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The paper aims to present the dynamics of the media freedom index in postcommunist Romania. Using secondary statistical data regarding political, civic, and economic sectors, the paper indicates the complex interplay between democratic transition and media independence. As regards the "watchdog" and "agenda-setting" functions of mass media, the paper highlighted several statistical correlations that support the positive impact of participation and civil society in the field of media transparency and independence. The paper presents radiography of media freedom between 2002 and 2023, estimating the main variations of this index. Moreover, results confirm statistical differences between the two decades, highlighting that an increased level of media freedom was acquired after 2012. Political context, social dynamics, and economic conditions are several variables that are relevant for explaining the evolution of media freedom in Romanian society. Quantitative results show that political polarization is negatively related to media independence. Conversely, active citizens and civil society are key factors that could predict increased media freedom in Romanian postcommunist society. The paper is useful for scholars and decision-makers interested in the complex interconnection between public information, media independence, and democratic consolidation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis paper attempts a critical discourse analysis of the political speeches of Ghana’s Nana Konadu Rawlings and Nigeria’s Oby Ezekwesili with the aim of investigating how words are used for ideological representation. Data were analyzed qualitatively using Fairclough’s (1992) concept of wording, and van Dijk (2001, 2006) critical discourse analysis. The theoretical framework was complemented by LancsBox X version 6.0 which was used for quantitative analysis/data visualization. The findings reveal that the two female presidential candidates use words which showcase their capabilities and give them positive self-representation. The study also reveals a polarized gender ideological mapping: collectivism versus exclusion. Konadu-Rawlings, through her lexical choices, advocated participatory democracy where men and women are adequately involved in governance. Ezekwesili believes that Nigerian male politicians have done more harm than good to Nigeria’s democracy and should, therefore, step aside. The study concludes that lexical choices are not only useful for ideological nuancing but are deployed by Rawlings and Ezekwesili to present themselves as valid alternatives in male-centred Ghanaian and Nigerian democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current research on deliberative-participatory democratic innovations conducted by state administration agencies exhibits empirical eclecticism and is dominated by a deliberative paradigm. However, this paradigm tends to conflate normative prescription with analytical description. In contrast, this article proposes a comprehensive re-conceptualization of such innovations, drawing from Niklas Luhmann's systems theory. It outlines the specific problem these innovations address (function), how they operate in tackling this problem (functioning) and the problems they inevitably raise (dysfunctions). In addition, my re-conceptualization retains the possibility to critically compare these (and other) experiments regarding their capability to address emerging challenges within the modern democratic political system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While its relationship with competition law remains under debate, the Digital Markets Act (DMA) concerns fundamental rights, public values, and the control of power in digital markets. In limiting the scope of the freedom to conduct a business, the DMA seeks to safeguard conflicting and colliding fundamental rights and public interests. For the DMA to gain recognition as a legitimate and future-proof governance framework for digital markets, it must be based on participatory democracy. Meaningful participation in procedures that could impact one's position is a fundamental element of a democratic legal system governed by the rule of law. Although the DMA permits some form of dialogue, participatory democracy is constrained in scope, a bilateral logic rather than a multi-stakeholder approach is employed, and much is left to the discretion of the enforcer. Using a law-oriented and constitutional approach, we elaborate on how participatory democracy, engagement, and deliberation can be enhanced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article substantiates the presence of correlation dependence of such processes as the growth of digital literacy and legal awareness, and also reveals other factors of legal capacity in the era of digital transformation. It has been proven that understanding this essential interdependence provides answers to a number of questions regarding the priority ways of developing the legal system of Ukraine. Increasing digital and legal awareness is depicted as a logical step towards active participation in the management of public affairs. Online deliberation is depicted as a means of positive influence on the perception of the relevant tools of democracy. In this context, political crowdsourcing is defined as a way of finding effective solutions and a positive impact on civic cohesion. It has been demonstrated that the era of digital technologies provides wider opportunities for the realization of human and citizen rights and freedoms, but at the same time creates new challenges and threats to ensure these rights and freedoms. Legislation regulating relations in the field of digitization is also becoming less transparent. It is noted that virtual space opens up new opportunities for manipulating public opinion, and deliberate functioning in the conditions of new threats of instrumentalization of virtual communication depends on the appropriate configuration of communication platforms. With this in mind, priority issues of scientific discourse and regulatory improvement are highlighted, namely: political crowdsourcing and participatory democracy, online deliberation and principles of cooperation with stakeholders, dissemination and support of fact-checking initiatives to verify the reliability of information, legal status of bloggers, fixers and other media participants as opinion leaders. It is concluded that a certain level of legal literacy, together with digital competence, is a prerequisite for effective participation in modern democratic practices, but this participation can also increase the level of legal awareness of citizens, in particular due to the fact that the Internet plays an important role in shaping the agenda and developing the critical potential of the public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on Goffman's Frame Analysis and 20 years of observations of city planning councils in Western Europe and North America, this article lays the groundwork for a grammar of democratic ambiguity characterizing top‐down participatory processes and other public meetings aimed at some degree of citizen inclusion in local, municipal, or regional government. After pointing out Goffman's singular conception of the "interaction order," the author shows how institutional organizers and ordinary citizens deal with interactional ambiguity, in its contrasting effects on the dynamics of these participatory assemblies. A primary form of ambiguity, between a "representative" and a "deliberative" definition of participatory democracy, is proving inhibiting for citizens' involvement and tends to "suspend interaction." A second type of ambiguity arises from a wide range of facilitation methods (playful, dramaturgical, educational, therapeutic, esthetic, etc.) designed to transform the initial ambiguity to offer more fluid interaction and more stimulating involvement opportunities, yet in an activity that now has only an uncertain connection to civic participation. The author concludes by presenting some frame‐analytical tools for tracking and evaluating dynamics of ambiguity transformation in participatory processes and emphasizes the implications of this type of sociological analysis for political theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: In this Paper, I examine how high school social studies content standards in the United States address fundamental concepts of American governance, particularly the concept of democracy. Methods: I conducted a qualitative textual analysis of government/civics content standards from all 50 states, Washington DC, and the Advanced Placement United States Government and Politics (AP Gov) course materials. I applied a framework that distinguishes between 'thick' and 'thin' democracy, drawing on theoretical insights from scholars like Michael Apple and John Dewey. Results: My findings reveal how democratic ideals are framed and conceptualized within secondary government and civics education in the United States. I identified significant variations in how democracy is addressed in state academic content standards, with important implications for how democracy is taught in American schools. Conclusion: I advocate for curricular approaches that promote a more robust and participatory form of democracy, emphasizing critical engagement and collective well-being. This study underscores the importance of recognizing democracy as both a political and governmental concept in shaping educational discourse and policy as well as a practice and way of seeing society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Botswana has had fair and stable elections since its independence in 1966. It has a relatively high standard of living, a relatively well-functioning welfare state, and relatively low levels of government corruption. Voter participation is among the highest in the world, topping 80 percent in the past elections. Access to education and healthcare is free to all citizens. How can we best explain Botswana's exceptionalism in the political, economic, and social realms, and what policy lessons does the case of Botswana contain? This article shows that it is Botswana's millennial tradition of direct village democracy, kgotla, that best explains its exceptional performance. I visited Botswana in May of 2023 to evaluate the importance of participatory democracy in Botswana and assess its explanatory power. When comparing local participation to other, potentially relevant causal factors, I find that local political participation provides the most robust explanation for good governance in Botswana. In Botswana, citizens are able to hold their elected officials accountable, learn how politics works by acquiring the necessary technical knowledge (techne) through participating in regular, monthly public assemblies, and, as a result, make better-informed political decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nexus between democracy and peace in Africa is examined by applying data to 42 sub‐Saharan African (SSA) countries between 2008 and 2020. The study used panel regression techniques that include Ordinary Least Squares, the Tobit regression to account for the limited range of the dependent variable, and the System Generalized Method of Moments to account for endogeneity bias. Using seven indicators of democracy, which include electoral democracy, liberal democracy, participatory democracy, deliberative democracy, egalitarian democracy, a total democracy index derived from principal component analysis, and the Polity2 score, and using the global peace index as a proxy for peace, our findings show that all the indicators of democracy, irrespective of the model, have a positive and significant influence on peace in SSA. The result has underscored the importance of advancing democratic practices and values to promote sustainable peace and stability in the region. Related Articles: Antwi‐Boateng, Osman. 2015. "No Spring in Africa: How Sub‐Saharan Africa Has Avoided the Arab Spring Phenomenon." Politics & Policy 43(5): 754–84. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12129. Asongu, Simplice A., Cheikh T. Ndour, and Judith C. M. Ngoungou. 2024. "The Effects of Gender Political Inclusion and Democracy on Environmental Performance: Evidence from the Method of Moments by Quantile Regression." Politics & Policy, 52(1), 118–39. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12576. Ryan, Susannah. 2015. "White Gold and Troubled Waters in Southern Africa: Hydropolitical Policy's Effect on Peace in Lesotho and South Africa." Politics & Policy 4(2): 239–55. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12114. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article documents and analyses a phenomenon of collectivisation involving approximately forty artist collectives that emerged in Porto, Portugal between the late 1990s and 2013, with a particular focus on how horizontal collectivism led in turn to new models of citizenship and participatory democracy. I present an overview of historical precedents concerning certain aspects of this phenomenon, especially in relation to Portugal's relatively recent (1974) end to forty-eight years of dictatorial rule. Artists came to play an important role in developing and spreading the democratic values that were subsequently enshrined in the Portuguese constitution of 1976. Recently, the Covid-19 pandemic came to prove that the revolution's legacy is still alive, and the constitutional principles are still orienting the Portuguese artists. Today's growing neoliberalisation of democracy raises the question of how the Portuguese constitution remains the main guarantor of the citizen's most fundamental right to participatory democracy and to be more active citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Participation in democracy has been suggested as an inherent value of democracy by allowing citizens to participate in political decision-making. Since the 2000s and, more particularly, after the creation of the UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage Convention and the Council of Europe's Faro Convention, there has been a call for a participatory approach to heritage management. In 2008 Norway ratified the Faro Convention justifying the existence of statutory participatory practices and community engagements. This paper assesses these practices as they read at the national legal provisions to evaluate how Norway articulates participative processes regarding cultural heritage management. The results indicate that the legal framework long for an active role of inhabitants in local administration and planning and heritage management but prevent them from influencing governance beyond the elections. Accordingly, cultural heritage management is still far from being considered a 'sharing responsibility' between citizens and authorities as the Faro Convention calls for. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This editorial introduces the Special Issue on public value, urging scholars to ask fundamental questions about what public value organizing entails. It proposes key conceptual dimensions to foster public value thinking, highlighting the contested nature of the concept and the subjective understanding of public value among different publics. Themes emerging from the contributions to the Special Issue include re-imagining the State's role in post-capitalistic regimes, re-designing approaches to economic planning, and re-experiencing public value through transforming relationships between planners and the planned, practicing active citizenship endeavors, and integrating environmental concerns into processes and systems of valuation. Problematizing the neoliberal misrecognition of the State as a legitimate institution for wealth creation, this special issue showcases its key role in fostering post-capitalist possibilities. The articles offer evidence and inspiration regarding innovating the ways we plan, design, produce and account for public value by leveraging what we conceptualize as new collaborative governance possibilities. Overall, we call for establishing stronger connections between existing studies on alternative economic, political, and democratic organizing with scholarship on public policy, strategic public management, transformative social innovation and social movements. Four areas for future research on post-capitalist governance are also proposed: State-businesses relationships beyond capitalism; changing conceptions of value including the value of care; municipal approaches toward community wealth building; re-imagining new public institutions for more participatory democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our current cultural climate is marked by a convergence of pressing issues, including the rise of the post-truth situation, which has recently been described as an epistemic crisis (Hoggan-Kloubert & Hoggan, 2023). This conceptual paper outlines why adult education institutions must reclaim the pursuit of truth as undergirded by rationality, autonomy, and pluralism as a core educational aim and presents a particular pedagogical conceptualisation for doing so. It is proposed that transformative approaches are uniquely positioned to address some of the issues associated with the post-truth situation; however, to be both applicable and accountable within participatory democracies, such efforts also need to be philosophically coherent, practically ethical, and incorporate opportunities for students to critically evaluate ideas, and related values and beliefs against the test of truth. To this end, a reconceptualisation of the axiological, ontological, and epistemological foundations for transformative learning is presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democratic innovations aim to strengthen citizen participation in democratic decision‐making processes. Building on theories of deliberative democracy, participatory democracy and direct democracy, different types of democratic innovations have been developed, ranging from mini‐publics, to participatory processes and referendums and citizens’ initiatives. Over the last four decades, an expanding number of scholars have investigated the effects of these democratic innovations on citizens. However, even though a considerable amount of research has been done, there currently exists no overview of the effects of different types of democratic innovations on citizens’ attitudes, behaviour and capabilities. In addition, it is unclear which effects prove robust across studies, and which effects require more investigation.The aim of this paper is to systematically evaluate what we know and what we do not know yet about the effects of democratic innovations on citizens who participate in them. In order to do so, we conduct a meta‐analysis of 100 quantitative empirical studies published between 1980 and 2020. We find, perhaps unsurprisingly, that mini‐publics are widely researched for their effects on citizens, whereas studies into the effects of participatory processes and referendums and citizens’ initiatives on participating citizens are much less frequent. We also find that participation in mini‐publics changes citizens’ policy attitudes and positively affects citizens’ political attitudes, knowledge, internal efficacy and reasoning skills. For participatory processes, our analyses indicate that they appear to have a positive effect on participants’ political attitudes and knowledge and no effect on participants’ internal efficacy, but there are too few studies to draw robust conclusions. Participation in referendums and citizens’ initiatives appears to have a positive effect on participants’ knowledge and internal efficacy, even though these findings should also be considered preliminary due to the limited number of studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Defenders of epistemic democracy propose that the "wisdom of the many" will result in superior outcomes: in this context, they hold that widespread participation will yield better constitutional norms. While this argument, featured prominently in Hélène Landemore's recent work, raises significant normative concerns, this essay focuses on the causal mechanism it posits and the evidence adduced for the claim. Drawing on Jeremy Bentham's critiques of common lawyers' claims to wisdom, this essay argues it is better to defend inclusivity on the grounds that it will promote the people's interests, rather than on the epistemic value of popular participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mukaddime Journal is the property of Mukaddime Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Management Analysis / Revista Gestão em Análise is the property of Revista Gestao em Analise and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Recently, the concept of participatory democracy developed in the early 1970s has come back into fashion to revitalize the public involvement in political decision-making processes. Public participation in forest policy has been fully conceptualized by the scientific community in the late 1990s and early 2000s, but in many contexts, the practical application remains unfulfilled. The aim of this study is to identify and analyse the participatory techniques used in the literature to increase knowledge and facilitate its transferability into forest policies and strategies. A literature review was carried out to offer an overview of the participatory techniques adopted in the decision-making process. At the end of the literature review, 24 participatory techniques were identified based on over 2000 publications. Afterwards, the participatory techniques were assessed using seven indicators (degree of participation, type and number of participants, type of selection, time scale, cost, and potential influence on policy). The results showed that the type of actors involved in the participatory technique is a key variable for the complexity and usefulness of the process, while the number of participants influences how information is disseminated. The Correspondence Analysis highlighted that the participatory techniques can be divided into four groups: the first group includes those techniques with a high degree of participation (i.e., collaborate) and a contextual high potential influence on policies (e.g., citizens' juries and wisdom council); the second one includes techniques with a low degree of participation (inform) and influence on policies (e.g., social media, adverting, surveys, and polls); while the third and fourth groups consist of those with a medium–high degree of participation (consult or involve), but a variable type of selection and number of participants, and consequently of time and costs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ward committees and councillors are important to the functionality of committees in the policy-making processes. Local government municipalities depend on councillors and committees to facilitate community engagements and participation to ensure that communities receive the necessary services. This study aims to understand the role of ward committees and councillors in facilitating public participation and efficient service delivery to citizens. This study argues that the lack of capacity building of ward committees and councillors has led to the ineffectiveness and lack of participatory democracy in local government municipalities making service delivery unsatisfactory and unfavourable. The methodology used in this study is qualitative and data is obtained through interviews and other secondary sources and materials. The study was limited to the Greater Tzaneen Municipality representatives in the public participation portfolios. The study findings reveal that municipalities do not have enough capacity to build ward councillors and committees, leading to a lack of engagement from communities and municipalities. It is recommended that public participation should be the first mandate of ward committees and councillors through capacity building and policy frameworks that ensure that they understand their roles and functions for effective service delivery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Environmental human rights defenders (EHRDs) play a key role in the realization of the environmental rule of law and in strengthening social and ecological sustainability. States have the duty to protect and empower the EHRDs, while businesses, investors, and financial institutions also have responsibilities to respect human rights. Although the literature on human rights defenders is comprehensive, the article offers a theoretical analysis of the challenges facing the EHRDs by using Lawrence Lessig's New Chicago School approach to explore the opportunities for bridging the gap between the theory and practice concerning the protection of EHRDs. The article endeavors to contribute to the literature by methodologically explaining the importance of legal regulation and State intervention for creating a safe and just space for the activities of the EHRDs. It demonstrates the effects of the four modalities in Lessig's theory—i.e. the law, the social norms (culture), the architecture (technology), and the market—on the behavior of EHRDs, and ultimately on democracies while emphasizing the power of law as one of these modalities and being one of the imperative elements of the environmental rule of law. It argues that the adoption of international agreements, laws and policies regulating culture, technology, and markets, would empower civil society and encourage broad participation in the decision-making processes both within the States and the businesses to ensure accountable, transparent, and inclusive governance. It concludes that strengthened legal protection mechanisms for the rights of the rights' defenders is an urgent need to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals and the environmental rule of law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the progress and challenges in the democratic landscape of Africa within the framework of the Africa Agenda 2063 (hereafter AA2063). Initiated in 2013, the Agenda signifies Africa's commitment to an integrated, prosperous, and peaceful continent. Despite these aspirations, Africa faces persistent challenges, including political instability, socio-economic inequalities, and health crises. This study triangulates data from Afrobarometer public perception surveys, Varieties of Democracies expert insights, and the Ibrahim Index of African Governance to provide a broad understanding of the ten-year trend in democratic governance in Africa. The study found an increased demand for democracy, contrasted with a continuous decline in the supply of democracy. The study observed that, based on the average democratic performance over the decade, measured at 45% using V-Dem indices and 44% using IIAG percentage, Africa needs to score more than twice the current performance every year to align with the democratic aspirations of AA2063. This study underscores the need for targeted reforms to bridge the gap between current democratic performance and the envisioned goals of AA2063. It identifies key areas for improvement, including the separation of powers and checks and balances, citizens' active participation, accessibility to state-owned media, and the independence of election monitoring bodies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research has examined the effectiveness of inclusion tools aimed at encouraging greater involvement of disadvantaged social groups in local deliberative institutions. Most research, quantitative and qualitative, tends to examine positive outcomes, although results are frequently ambivalent. This research begins by arguing that analytical frameworks should consider the limitations of inclusion tools and that greater attention should be given to alternative approaches to inclusion (material/symbolic, formal/informal, focused/general). Based on these theoretical points, the study focuses on the views and experiences of working-class people and smallholder farmers in relation to their participation in open rural assemblies (concejos abiertos) in the Basque Country (Spain). The research employed an ethnographic methodology involving 20 observations of assemblies/events and 55 in-depth interviews conducted between 2012 and 2015. Three inclusion tools were identified as key to the functioning of the assemblies: "administrative and technical support" for engaging with the bureaucratic processes, a legal "right to paid work leave" for board members, and the use of "multi-disciplinary boards." The study examines the effectiveness of these tools in motivating and facilitating the involvement of participants from disadvantaged social class positions, presenting novel findings in the case of paid work leave and multi-disciplinary boards. The importance of informal practices and procedures for reducing material constraints are emphasized as well as the identification of some limitations of inclusion tools in a context of predominant elitist paradigms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Any society is governed by a set of laws. In modern democratic nations, especially nations governed by post-war constitutions, such laws are enacted by an elected legislature. The legislature is bound by the constitution itself, both in procedure and in substance. In India, such protection exists in the forms of legislative competence, fundamental rights, and other provisions of the constitution. However, India lacks a direct say of the people in the law-making process which governs the citizenry. The recent controversy in India, including the farm laws reform undertaken in 2020, highlights the need for the participation of stakeholders, experts, and the public in general in the law-making process. The Supreme Court of India has interpreted the right to participation in a limited sense and majorly in cases relating to environmental pollution. There exists a lacuna in the rights-based framework with respect to the right to participate in law-making. India has had a Pre-Legislative Consultation Policy in place since 2014 that mandates publishing the bill thirty days prior to introduction in the parliament for public comments. However, data reflects disregard of the policy by the Government. Furthermore, there is a downward trend in the number of bills being referred to parliamentary committees for scrutiny. This impacts negatively in two ways—first, leading to a lacuna in legislative drafting, and second, depriving the stakeholder and public of the opportunity to submit their comments on a bill under consideration. The extra-parliamentary avenues like the Law Commission of India, which have a significant impact on the legal framework in the country, are under a shadow. The authors argue that there is a need to incorporate a binding consultation policy ensuring public consultation in the process of law-making. This will have both an intrinsic as well as instrumental value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lately, municipalities in Western democracies have become increasingly more participatory. Local councillors have a fundamental role therein as they can either enable or block citizen participation. In that vein, their legitimacy perceptions towards different participatory arrangements seem key. This article analyses to what extent instrumental motivations steer these attitudes. Specifically, we distinguish between collective power (belonging to the governing majority or not) and individual influence (level of self-perceived political efficacy) as explanatory variables. Results based on a large-scale survey among local councillors in Flanders (Belgium) show that instrumental motivations indeed play a significant role: councillors with high levels of influence perceive traditional forms of decision-making (classic decision-making and consultative participation) as more legitimate. At the same time, majority councillors evaluate decisive forms of citizen participation as less legitimate than their colleagues in opposition. Additionally, feeling more powerful seems to be linked with an overall enthusiasm irrespective of participatory designs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Right to Information Act, 2005 has been a path-breaking legislation which signals the march from the darkness of secrecy to the dawn of transparency. It lights up the mindset of public authorities, which is clouded by suspicion and secrecy. Openness in the exercise of public power is a culture which needs to be nurtured, with privacy and confidentiality being the exceptions. James Madison once said, "A people who mean to be their own governors must arm themselves with power that knowledge gives."2 In India, the Official Secrets Act, 1923 was a convenient smokescreen to deny members of the public access to information. Public functioning had traditionally been shrouded in secrecy. But in a democracy in which people govern themselves, it is necessary to have more openness. In the maturing of our democracy, right to information is a major step forward; it enables citizens to participate fully in the decision-making process that affects their lives so profoundly. Through this paper, we would like to analyse the effectiveness of the Right to Information Act in promoting transparency and accountability in the administration and its success in achieving the ultimate goal of providing good governance in India. Without good governance, no number of developmental schemes can bring improvements in the quality of life of the citizens. Good governance has primarily four elements-transparency, accountability, predictability and participation. Transparency refers to availability of information to the citizens and clarity about functioning of governmental institutions. Right to information opens up government's records to public scrutiny, thereby arming citizens with a vital tool to inform them about the government's activities and effectiveness, thus making the government more accountable. Transparency in government organisations makes them function more objectively, thereby enhancing predictability. Information about functioning of government also enables citizens to participate in the governance process effectively. In a fundamental sense, right to information is a basic necessity of good governance. Right to information has been seen as the key to strengthening participatory democracy and ushering in peoplecentric governance. Access to information can empower the poor and the weaker sections of society to demand and get information about public policies and actions, thereby leading to their welfare. The right to information has also been a powerful means for fighting corruption. Through this paper, we also wish to bring into light the various significant achievements made through the Right to Information Act thus far and identify certain key challenges that still remain in the proper implementation of the Act, which require immediate attention and improvement. The effective implementation of the Right to Information Act will create an environment of vigilance which will help promote functioning of a more participatory democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work aims to identify and map the new dynamics emerging at national conferences by analyzing the presence and actions of groups and actors who identify with the right and extreme right. As a cross-section, we followed the national conferences that took place in 2023 and the first half of 2024. To do this, we used survey data, participant observation, analysis of official documents and social media posts. The results of the research indicate the diversity of the political confrontation in each area analyzed and delimits important analytical dimensions such as the relationship with social networks and the conflict over value agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The women of the Andes serve as a testament to resilience and fortitude in the face of constraints imposed by social structures and stereotypes. The objective of this study is to analyze the narratives employed by women leaders regarding women's political participation in the Andes. A qualitative methodology based on a hermeneutic-dialogical foundation was employed, whereby eight women of andean altiplano origin were interviewed using an in-depth interview guide. The questions addressed the following categories: the right to be elected, the role of women in political participation, and the obstacles faced by women in the political environment. As a result, a number of emerging subcategories were identified, including gender participatory democracy, the evolution of female political principles, the characteristics of a female leader, the socio-political aspects of women, the marginalization of women, the transition to female management, gender-related obstacles, and female vindication. These subcategories provide insight into the challenges faced by women in the struggle against sexual harassment, gender-based violence, and all forms of discrimination. They highlight the need for the development of inclusive and ethical systems that promote the rights of the gender in question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "The Struggle for Democracy in Venezuela" analyzes the political and economic situation in Venezuela over the years, including the controversy surrounding the alleged illegal financing of the Podemos party by Venezuela and the recognition of Juan Guaidó as interim president in 2019. It also examines the dictatorial and democratic governments in Venezuela's history, as well as the impact of the neoliberal model on the country's systemic crisis. The text concludes with an analysis of the arrival of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and its influence on the conception of democracy, highlighting the leadership of Chávez and the crisis of representation and legitimacy in the country. It also addresses the search for a more participatory democracy through "Participatory and Protagonistic Democracy". [Extracted from the article]

Objective: How, if at all, do different "varieties" or "principles" of democracy affect human happiness? While the study of democracy's relationship with well‐being is an old one, recent conceptual developments in the study of democracy have not been assessed to a great extent. In this article, we attempt to address this shortcoming. Method: We examine the relationship between five varieties of democracy (liberal, participatory, deliberative, egalitarian, and polyarchy) and life satisfaction across 103 high‐, middle‐, and low‐income countries in the 2010s. Results: We find a modest, positive association between most democratic principles and self‐reported satisfaction. Further exploration indicates that the strongest association is the one between life satisfaction and participatory democracy. Conclusion: This analysis represents an initial attempt at probing the effect of democracy on human happiness by disentangling the heterogeneous impact of different democratic principles. Implications for the study of democracy and subjective well‐being are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Protesting in post-apartheid South Africa is perceived as one of the significant democratic methods of participation and engagement with the government and its executive. As a result, since the early 2000s, community-led participation has been preferred over government-led forms of participatory methods, including mayoral forums and izimbizo (interactive dialogues between government officials and the people). However, the community-invented spaces of participation in the form of protests have been accompanied by violent tactics that have severely impacted infrastructure. The violent tactics used during protests related to service delivery have been more conspicuous in the local sphere of government, especially in places composed of informal settlements. Hence, Cato Manor has not been immune to this but continues to experience violence during service delivery protests, which causes damage to assets. This article explores the destruction of infrastructure in the quest for basic services in Cato Manor. A qualitative research design was adopted to guide the study, together with the displaced-aggression theory, as a theoretical lens to interpret the findings. The study used a purposive and snowball sampling method to recruit thirty-three participants. Thematic analysis facilitated by NVivo was adopted for data analysis purposes. Thus, the study's findings illustrate that the damage to essential services in the quest for basic services emanates from the frustration of the local people due to the government's inability to address the prevailing socioeconomic issues. The destruction of key infrastructure occurs when the primary cause of the frustration is not within the reach of the people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article engages with the question of coordinating action during transitional and politically volatile times, in high-stakes situations. More specifically, I look at a local assembly that was established to campaign for the 'no' vote against regime change in the 2017 constitutional referendum in Turkey, and how it disintegrated at a time when coordinated action was perceived as the only viable strategy by the participants. Based on participant-observation and ethnographic interviews, I argue that instead of framing or strategy, differences in temporal frameworks eroded the basis on which activists usually coordinated their next steps, leading to an unresolvable mismatch in their anticipation of future events, and therefore, in action. I characterize the temporal dynamics of political contestation in such contexts as a 'politics of anticipation,' where futurity and temporality themselves become subjects of political contention. As such, this article contributes to the study of anti-authoritarian social movements, studies of time and temporality, and to the sociology of time and the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The state-centric nature of international law has been recognized as a severe barrier to the realization of human rights since the outset and remains a concern today across the globe. However, the dominant space the state has historically occupied within the field as duty-bearer, deemed almost exclusively responsible for citizens' enjoyment of rights, faces a small yet by no means insignificant challenge in the form of human rights cities. While there is a rich literature surrounding municipalities whose local governments embrace non-discrimination, participatory democracy and other human rights principles, a distinct, yet equally fascinating development is the trend in cities who have committed to the furtherance of a singular right. One such phenomenon which has yet to receive significant attention within the academy is the rise in right to food cities in the UK, referring to those which have joined the campaign for domestic recognition of the right. In light of the UK government's deep-seated resistance to the right, this article explores the advent of right to food cities/municipalities and their potential as an alternative means of targeting hunger and food insecurity within the state. While it is recognized that each individual initiative may only have a localized impact, it is argued that their collective force should not be dismissed at this early stage—their calls for change are only likely to increase in fervour as the effects of the cost-of-living crisis upon the population worsen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the tier of government closest to people, local government plays a key role in answering local needs and aspirations. However, local governments are often under-resourced, leaving them inadequately responsive to many of these critical local demands. Moreover, accountability to their citizens, which is the core of a well-functioning local democracy, is often lacking because the necessary formal laws and informal norms do not enable citizens to influence the decision-making process in a collaborative, creative, and evidence-based process that promotes collective learning. Through innovative case study analyses from around the world, the 12 contributions in this thematic issue delve into the multifaceted ways in which local governments can bridge the gap between people and politics, offering innovative perspectives on participatory governance, co-creation, and collaborative decision-making for inclusive, safe, resilient, and sustainable cities. The cases showcase innovations and challenges in the urban environment, capturing different ways to bring people and politics together in an attempt to co-create solutions for a sustainable and resilient urban future. The insights provided by this plethora of cases provides lessons that can help revolutionise international, national, and local urban policy to empower local authorities and their local communities to address the increasingly urgent challenges faced by municipalities around the world, ensuring an inclusive, safe, resilient, and sustainable future for the generations to come.

In the present context of increasing human population demography, worldwide social crises, and rapid ecological global change, large cities are facing major socio-environmental challenges. This convokes authorities to adapt their governance and urban planning to reconcile urban development, ecological systems, and city dwellers in the most sustainable way. To achieve such goals, local officials have to associate all local actors, including city-dwellers, to the decision-making process through participatory governance and/or participatory systems. Here, we elaborated an original pilot project governance system for a "Participatory System Combining Town Planning and Science" (the 2PS-CiTy), as part of the revision of the Local Urban Plan (LUP) of Paris, France, into a Bioclimatic LUP held from 2020 to 2024. By implementing 2PS-CiTy, we aimed to answer "How to turn trees into a lever for inhabitants' engagement in urban consultation systems?" Trees were chosen because they are emblematic elements of nature with significant roles in ecosystemic services such as urban climate regulation. Parisians were invited to (i) share in the first questionnaire some information on their knowledge about the LUP and their engagement in it, (ii) identify urban trees they consider remarkable, (iii) explain their choice in a second questionnaire, (iv) contribute to the urban consultation as part of the LUP revision, and finally, (v) give their feedback during a dedicated survey. Out of the 41 Parisians who took part in 2PS-City, 83% declared they were motivated to participate because they could contribute to the tree census, which in turn can constructively contribute to the Parisian LUP revision to bring more nature and sustainability in town. This study demonstrates that trees can be used as a lever for inhabitants' engagement in urban consultation systems to make cities more sustainable. Our survey also showed that the 2PS-CiTy governance system could be improved by (1) developing a participatory culture among decisionmakers and (2) preventing nowadays silo governance from developing the most promising public governance systems that involve the departments of green space, urban planning, and local democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our paper examines what is required to protect and promote effective public discussion and policy development in the current climate of divisive disagreement about many public policy questions. We use abortion as a case example precisely because it is morally fraught. We first consider the changes made by Dobbs , as well as those which led up to the Dobbs decision, accompany it, and follow from it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Artificial intelligence (AI), since its marked proliferation in the mid-2010s, has significantly penetrated various sectors, becoming a transformative force that necessitates ongoing refinement of communication strategies and political dynamics by stakeholders. Drawing on the Orientation-Stimulus-Reasoning-Orientation-Response (O-S-R-O-R) model, this study delves into the role of AI news consumption in participatory democracy. Using data from a nationwide survey (N  = 1,252), the study assesses a mediation model that proposes a multilayered process through which AI news consumption facilitates civic participation. The findings reveal that AI news consumption across different media platforms is positively linked with civic participation, facilitated by both online and offline AI discussions. This relationship is further mediated by trust in AI news and trust in AI actors. Further theoretical and practical implications are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Empirical literature regarding which actors support the most participatory democracy is surprisingly scarce. Discussing the core ideological features of populist and post-materialist-centred parties, we expect that these parties emphasise participatory democracy more than their competitors. Additionally, populist parties should embody a monist demand for greater participatory democracy, while post-materialist-centred (PMC) parties should advocate a pluralist understanding of it. Drawing on party electoral manifestos, we verify these assumptions in several national elections across Europe. Our findings show mixed support for the theoretical expectations. Both post-materialist and populist parties support participatory democracy more than other parties, and their principles diverge. More precisely, our data confirm that PMC parties advocate a pluralist understanding of participatory democracy. Yet populist parties show a fuzzier picture. While populist radical right parties exhibit a monist profile, radical left populist parties are much more in line with post-materialist arguments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political economy plays an important role in good governance with institutionalisation and environmental scanning. This can assist in alleviating social injustice and reducing income inequality in an emerging economy, alongside an expanded formal sector and equitable growth. Macroeconomic stability can lead to favourable outcomes for the overall socio-economic landscape of a country, depending upon the effectiveness of a circular economy. Implementation of SDG-10 is vital for the social and financial inclusion of the people. This study examines whether the circular economy can contribute to achieving a substantial, planned and participatory democracy, thereby advancing institutional participation through good governance to attain macroeconomic stability. We found that contributory and participatory governance arrangements are essential for pro-people government and can be regarded as a criterion for effective participation. This can be facilitated through the circular economy to achieve macroeconomic stability dynamics in an emerging economy like Bangladesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Majalat Monazaat Al-Aamal is the property of Majalat Monazaat Al-Aamal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to demonstrate, through study, the influence of participatory budgeting on the tax legislation of Franca/SP, examining changes in local legislation. It addresses the historical evolution of participatory budgeting in the city, highlighting its contributions to local democracy and public governance. The findings suggest that participatory budgeting and the number of studies in public hearings in Franca/SP have brought significant changes to legislation and promoted greater citizen involvement in budgetary decision-making. Despite challenges of the in-person system, it shows potential for expansion and improvement through electronic means, with significant implications for public policy and municipal governance, but which warrant further enhancement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deliberative mini-publics are increasingly used to try to tackle public discontent with the functioning of democracy. However, the ability of mini-publics to increase perceptions of legitimate decision-making among citizens at large remains unclear, given especially that existing studies have not considered the potentially damaging effects of mini-public recommendations not being followed. We designed, pre-registered, and ran a survey experiment in Ireland to test the effects of mini-publics on legitimacy perceptions conditional on whether or not their non-binding policy recommendations are honored (N = 1309). We find that mini-publics increase legitimacy perceptions among the broader citizenry; however, these beneficial effects are largely limited to situations in which their recommendations are honored. Additional results suggest that it makes no difference whether mini-public recommendations are overturned by elected representatives or by citizens in a referendum. Finally, we find that the legitimacy-enhancing effects of participatory processes are driven by citizens with low political trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In New Zealand the last few years have seen a re-emergence of interest in processes that build on the theory of deliberative democracy. Commentary on this trend, which typically positions deliberative democracy as a novel development in New Zealand politics, ignores several decades of public agencies' democratic experimentation. In this article we describe three of the 15 identified processes displaying the critical elements of deliberative democracy: the Capital Power citizens' jury (1996); Toi te Taiao: the Bioethics Council's public deliberation on pre-birth testing (2007-08), and the citizens' advisory panel on the Newtown-Berhampore cycleway (2014). We analyse the reasons for their ostensible failure and identify lessons that current policymakers interested in deliberative democracy should draw from these historical cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Policy Analysis is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)