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Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politik is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pravnik is the property of Czech Academy of Sciences, Institute of State & Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pandectele Române is the property of Wolters Kluwer Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Das neue Wahlgesetz, das im März 2023 beschlossen wurde, hat viel Kritik auf sich gezogen. Insbesondere die dort implementierte Abschaffung der Grundmandatsklausel findet eine erbitterte Gegnerschaft. Gregor Gysi bezeichnete das Vorgehen der Ampel schlicht als „unmoralisch“. So fremdartig der Vorwurf der „Unmoral“ im Kontext einer verfassungsrechtlichen Debatte erst einmal zu sein scheint, so bringt er den Kern des weitverbreiteten Unbehagens am neuen Gesetz gut auf den Punkt. Denn nicht nur das Gesetz könnte „falsch“ sein, sondern einige Akteure könnten auch aus den „falschen“ Motiven gehandelt haben.

Głównym celem artykułu jest analiza stanowiska partii Prawo i Sprawiedliwość wobec zapłodnienia in vitro na poziomie założeń ideowo-programowych, wyników głosowań parlamentarnych, poglądów elektoratu. W związku z tym przeanalizowano następujące kwestie: stereotyp doktrynalny Prawa i Sprawiedliwości, stanowisko polityczne partii wobec in vitro, projekty ustaw, stanowisko klubu partii w parlamencie wobec tychże i wyniki głosowań sejmowych, poglądy elektoratu wobec in vitro. Zastosowano metody badawcze: jakościową analizę założeń ideowo-programowych, instytucjonalno-prawną, ilościową, analizy danych zastanych. Uznając, że godność człowieka zaczyna się od chwili poczęcia, Prawo i Sprawiedliwość opowiada się za zakazem zapłodnienia in vitro, nałożeniem sankcji karnych za jego przeprowadzenie, eksperymenty na embrionach i ich niszczenie. W celu określenia stanowiska elektoratu partii wobec zapłodnienia in vitro przeanalizowano komunikaty Centrum Badania Opinii Publicznej (CBOS).

Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Profesor Tadeusz Szymczak, wybitny konstytucjonalista i „dobry duch” Alma Mater Lodziensis, większości środowiska konstytucjonalistów i ustrojoznawców kojarzy się ze studiami nad federalizmem w państwach europejskich oraz nad instytucją prezydenta. Stulecie Jego urodzin skłania do prześledzenia ewolucji statusu i oddziaływań prezydenta na funkcjonowanie europejskich systemów państwowych oraz do refleksji nad przekształceniami w statusie konstytucyjnym i politycznym tej instytucji ustrojowej i w jej funkcjonowaniu. W kręgu ewoluujących prezydentur w państwach europejskich godnym refleksji przeobrażeniom ulegała prezydentura finlandzka. Jednym z pól istotnych ustrojowo przeobrażeń zwieńczonych – po osiemdziesięciu latach – zmianą regulacji konstytucyjnej (przez zastąpienie aktu z 1919 r. nową regulacją konstytucyjną z 1999 r.) było wykonywanie kompetencji powoływania premiera i rządu, przyjmowania ich dymisji oraz inspirowanie bądź akceptowanie rekonstrukcji składu partyjnego i osobowego. Wymiar rocznicy skłania do objęcia uwagą okresu zbieżnego z czasem, jaki upłynął od narodzin Profesora, tj. pełnego już stulecia.

Artykuł poświęcony jest trybowi powoływania rządu w Republice Chorwacji. Przepisy Konstytucji chorwackiej tryb ten określają w dość wąskim zakresie. W praktyce doprowadziło to do kryzysu rządowego po wyborach w 2015 r. Ostatecznie doszło do powołania rządu w tym czasie. Jednakże w toku stosowania przepisów konstytucji pojawiły się istotne problemy związane z interpretacją jej postanowień. Artykuł przybliża tę problematykę.

The paper presents a very different view of the Rusyn question in inter-war Czechoslovakia through the eyes of Rusyn representatives from across the spectrum of political parties in the Czechoslovak parliament. Although Subcarpathian Rus and its inhabitants were often idealised in Czechoslovakia for their unspoilt nature and patriarchal character, and Czechoslovak public opinion was very favourable towards the region, some Rusyn politicians certainly did not share this ideal. The Communist deputies in particular criticised all government policies and the persistence of general backwardness, but the question of the region’s autonomy was probably the most prominent among the Czechoslovak deputies representing Subcarpathian Rus. The paper highlights four main issues that emerged most frequently in the parliamentary debates: the quest for autonomy, the solution to the poor economic situation, the situation in education and disputes over the use of the language, and the dual treatment of Rusyns living in Slovakia and in Subcarpathian Rus. Abstrakt: Příspěvek ukazuje zcela jiný náhled na problematiku rusínské otázky v meziválečném Československu, a to pohledem rusínských zástupců z celého spektra politických stran v československém parlamentu. Přestože byla Podkarpatská Rus i její obyvatelé v Československu často idealizováni pro svou nedotčenou přírodu a patriarchální ráz a československé veřejné mínění bylo této oblasti velmi příznivě nakloněno, část rusínských politiků tento ideál rozhodně nesdílela. Především komunističtí poslanci kritizovali veškerou vládní politiku a přetrvávající všeobecnou zaostalost, ale zřejmě největší prostor měla mezi československými poslanci zastupujícími Podkarpatskou Rus tématika autonomie oblasti. Příspěvek klade důraz na čtyři hlavní témata, která se v parlamentních rozpravách objevovala nejčastěji: snaha o autonomii, řešení špatné hospodářské situace, situace ve školství a spory o používání jazyka, dvojí přístup k Rusínům žijícím na Slovensku a na Podkarpatské Rusi.

Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Luridica is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Luridica is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Studiul este consacrat analizei juridice a Proiectului de lege nr. 35/2023 adoptat în primă lectură de Parlamentul Republicii Moldova la 2 martie 2023 (și a unor materiale care îl însoțesc), urmărinduse scopul evaluării modului în care au fost respectate cerințele legale în domeniu privind întocmirea propriu-zisă a textului normativ, precum și regulile de procedură legislativă respectate de către legiuitor. În concluzie, se constată încălcarea cadrului normativ în vigoare în special pe segmentul modificărilor operate la nivelul textului Legii Supreme, ceea ce reliefează nivelul înalt de vulnerabilitate a supremației și securității Constituției Republici Moldova, precum și justifică necesitatea unor măsuri urgente de prevenire și contracarare a unor astfel de practici legislative vicioase.

Copyright of Contributions to Contemporary History / Prispevki za Novejšo Zgodovino is the property of Prispevki za Novejso Zgodovino and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Political Science Review / Przegląd Politologiczny is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Příspěvek ukazuje zcela jiný náhled na problematiku rusínské otázky v meziválečném Československu, a to pohledem rusínských zástupců z celého spektra politických stran v československém parlamentu. Přestože byla Podkarpatská Rus i její obyvatelé v Československu často idealizováni pro svou nedotčenou přírodu a patriarchální ráz a československé veřejné mínění bylo této oblasti velmi příznivě nakloněno, část rusínských politiků tento ideál rozhodně nesdílela. Především komunističtí poslanci kritizovali veškerou vládní politiku a přetrvávající všeobecnou zaostalost, ale zřejmě největší prostor měla mezi československými poslanci zastupujícími Podkarpatskou Rus tématika autonomie oblasti. Příspěvek klade důraz na čtyři hlavní témata, která se v parlamentních rozpravách objevovala nejčastěji: snaha o autonomii, řešení špatné hospodářské situace, situace ve školství a spory o používání jazyka, dvojí přístup k Rusínům žijícím na Slovensku a na Podkarpatské Rusi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annales UMCS, Sectio K (Politologia) is the property of Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the presence of women in Catalan political institutions from 1980 until now. First, this report reviews the measures that have been adopted over the years to reduce male over-representation. Second, it presents women’s political representation in Catalonia, with a special emphasis on the Parliament, the Government, and local authorities. It also analyses the factors that account for this gender gap. Third, it exposes the measures that have been implemented in other places — such as Spain’s autonomous communities, European countries, or Latin American countries — to boost women’s representation. Finally, this paper suggests measures that can be implemented to improve or maintain the representation of women in Catalan institutions. This study focuses on Catalonia since it allows the analysis of the presence of women in sub-state institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The effectiveness of representative democracy in South Africa is questionable, given the lack of confidence in the Parliament and the recurring service delivery protests, which indicate that citizens’ opinions are unheard. Due to this, the Members of Parliament (MPs) devise strategies such as democratic innovation to involve citizens in policymaking as the platform for deliberation. Given this context, the paper discusses public participation in policymaking and how declining confidence in the Parliament necessitates democratic innovations as a panacea for increasing citizens’ participation in Parliament activities. The paper also identifies dilemmas that occur in public involvement. Data was generated by interviews (with 16 MPs), observation of plenary debates, minutes of the Parliament, Hansard, minutes of Select and Standing Committees, and Parliamentary speeches. Findings suggest that despite the complexity of implementing public participation in South Africa, the Parliament has made significant progress since 1994 in widening democratic innovation to facilitate public participation. However, disadvantaged people continue to be marginalized from policymaking. The paper suggests that there is a need for political education and public participation in policymaking to strengthen democratic institutions in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia i Polityka is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In diesem Beitrag werden die wesentlichen Rechtsfragen erörtert, die sich im Zusammenhang mit der Organisation der parlamentarischen Tätigkeiten und dem Verfahren von Nationalrat und Bundesrat in der COVID-19-Pandemie gestellt haben. Im Unterschied zu anderen Staaten wurden in Österreich weder exekutive Notstandsregelungen erlassen, noch die Rechtsgrundlagen des parlamentarischen Verfahrens angepasst. Die Maßnahmen zur Sicherstellung der Handlungsfähigkeit von Nationalrat und Bundesrat während der COVID-19-Pandemie mussten folglich unter Anwendung der geltenden (Verfassungs-)Rechtslage getroffen werden. Im Zentrum stand die Gewährleistung der Beschlussfähigkeit der Vertretungskörper. Damit war es erforderlich, die allgemeinen COVID-19-Maßnahmen in ein Verhältnis zum Parlamentsrecht und zu den Statusrechten der Abgeordneten zu setzen. Die Maßnahmen im Zusammenhang mit der COVID-19-Pandemie haben aus verfassungs- und parlamentsrechtlicher Sicht zu einer vertieften Auseinandersetzung mit zahlreichen rechtlichen Fragestellungen geführt, die zum Bezugspunkt für zukünftige Diskussionen werden kann.

The women's electorate in the parliaments of the Third Republic and in the thirty-eighth Parliament of Great Britain endeavoured to create fairer social arrangements, an integral element of which include assurance of healthy motherhood and achievement of gender equality in everyday life. The issues of infant mortality, improvement of care by medical and nursing institutions or assurance of the improved wellbeing of women and children, were of unquestionable importance to the activities of female MPs in the Czechoslovak Republic and in Great Britain. The female MPs of both countries based their activities on similar expectations, such as equal conditions for women on the job market and true wage equality. The common reason for advancing these requirements was the fact that men and women had fought and worked together during the Second World War. The different post-war development of both countries led to different results. Escalating political developments in the Czechoslovak Republic disrupted the gender agenda and mutual communication between female MPs and culminated in Sovietisation of the social system, while Great Britain continued to realise a social state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

La 17.03.2020 Parlamentul a declarat stare de urgență pe întreg teritoriul Republicii Moldova pentru perioada 17 martie – 15 mai 2020. Prin aceeași Hotărâre, Parlamentul a delegat Comisia pentru Situații Excepționale cu dreptul de a pune în executare o serie de măsuri în vederea depășirii situației epidemiologice din țară. Totuși, în condițiile unui Parlament funcțional și în pofida unor texte clare și exhaustive din Constituție, Comisia pentru Situații Excepționale a modificat pe perioada stării de urgență Codul contravențional, care este o lege organică. Modificările au vizat în mod special procedura și termenii de examinare a cauzelor contravenționale intentate în legătură cu nerespectarea măsurilor adoptate de Comisia pentru Situații Excepționale și Comisia Extraordinară pentru Sănătate Publică. În condițiile în care o lege organică poate fi modificată doar de către Parlament, este evidentă neconstituționalitatea, cel puțin parțială, a Dispoziției nr. 4 din 24.03.2020 a Comisiei pentru Situații Excepționale însă, cu regret, Curtea Constituțională nu este mandatată cu dreptul de a supune controlului de constituționalitate actele normative adoptate de Comisia pentru Situații Excepționale. În aceste condiții, statul este obligat să identifice soluții pentru a nu permite unei autorități să adopte acte normative neconstituționale și care nu pot fi supuse unui control de constituționalitate.

Copyright of Communication & Culture Online / Komunikacija i Kultura Online is the property of FOKUS: Forum za Interkulturnu Komunikaciju and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Central European Political Studies / Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)