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This article presents the findings of a secondary analysis of data arising from a quantitative study of 3769 nurses on co-worker relationships and their impact on nurses working in public healthcare settings in Ireland. The overall findings from this analysis suggest moderate to high levels of satisfaction with co-worker relationships, with an average scale mean of 77%. Statistically significant lower scale means were identified in respect of nurses whose basic nursing qualification was awarded in a country outside the EU, among students and among those working in the west of Ireland. Respondents intending to leave the healthcare workforce reported significantly lower scores (74%) on this index compared with those intending to stay (79%). Significant positive correlations between co-worker relationships and workplace engagement (0.233), job satisfaction (0.225), organisational commitment (0.221) and perception of managers (0.259) were identified. These findings have implications for the retention of nurses working in Irish public healthcare services.

The area of reproductive politics in Italy demonstrates both a process of secularisation and desecularisation. On the one hand the highly conservative Assisted Reproduction Act of 2004 has been challenged in the courts leading to a resecularisation of this area of law. On the other hand the Abortion Act of 1978 has been descularised by the high usage by doctors of the conscientious objection clause of the Act. This article looks at this parallel movement of both secularisation and desecularisation.

The ability to more faithfully mimic the tumor microenvironment (TME) of cancer patients offers a wide range of possibilities for non-clinical evaluation of anti-cancer therapeutics, including guidance for patient selection, dose, and combinations. We have established a patient-derived tumor explant (PDE) model to monitor immune activation within a structurally preserved TME, following ex vivo incubation with immune check point inhibitors (ICI). When testing anti-PD-1 agents, such as dostarlimab and pembrolizumab, in a cohort of NSCLC explants from stage I-III treatment-naïve patients, we observed that approximately half demonstrate release of inflammatory cytokines after two days incubation. Interestingly, responsive tumors presented with a high level of PD-L1 expression (high TPS), had elevated TMB, and were highly infiltrated by CD8+ T cells at baseline, in line with tumor baseline characteristics predictive of clinical response to anti-PD-1. When testing a dose-range of dostarlimab and pembrolizumab comparable potencies were observed when measuring cytokine release after treatment of the NSCLC explants. In conclusion, we describe here an in vitro patient-derived NSCLC model that mirrors the heterogeneity of patients’ response for anti-PD-1 agents observed in clinical settings, representing a valuable tool for comparative analysis of novel ICI assets and combinations, such as the CD226 axis members. Importantly, this system is also amenable to extensive multi-omics and genetics-based analyses, providing the opportunity to better identify predictive or pharmacodynamic characteristics within patient tumors. Citation Format: Jessica Perrin, Frank Wippich, Valeriia Sherina, Dmytro Dvornikov, Katharina Lupar, Murad M. Melhem, Patrick Hanafin, Jeremy Waight, Jong Yu, Sapna Yadavilli, Daniel Poeckel, Giovanna Bergamini. Dostarlimab shows dose-dependent immune activation of the tumor microenvironment in a patient-derived NSCLC explant model similar to pembrolizumab [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the American Association for Cancer Research Annual Meeting 2023; Part 1 (Regular and Invited Abstracts); 2023 Apr 14-19; Orlando, FL. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2023;83(7_Suppl):Abstract nr 6647.

This paper presents the findings from an analysis of survey data which was collected from public health nurses (N = 136) as part of a larger study with more than 4000 nurses and midwives in Ireland. The purpose of the study was to examine the prevalence of burnout using the Oldenburg Burnout Inventory and to compare relationships between burnout, demographic and work characteristics across this group of nurses. Younger PHNs were most likely to report feeling burnout (68%) compared with those aged 51 or over (47%) who reported the lowest levels. PHNs whose highest level of qualification was a primary degree were least likely to report feeling burnout (31%) compared with those who held a Masters / Doctoral degree (54.5%). PHNs who reported working on a fixed-term full-time contract were most likely to report feeling burnout (70%) compared with those who were on a permanent part-time contract (49%). Quantitative analysis, using both descriptive and inferential statistics, was carried out and the findings show that PHNs reported moderate levels of burnout. The findings also show that burnout among PHNs is strongly correlated with the physical demands placed on individuals during work, having constant time pressures, too much being expected of individuals, the work environment being too demanding and dissatisfaction with the physical conditions.

We evaluated the pharmacokinetics, pharmacodynamics, and safety of evolocumab, a fully human monoclonal antibody against proprotein convertase subtilisin kexin type 9 (PCSK9), in an open‐label, parallel‐design study in participants with normal renal function (n = 6), severe renal impairment (RI; n = 6), or end‐stage renal disease (ESRD) receiving hemodialysis (n = 6) who received a single 140‐mg dose of evolocumab. The effects of evolocumab treatment on low‐density lipoprotein cholesterol (LDL‐C) lowering and unbound PCSK9 concentrations were similar in the normal renal function group and the renally impaired groups. Geometric mean Cmax and AUClast values in the severe RI and ESRD hemodialysis groups compared with the normal renal function group were lower but within 37% of the normal renal function group (Jonckheere‐Terpstra trend test; Cmax, P = .23; AUClast, P = .22) and within 26% after adjusting for body weight (mean body weight was approximately 9% higher in the renally impaired groups compared with the normal renal function group). No correlations were observed between exposure and baseline creatinine clearance. No adverse event was determined by the investigators to be related to evolocumab, and there were no trends indicative of clinically important effects on laboratory variables or vital signs. Overall, there were no meaningful differences in evolocumab exposure, as assessed by Cmax and AUClast, in patients with severe RI and ESRD hemodialysis compared with patients with normal renal function, and LDL‐C‐lowering effects were similar across groups. These results support the use of evolocumab without dose adjustment in patients who have severe RI or ESRD.

Introduction, Patrick J. Hanafin and Melissa S. Williams constitutional stigmatization, Alan C. Cairns the contagion of rights - constitutions as carriers, Vivien Hart impartial justice and partial perspectives, Melissa S. Williams issues of territoriality and identity in the Irish constitution, Patrick Hanafin cultural identity and constitutional reform - the challenge of Northern Ireland, Damian O'Leary "race" and language in American and Canadian politics, Richard Iton globalization and governance, Jan Aart Scholte regional integration and restrictive constitutionalism in North American and Western Europe, Robert O'Brien constituionalism as a form of conflict resolution, Robert Vipond.

Alternating periods of peace and terrorist hostility since 1994 have been the backdrop against which the latest efforts to resolve the Northern Ireland question by constitutional means have taken place. The Irish constitutional text can be viewed as an evolving narrative that is transformed in tandem with shifts in the construction of Irish identity. Thus, it is constitutive of a shared history but also purports to constitute this history. The original idea of the nation reflected in the Irish Constitution of 1937 is very much that of its framer Eamon de Valera. Notwithstanding constitutional interpretation of Articles 2 and 3, it would seem that the irredentist ethos of the Constitution of 1937 does not fit comfortably the current model of Irish society, which has begun to confront the sacred cows of nationalism and Catholicism. Thus, in asking whether the Irish nation is still irredentist, it is necessary to examine recent shifts in the Irish societal paradigm.

The introduction of a restrictive law on assisted reproduction in Italy in 2004 sees the privileging of a conservative model of family relations and a patriarchal conception of society. This law excludes many individuals from full reproductive citizenship. The 2004 Act excludes gay couples, single people and people who are carriers of genetically inherited conditions from access to assisted reproductive technologies. This article examines the manner in which citizen contestation of the law via Court challenges engages what Jasanoff (2011, Reframing rights: bioconstitutionalism in the genetic age, Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press) has termed a practice of ‘bioconstitutionalism’. Such a practice has led to a gradual judicial reworking of the Act, and demonstrates the power of individuals acting in concert to contest successfully draconian state action. It undoes the imposition of a biopolitical ordering on individuals and allows them, through their own continuous action, to perform a contestatory form of citize...

The unique aspects and features of the novel 'Isolina: La donna tagliata a pezzi' by the Italian writer Dacia Maraini are discussed. The work represents a freedom-centered feminism and provides a powerful critical act of resistance to the forgetting of violence against women in Italian society.

Employing insights from Italian sexual difference theory on law and rights, this article examines how both the text of the Italian Abortion Law of 1978 and its operation reveal the contradictions within liberal rights discourse on reproductive freedom. The Act itself contains traces of both Roman Catholic and liberal pluralist worldviews and has, since its introduction, been the site of conflict over competing notions of citizenship and legal identity. This article explores the impact of the Act's paradoxical nature on its operation against the background of the complex debates within the different strands of feminist theory in Italy over the question of reproductive freedom.\ud From the publisher's website at: http://fty.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/10/2/227

This article examines how the recently introduced law on assisted reproduction in Italy, which gives symbolic legal recognition to the embryo, came about, and how a referendum, which would have repealed large sections of it, failed. The occupation of the legal space by the embryo is the outcome of a crusade by a well-organised alliance of theo-conservatives. These groups see in reproductive medicine an uncontrolled interference with their notion of the natural order of things. Such a worldview requires a total ban on stem cell research, limitation of access to reproductive technologies and repressive laws to govern the area. This conservative dream scenario has come closer to being realised by the introduction of a law doing all of these things in the name of the protection of “Life”. In the case of this law, the “life” to be protected is the embryo. In the name of “Life”, scientific advances and individual liberty have been curbed. The politics of embryo citizenship is a politics which values the yet to come over the here and now, purgation over pleasure, and the transcendent over the material.

Book synopsis: In this piece I want to (re)pose the relation of writing to law and politics, by interrogating the sense of a writing which is simultaneously an unwriting or undoing of legal and political discourse through Maurice Blanchot's involvement in the movement against the French colonial war in Algeria and, in particular, his framing of the Declaration of the Right to Insubordination in the Algerian War in 1960. The piece analyses how the sense of the event of the Declaration continues to call us to acknowledge a ‘disastrous responsibility’ to a non‐community beyond the time of law and politics.

This article examines the ``hidden'' ideological appeal which the 1937 Irish Constitution attempted to make by the invocation of the rural ideal, a hybrid of Irish nationalism, Catholicism and, most importantly, Gaelic romanticism. In this move, the historical legitimacy of the new state could be defined through the constitution by an appropriation of diverse symbols from an imagined past, a golden age of Gaelic unity and moral certainties. Particular attention will be paid to the image of woman as a representation of the nation in the 1937 Constitution, and to the context of Irish nationalist discourse generally, where she repeatedly appears in the archetypal forms of either mother or virgin. The predominance of the image of woman as mother in the Constitution, in contrast to her appearance in pre-independence nationalist discourse (where she regularly figured as a combination of mother, helpless maiden, seductress and destroyer) will be examined in terms of the Lacanian themes of Lack and jouissance (or enjoyment). This cultural (and legal) shift will be examined in terms of the renunciation of enjoyment inherent in this new national imagery, and in relation to the redemptive potential of the image of woman as mother; themes which appear significant in relation to post-colonial political formations generally, and to post-independence Irish political discourse in particular.

Ireland is a country haunted by a past which refuses to remain buried. This past irrupts and interupts in texts as diverse as the Irish Constitution and the poems of W.B. Yeats. This piece ruminates on the representation of the state's violent past in legal texts and in the poetry of W.B. Yeats and Paul Muldoon and attempts to draw links between the personal and the political narration of violence.

(1997). Defying the female: The Irish constitutional text as phallocentric manifesto. Textual Practice: Vol. 11, No. 2, pp. 249-273.

Death has been viewed in cultural terms in Ireland more as rite than right. This view is rooted in deontological ideas about the intrinsic value of life. The sanctity-of-life model has been the dominant model in Irish legal discourse on the topic of the right to life. This model rather than being a flexible one, adapting to the needs of an evolving societal framework, is absolutist. It finds expression in the Irish Constitution of 1937 with its homage to the ideals of classical natural law theory. In recent years, this model has been subject to challenge from another model which appears to offer more in terms of respecting individual autonomy. Following the recent Supreme Court decision in the case of Re A Ward of Court ([1995] 2 ILRM 401), one could argue that Irish constitutional jurisprudence may be commencing to question the traditional sanctity-of-life model in more vehement terms than heretofore. This paper attempts to chart this judicial shift and place it in the context of the more genera...

At a time when social and political reality seems to move away from the practice of cosmopolitanism, whilst being in serious need of a new international framework to regulate global interaction, what are the new definitions and practices of cosmopolitanism? Including contributions from leading figures across the humanities and social sciences, After Cosmopolitanism takes up this question as its central challenge. Its core argument is the idea that our globalised condition forms the heart of contemporary cosmopolitan claims, which do not refer to a transcendental ideal, but are rather immanent to the material conditions of global interdependence. But to what extent do emerging definitions of cosmopolitanism contribute to new representative democratic models of governance? The present volume argues that a radical transformation of cosmopolitanism is already ongoing and that more effort is needed to take stock of transformations which are both necessary and possible. To this end, After Cosmopolitanism calls for an understanding of cosmopolitanism that is more attentive to the material reality of our social and political situation and less focused on linguistic analyses of its metaphorical implications. It is the call for a cosmopolitanism that is also a cosmopolitics.

In Ireland there currently exists no legislation governing advance directives despite a decision of the Supreme Court in 1995 which upheld the constitutionality of the right to refuse life sustaining treatment. Since then Successive Governments have failed to introduce a detailed legislative framework to govern this area of medical practice. This has occurred despite recent recommendations for such legislation by both the Irish Law Reform Commission in its Report on Bioethics: Advance Care Directives and the Irish Council for Bioethics. The reality of death from treatment withdrawal falls more readily into Minow's notion of the 'least detrimental alternative' or as Margaret Pabst Battin terms it 'the least worst death'. These objections notwithstanding, in Ireland decision-making in such cases is still not in the hands of the patient as the legislature has not yet introduced the legislative framework necessary for the legal recognition of end-of-life advance directives. Keywords:advance directives; bioethics; contemporary Ireland; decision-making; end-of-life; legislative framework

Deleuze and Law: Forensic Futures explores the relation between law and life and the advent of a politics of 'life'. How have recent events focused social, political and cultural attention on the living body and its maintenance and management? The central concept, through which the embodiment of the subject will be examined will be that of 'bio-power'. Articulated by Michel Foucault, but brought to attention more recently in the work of Giorgio Agamben, this concept recognises that the relation between life and law is both historical and necessary: the law must operate on bodies but can only do so by establishing a border between the body of the polity, and the mere life excepted from political concern. The contemporary advent of bio-politics occurs when the polity increasingly and invasively operates on this 'mere' life, and the body or organism – rather than the self – becomes the object of political management. The manner in which the body becomes the focus of contemporary power has led legal theory to explore new questions of the threshold between life and death and has led social theory to question the new extensions of the law and the polity into embodied life. The contributors explore the forensic shift in contemporary social theory and cultural sensibility from a number of perspectives.\ud Description of book from publisher website at: http://www.palgrave.com/

This volume engages with the impact of a thinking of law with Gilles Deleuze. It is an attempt to engage in another mode of doing jurisprudence, which places the emphasis on the material bodies of citizens and their interests rather than the abstract formless subject of law. It is, as Claire Colebrook observes in her essay in this volume, a reconsideration of law and legal theory as a differential jurisprudence. In such a jurisprudence the emphasis would be placed on how the claims of some bodies might transform the relation between what counts as a speaking subject for law and what is silenced. This shift in the way we view the manner in which individual bodies are formed and subjugated by law provides an opening to another thinking of law, which emerges in the essays in this collection. In this regard the collection attempts to perform what one might term a vitalist jurisprudence or one in which the body obtains primacy over what Deleuze and Guattari termed the terror of the signifier.

Focusing on the writings of Adriana Cavarero and Lia Cigarini, this piece examines the possible counterpractices and counterspaces of a politics of relational subjectivity outside the time of the masculine legal order which are to be found in Italian sexual difference theory. Both Cavarero and Cigarini share a desire to create a practice of sexual difference based on relational subjectivity. In their writings and in their praxis they have attempted to bring into being spaces where the unique embodied existent can interact with other unique existents in a space of relational politics. This is a politics based on the unique existent who acts, speaks, and thinks for herself rather than one based on the ideal abstract individual of liberal rights ideology. In effect, it amounts to a politics of relational plurivocality.

Law attempts to govern life and death through the appropriation of images which give a fantasy of control over death. The functioning of the thanatopolitical state is underpinned by a perceived control over death and its representation. This means of controlling death is challenged when someone wishes to die in an untimely fashion. Death may be timely when the State engages in the officially sanctioned killing of the death penalty but not when the individual assumes such a power to decide. When an individual goes before the law to obtain a right to die, instead of confronting death, legal institutions evade the issue and instead talk about life, and its sacred and inviolable nature. Yet, in the same move, many exceptions to this sacred quality of life are carved out. One can see an example of this phenomenon in the area of Supreme Court decision making on physician-assisted suicide. In Washington v. Glucksberg the applicants had died by the time of the Supreme Court’s decision. Where did they go? Were they ever really there for the law? The Supreme Court decision attempts to recompose the notion of identic wholeness in the face of bodies associated with death and decay. It is, in other words, an attempt to arrest the process of death by composing a narrative which valorises life. The case becomes a narrative about the threat to life or, more precisely, a threat to a particular way of life. In other words, the state’s interest in preserving life becomes the interest in preserving the life of the state. The state must live on. The question then moves from being one of whether the individual applicant in a case concerning physician-assisted suicide should live or die, to one which asks should we the court live or die?