimilatório motivado pelo Princípio de Contorno Obrigatório; 2. a palatalização é categórica diante das consoantes /t/ e /d/, independentemente de variáveis socioculturais; 3. diante de /n/ e de /l/, há flutuação entre as produções [coronal] e palatal. Palavras-Chave: Palatalização; Fonética e Fonologia; Geometria de Traços; Sociolinguística.

This paper is about the structural motivation of the palatalization of coronal stops in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) and cross-linguistically. It aims to explain why (a) coronal stop consonants are the typical targets of the process, (b) coronal stops are the only targets of the process in BP, (c) the typical trigger of palatalization crosslinguistically is the coronal high vowel, (d) the only trigger of the process in BP is the coronal high vowel. We propose an internal structure of segments with abstract elements C and V (VAN DER HULST, 2005, 2011) and show that the consonantality of high front vocoids is the motivation of palatalization. The process tends to affect consonants which are similar to the trigger in structural terms. The proposal allows us to distinguish secondary and full palatalization (BATEMAN, 2007) structurally. It also explains the selection of trigger and targets of palatalization in BP, which results of full palatalization, a kind of palatalization which demands maximally identical trigger and targets. Este artículo aborda la motivación estructural de la palatalización de las consonantes oclusivas coronales en portugués brasileño (PB) y en las lenguas del mundo. El objetivo es explicar por qué (a) las oclusivas coronales son el objetivo típico del proceso, (b) las oclusivas coronales son el único objetivo del proceso en PB, (c) el desencadenante típico de la palatalización es la vocal coronal alta /i/, (d) el único desencadenante del proceso em PB es la vocal coronal alta. Proponemos una estructura interna de los segmentos con los elementos abstractos C y V (VAN DER HULST, 2005, 2011) y mostramos que la consonantalidad de los vocoides anteriores altos es la motivación estructural de la palatalización. El proceso tiende a afectar consonantes similares al desencadenante en términos estructurales. La propuesta permite distinguir estructuralmente la palatalización secundaria y la palatalización completa (BATEMAN,2007). También explica la selección de desencadenantes y objetivos de palatalización en PB, que resultan de la palatalización completa, un tipo de palatalización que requiere desencadenantes y objetivos máximamente idénticos. Este artigo trata da motivação estrutural da palatalização de consoantes plosivas coronais em português brasileiro (PB) e nas línguas do mundo. O objetivo é explicar por que (a) as plosivas coronais são o alvo típico do processo, (b) as plosivas coronais são o único alvo do processo em PB, (c) o gatilho típico da palatalização nas línguas do mundo é a vogal alta coronal , (d) o único gatilho do processo em PB é a vogal alta coronal. Propomos uma estrutura interna dos segmentos com os elementos abstratos C e V (VAN DER HULST, 2005, 2011) e mostramos que a consonantalidade dos vocoides anteriores altos é a motivação estrutural da palatalização. O processo tende a afetar consoantes semelhantes ao gatilho em termos estruturais. A proposta permite distinguir estruturalmente a palatalização secundária e a palatalização plena (BATEMAN, 2007). Também explica a seleção de gatilhos e alvos de palatalização em PB, que resultam de palatalização plena, um tipo de palatalização que exige gatilhos e alvos maximamente idênticos.

Kalasha, a Northwestern Indo-Aryan language spoken in a remote mountainous region of Pakistan, is relatively unusual among languages of the region as it has lateral approximants contrasting in secondary articulation-velarization and palatalization (/ɫ/ vs /lʲ/). Given the paucity of previous phonetic work on the language and some discrepancies between descriptive accounts, the nature of the Kalasha lateral contrast remains poorly understood. This paper presents an analysis of fieldwork recordings with laterals produced by 14 Kalasha speakers in a variety of lexical items and phonetic contexts. Acoustic analysis of formants measured during the lateral closure revealed that the contrast was most clearly distinguished by F2 (as well as by F2-F1 difference), which was considerably higher for /lʲ/ than for /ɫ/. This confirms that the two laterals are primarily distinguished by secondary articulation and not by retroflexion, which is otherwise robustly represented in the language inventory. The laterals showed no positional differences but did show considerable fronting (higher F2) next to front vowels. Some inter-speaker variation was observed in the realization of /ɫ/, which was produced with little or no velarization by older speakers. This is indicative of a change in progress, resulting in an overall enhancement of an otherwise auditorily vulnerable contrast.

The aim of this study is to analyse a non-uniform process of palatalization in the Mid- dle English Northern dialect, with the main focus on the range of operation of the pro- cess, its conditioning environment and the direction of the change in the four lemmas: EACH, MUCH, SUCH, and WHICH. The fact that palatalization was an active process in the North has been proved by 47% of the Northern texts from the Innsbruck Cor- pus of Middle English Prose, which have demonstrated cases of palatalization in the forms of the lemmas. Referring to the studies of a perceptually motivated sound change and observing certain correlations between the palatalization processes occurring now and in the past, one may infer that the scope of palatalization in the North might have been even wider.

This paper introduces the palatalized nasal [nʲ] as an allophonic realization of coronal /n/ in Cairene Arabic. The palatalized variants of the phonemes previously described in acoustic and sociolinguistic terms include the alveolar stops [t, d] and their pharyngealized counterparts [tˤ, dˤ], which can be palatalized preceding the high, front vowel [i:]. While previous studies have anecdotally noted that the coronal nasal /n/ can undergo palatalization in the same environment, this variant has not been systematically investigated. Focusing on syllable-final /-ni:/ segments, I first use auditory measures to show that the palatalized variant occurs with some regularity (~50%) in the read speech of seven speakers of Cairene Arabic. Then, I provide acoustic evidence that this perceived difference significantly correlates with the difference in F2 values taken from the onset and midpoint of the vowel following the nasal consonant. There is also evidence of a lexical effect, such that borrowings exhibit less palatalization than non-borrowings. This study contributes data for the unexamined Cairene nasal and supports the likelihood of palatalization of coronals at the typological level.

RESUMO Investiga-se a palatalização progressiva das oclusivas alveolares precedidas de /j/, como mui[ʧ]o e doi[ʤ]o em Alagoas, a partir de pressupostos teórico-metodológicos da sociolinguística variacionista. Objetiva-se analisar a distribuição diatópica da palatalização e as pressões sociais e linguísticas no processo. Analisam-se 4.046 ocorrências em entrevistas de 168 falantes de 7 cidades alagoanas, utilizando-se regressão logística multinível. Conclui-se que o processo é diatopicamente condicionado, ampliando-se do oeste para o leste e nordeste do estado. Conclui-se que o processo é inversamente proporcional à escolaridade e que a interferência da escolarização cresce na medida em que diminui a idade do falante, revelando um processo de mudança na valorização social da palatalização. Há indícios de que, apesar de ser significativamente mais produtiva em Alagoas, a palatalização não deve expandir-se ao longo do tempo, devido a pressões sociais. Em relação às variáveis linguísticas, o processo é favorecido no interior da palavra, apesar de também ocorrer na fronteira de itens lexicais. A vogal seguinte favorecedora é a vogal /i/, o que revela a interferência da dupla presença do traço [+coronal] nos ambientes adjacentes. A ausência do vozeamento na consoante alvo e a atonicidade da sílaba também favorecem a palatalização. ABSTRACT We investigate the progressive palatalization of alveolar stop consonants preceded by /j/, as mui[ʧ]o (‘very’/‘much’) and doi[ʤ]o (‘crazy’) in Alagoas, based on theoretical-methodological assumptions of variational sociolinguistics. We aim to analyze the diatopic distribution of palatalization and the social and linguistic pressures in the process. We analyzed 4,046 occurrences in interviews of 168 speakers from seven cities in Alagoas, using multilevel logistic regression. We conclude that the process is diatopically conditioned, extending from the west to the east and northeast of the state. It is concluded that the process is inversely proportional to schooling and that the interference of schooling increases as the speaker’s age decreases, revealing a process of change in the social value of palatalization. There is evidence that, although it is significantly more productive in Alagoas, the palatalization should not expand over time due to social pressures. Regarding linguistic variables, the process is favored within the word, although it also occurs at the border of lexical items. The following vowel that favors the process is the vowel /i/, which reveals the interference of the double presence of the [+ coronal] feature in adjacent environments. The absence of voicing in the target consonant and syllable atonicity also favor palatalization.

This paper retraces two waves of palatalization in the forming of Western Romance varieties. The postulated processes are framed within the context of the general evolution of the phonological system, in the belief, too often disregarded, that the only good reconstruction is a structural one. The results may bear fruit for typological reflection. The paper also provides new evidence of an ancient division between a northern (Lugdunensis) and a southern part (Narbonensis) of Western Romania, as proposed by Lausberg.

Summary Although the theory of distinctive features, developed in SPE by Chomsky & Halle (1968) and later on reformed by Sagey (1986) and McCarthy (1988), provides a general description of phonemes from an articulatory point of view, it displays significant uncertainties when employed for Russian. These could be summarized in two points: first, which feature leads to a distinctive palatalization correlation of the phonemes and, second, which feature triggers the phonological processes of palatalization and depalatalization assimilation. In this work, these issues are discussed and clarified by means of the feature-geometric description of the two processes for Russian. Then, a differentiated description of the named phonological processes from a feature-geometric point of view is suggested and a differentiated phoneme inventory of Russian is developed.

This paper examines the aspects of the Chinese language notation of Ahakphyeon compiled by Ji Seok-yeong in 1908 and looks at the Chinese phonology that they reflect. For this purpose, by using Chinese characters in Hangul in this book, the current paper looked at what was the appearance of Chinese initials in this notation. In addition, this paper reviewed the common notions and differences of the consonant system of the Chinese language reflected in this notation and this text compared with the foreign language textbook of the previous period. As a result of this study, it is seen that the degree of reflection of palatalization is much wider in Ahakphyeon compared with the Junggan Nogeoldaeeonhae. This is understood to indicate that the spread of palatalization in Chinese was further advanced after the late 18th century. In alveolar, it reflects the palatalization of the alveolar. As a result, palatalization and non-palatalization coexist. What is noticeable is that there are many things related to individual change patterns that are understood on the basis of Beijing Mandarin, but there are many that are not. And the consonant group which used ‘o’ were widely used. This is seen in ‘ᅄ’, ‘ᅈ’, ‘ᅉ’, ‘ᅅ’ and so on. In the case of consonant group notations presented in this paper, it should be noted that in relation to affixing ‘ㅇ’, ‘ᅄ’, ‘ᅈ’, ‘ᅉ’ and ‘ᅅ’ It seems to be lighter and weaker than the sound of ''ㅅ''. However, it is necessary to examine the phonological characteristics of the sounds in which ‘ㅇ’ is written. In fact, they all have a common connection with the alveolar. In relation to the use of ‘ㅇ’ in the indication of the phonetic sounds, ‘ㅇ’ can be understood as indicating the common phonological qualities in the articulation position related to dental.

This study investigates how the notion of feature geometry can be effectively incorporated into the instantiation of general constraint definition in Optimality Theory. To this end, we examine three types of palatalization observed across languages: the fronting of velar, the change of place within coronals, and the addition of secondary palatalization. For the first two cases, unlike previous work by Clements and Hume (1995) and Lahiri and Evers (1991), we propose that both of those processes involve the spreading of the whole [coronal] node only of the triggering vowel onto C-place node of the coronal consonant. Furthermore, unlike Iverson (1993), we also distinguish two types of coronalization from the secondary articulation as in Acadian French. Following Clements and Hume (1995), we assume that the secondary articulation is the result of spreading the coronal node onto the V-place of the consonant with the primary place intact. This pattern opens the way to put another featural node [C-place] into use in the OT constraints. This study confirms a possibility to take advantage of feature geometry in specifying the substance of constraints.

Kashmiri is an Indo-Aryan language spoken predominantly in the state of Jammu and Kashmir, India and in some parts of Pakistan. Some phonological and morphological features of this language make it peculiar among Indo-Aryan languages. This write-up provides a phonological sketch of Kashmiri. The description of Vowels and Consonants is given in order to build a general idea of the phonological system of the language. The process of nasalization is phonemic in Kashmiri. The aim of this write-up is to describe and show all the phonological features of the language, particularly those that are uniquely found in this language. In addition, an attempt has been made to describe and explain the various phonological processes such as Palatalization, Epenthesis and Elision, which occur in Kashmiri. All such processes are described with appropriate examples and the data comprising of lexemes and sounds for examples is primary data used by the author who is a native speaker of the language. Given to the peculiar features of this language, the process of homonymy, which is homographic in nature, is described with appropriate examples. References Bhaskararao, P., Hassan, S., Naikoo, I. A., Wani, N. H., T. A., & Ganai, P. A. (2009). A Phonetic Study of Kashmiri Palatalization. In M. e. Minegishi, Field Research, Corpus Linguistics and Linguistic Informatics (pp. 1-17). Tokyo: Tokyo University of Foreign Studies. Bhat, R. N. (2008). Palatalization : a note on Kashmiri morphophonology. Retrieved 11 14, 2018, from Academia: https://www.academia.edu/6383970/Palatalization_A_Note_on_ Kashmiri_Morphophonology Chomsky, N., & Halle, M. (1968). The sound pattern of English. New York: Harper and Row . Crowley, T. (1997). An introduction to historical linguistics. Oxford: oxford University Press. Fussman, G. (1972). Atlas linguistique des pariers Dardes et Kafirs. Paris: Ecole Francaise d'Etreme-Orient. Grierson, G. A. (1973). A standard manual of Kashmiri language (Vol. 2). Rohtak: Light and Life Publishers. Grierson, G. A. (1919). Linguistic Survey of India. Calcutta: Superintendent Government Printing. Kachru, B. B. (1969). Kashmiri and other Dardic languages. (T. A. Sebeok, Ed.) Current Trends in Linguistics, 5, 284-306. Kak, A. A. (2002). Languange maintenance and language shift in Srinagar. New delhi: Un­pub­lished Phd dissertation, University of Delhi. Kak, A. A., & O. F. (2009). Nasality of Kashmiri vowels in Optimality theory. Nepalese Linguistics, 4, 61-68. Koul, O. N. (1996). On the standardization of Kashmiri script. In S. I. Hasnain (Ed.), Standardization and Modernization: Dynamics of Language Planning (pp. 269-278). New Delhi: Bahri Publications. Koul, O. N., & Wali, K. (2006). Modern Kashmiri grammar. Springfield: Dunwoody Press. Ladefoged, P., & Maddieson, I. (1996). The sounds of the worls's languages. Oxford: Blackwell. Lawrence, W. R. (1895). The valley of Kashmir. Srinagar: Kesar Publishers. Leech, G. (1974). Semantics. Middlesex: Penguin Books. Mir, F. A. (2014). Acquisition of deixis among Kashmiri speaking children of 4-5 years of age. Department of Linguistics Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. Aligarh: Unpublished M.Phil Thesis. Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India. (2018, 10 12). Census,2011. Retrieved 11 12, 2018, from censusindia: http://www.censusindia.gov.in/2011Census/C-16_25062018_NEW.pdf Pandey, P. (2018). Types of Phonological Processes. Retrieved from e-Pathshala: http://epgp.inflibnet.ac.in/epgpdata/uploads/epgp_content/linguistics/02.introduction_to_phonetics_and_phonology/21._types_of_phonological_processes-_i/et/7664_et_et_21.pdf. Shakil, M. (2012). Academia. Retrieved 11 15, 2018, from Languages of erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir: a preliminary study: https://www.academia.edu/6485567/Languages_of_ Erstwhile_State_of_Jammu_Kashmir_A_Preliminary_Study_?auto=download Wheeler, M. W. (2005). Cluster reduction: Deletion or Coalescence? Catalan Journal of Linguistics, 4, 57-82. Retrieved 11 2018, from https://www.raco.cat/index.php/Catalan Journal/article/view/39481

This article deals with sound symbolism in three Tupian languages, Suruí Paitér, Nhandéwa Txiripá and Mbyá Tambeopé. One of the main focus is the process of ablaut involved in the expression of physical and psychological attenuation of the semantic of Suruí Paitér words. It is argued that attenuation in these languages is controlled by the speaker’s will and is pragmatically motivated. The data supporting the analysis corroborate the view that high vowels and palatalization are common in sound symbolism expressions of diminutives and attenuatives across languages (Sapir 1911, 1929; Ultan 1978)., Este artigo trata de simbolismo sonoro em três línguas Tupí: Suruí Paitér, Nhandéwa Txiripá e Mbyá Tambeopé. Um dos focos principais é o processo de ablaut envolvido na expressão de atenuação física e psicológica da semântica das palavras em Suruí Paitér. É argumentado que atenuação nessas línguas é controlada pela vontade do falante e pragmaticamente motivada. Os dados que fundamentam o estudo corroboram a visão de que vogais altas e palatalização são expressões comuns de simbolismo associados a diminutivos e atenuativos através das línguas (Sapir 1911, 1929; Ultan 1978).

Este artículo describe algunos de los procesos morfofonológicos y una restricción morfofonológica atestiguados en la variedad del idioma chiquitano (familia macro-ye) hablada en San Miguel de Velasco (Santa Cruz, Bolivia), con base en datos recogidos en campo con cinco hablantes nativos. Se describen detalladamente la nasalización a distancia de las consonantes continuas y de las vocales altas; la africación de |t k| en determinados ambientes; la palatalización progresiva de |p β̞ m t k x|; las restricciones de minimalidad que aplican a los temas nominales; cinco tipos de armonía vocálica que afectan afijos o clíticos específicos; el proceso de elevación de |o| a /u/ delante de una sílaba que contiene /a/; el proceso de descenso de |i| a /ɛ/ delante de /s ts/; la elisión morfofonológica de vocales orales altas. Algunos de los procesos documentados son compartidos por otras variedades del chiquitano, mientras que otros no tienen equivalentes conocidos en los demás dialectos.

While cross-linguistic studies suggest that palatalization is preferentially triggered by high and front vocoids, and that it targets coronals or dorsals, Xhosa has a process of palatalization that is triggered by [w], and that targets only bilabials. This paper presents a wug test experiment, showing that some Xhosa speakers do systematically generalize this phenomenon to nonce words. This suggests that for those speakers, labial palatalization is indeed learned as part of their phonological grammar. Additionally, our findings show that some other speakers systematically do not apply palatalization in nonce words, suggesting that they have learned it as a pattern in the lexicon, and not as part of phonology. Drawing on evidence from a separate wug test experiment, we show that the inter-speaker variation in our results cannot be explained away as a task effect. As such, our results show that different speakers can have fundamentally different grammatical representations of the same sound pattern. Though Xhosa’s labial palatalization pattern is phonetically unnatural, that does not indicate that it is necessarily outside the domain of phonology proper.

Major dialect-dependent differences in articulatory fronting and strengthening for the front lingual affricate and fricative outcomes of Latin sequences composed of /t, d, k, g/ and a following front vocalic segment in the Romance languages may be accounted for assuming that those outcomes were issued from (alveolo)palatal or palatalized stop realizations exhibiting variable closure fronting degrees. The place and manner of articulation characteristics of the front lingual affricate and fricative outcomes in question depend on several aspects about the Latin stop sequences: stop closure location and voicing status, whether the vocalic segment was a vowel or a glide, and word position. While differences in fronting and strengthening associated with etymological stop voicing occur in both Eastern and Western Romance, those related to the other factors hold mostly in Western Romance and especially in Raetoromance. Several diachronic pathways are difficult to interpret; thus, in early times, [c] derived from Latin /ki,e/ and /kj/ may have been more anterior in Western Romance than in Eastern Romance, or else the initial outcome [tʃ] of the affrication process stayed palatoalveolar in the latter domain and fronted to [ts] in the former. Gestural blending accounts not only for the realizations [c, ɟ] of /t, d, k, g/ before a front vocalic segment but also for the alveolopalatal and palatoalveolar end products of the Latin sequences /kt/ ([c]), /nj/ ([ɲ]), /lj, kl/ ([ʎ]) and /sj, ks/ ([ʃ]).

Previous work has shown that vowels following alveopalatal sibilants typically exhibit raised second formant (F2) values, typically attributed to coarticulatory vowel fronting (e.g. Stevens, 2004 in Mandarin; Bukmaier & Harrington, 2016 in Polish). This paper re-examines the palatalizing coarticulatory effects of the alveopalatal sibilant in Mandarin and Polish. While previous studies have focused on differences in F2 transitions or values at vowel onset, I find that the raised F2 values following alveopalatal sibilants frequently persist through the entire duration of following vowels in Mandarin. This raises the question of whether this is a phonetic coarticulation effect or a phonological assimilation effect. I review diagnostics for such a distinction and provide evidence from speech rate which suggests that the raised F2 effect should be analyzed as phonological assimilation in Mandarin, but phonetic coarticulation in Polish. These results have implications for phonological representations and perception in both languages.

We analyze palatalization from /z/ to [ʒ] at word boundaries in UK English. Previous research has investigated palatalization in the context of /s#j/, showing that lexical frequency influences its occurrence across word boundaries. Palatalization by voiced coronal fricatives is less well-understood, particularly in naturalistic speech, which we study using the Audio BNC (http://www.phon.ox.ac.uk/AudioBNC). We hypothesize that palatalization across word boundaries is subject to the Production Planning Hypothesis. That is, palatalization should be modulated by the extent to which phonological information for the second word is available when the first word is planned. We analyze spectral center of gravity (CoG) in fricatives from 7,134 word pairs across four phonological contexts, comparing test tokens subject to palatalization, /z#j/ (e.g., “is you ”), to control pairs containing non-alternating /z#V/ (e.g., “was only ”), or /ʒ/ (e.g., “rouge it ”, “precision ”). Although significant correlates of CoG vary by speaker gender, the acoustics of /z#j/ are predicted by factors related to production planning, including fricative duration, speech rate, presence and length of inter-word pause or sentence boundary, word-pair frequency, and following vowel acoustics. A supervised classification task using acoustics and lexical frequency metrics also distinguishes /z#j/ from /z#V/ and /ʒ#V/ with above-chance accuracy, illustrating automatic detection of palatalization.