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Lesotho faces political, economic, social, cultural, religious, institutional and interpersonal violence, a situation that prompted the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) to introduce a peace-building education program. This indigenous auto-ethnography inquiry arose as the result of the investigator’s realisation that the UNESCO strategy to establish peace education in Lesotho is an exclusive, narrow approach based on the formal Western education system. While UNESCO’s initiative to instil a culture of peace via education is commendable considering the seriousness of the violence in Lesotho, the article contends that the approach excludes many out-of-school youth from learning about developing a culture of peace. The article also reveals some characteristics associated with the Western educational system that contribute to its inability to incorporate all eligible groups in peace-building education. Guided by the theoretical framework of critical interculturality, this article highlighted the Basotho lebollo education system as having the ability to extend peace-building education beyond the confines of Western schooling and education to include out-of-school adolescents. The compatibility of the lebollo school system with peace-building education was proved by its indigenous epistemology and pedagogy. The article recommends a nonviolent strategy devoid of colonial violence and based on mutual respect that can bring lebollo on board for peace-building education, as has happened in response to the HIV and AIDS pandemic. Transdisciplinarity Contribution: This paper contributes to the broad debate that Western formal education ensnared in colonial power structures, has difficulty meeting the educational needs of the African child, despite its noble intentions. Using Basotho indigenous education system as a framework for calling for recognition of indigenous education, the paper makes the case for peacebuilding education as a potential model for indigenous education.

By means of a jurisprudential sociological method, there will be studied the Judgment T-025 of 2004 and the follow-ups of the Constitutional Court, to determine how there has been established a legal frame that seeks to return the rights of the victims of the forced displacement. Finally, one will present the panorama of the forced displacement of the indigenous peoples, after the signature of the Peace agreement of November 12, 2016.

This article highlights the problem of armed conflict in the territory of the Syrian Arab Republic. The different approachesfor the peacefulsettlement of the Syrian armed conflict are considered within the International Law. The authors offer their vision for a peaceful settlement of the Syrian issue through direct dialogue between the government and the opposition forthe purpose of an achievement of peace and consent in all territory ofthe country.

Not only should Alfonso X “the Wise” be remembered for his great work in all aspects of cultural life, but also for being constantly engaged in warfare. The purpose of this essay is to show the aggressive and decisive military activity carried out by this monarch before and after the Mudejar revolt in 1264-1266, and his important contribution to the Reconquest. By analyzing the above mentioned activity in detail, we will conclude that the periods of war were longer than the periods of peace during the time of his reign.

Allah has described the life of the Holy prophet as the best model. His rights have been set forth through revelations for times to come. One of the issues is that of the relation with the non-Muslims. As Islam wants the well-being of all human beings besides the Muslim community, it does not inhibit the natural love relations and needs rather it is committed to them. Therefore, it is the responsibility of an ideal Muslim state to take care of the rights of the nonMuslims within the state and cooperate with them in the necessary affairs. Good manners, fair treatment, justice and financial support are of great importance in these rights. The Holy prophet laid the foundation of the first Islamic state after Hijrah to Medina and set a chartered with other nations for liaison, which is called as the written constitution of the world and may also be called as the pact of the rights of the world’s nations. In this agreement he proved that Muslims and nonMuslims are all equal as human beings and are equal in human compassion and relationship.The Holy Prophet (SAW) taught his followers high morals and urged them to be gentle and considerate in dealing with others. He did not restrict his followers to be courteous with Muslims only but emphasized to be civil to nonMuslims as well and that to treat them with good manners. The teaching and instructions given by Islam with regard to mutual respect and moral excellence are primarily meant for Muslims, however, non-Muslims are also included in it. The Holy Prophet gave ideas concerning human rights, collective justice, tolerance, and mutual peaceful existence in the international relations fourteen hundred years back. The authenticity of these concepts needs to be projected at world level in the current time. In this way the intellectual superiority of Islam and the scholarly domination of its principles in the world are to be highlighted.

This paper is the result of research conducted over the past three years in the field of basic education in Mexico, on the growth of enrollment in urban schools for migratory reasons and discrimination, exclusion and marginalization against several people with characteristics ethnic, linguistic, religious, sexual or disabled character. Manifestations of violence in urban schools, impose qualitative changes between the school community and school dynamics therefore recover the Intercultural Education and Dialogue of Knowledge for Peace, as proposed otherness and attention to students, regardless of their physical, intellectual, social, emotional and linguistic conditions.

Abstract – This paper investigates the metaphorical conceptualization of peace by former leaders George W. Bush, Ariel Sharon, and Mahmoud Abbas. Specifically, it examines how peace/the peace process is conceptualized via metaphors through the notion of JOURNEY and MOVEMENT. The corpus in this study comprises twenty speeches given by the three politicians over a four-year period (2002-2005). The corpus data is analyzed using a combination of different methods. The tools are mainly Conceptual Metaphor Theory (Lakoff and Johnson 1980), the MIPVU procedure (Steen et al. 2010), and Critical Metaphor Analysis (Charteris-Black 2004). Findings reveal that JOURNEY metaphors are a vital and common part of the three politicians’ political discourse. Overall, there are very few metaphors for peace unique to the individual politicians. The main differences observed lie not in which metaphors are used, but in what aspects of peace or the peace process they are used to highlight.Keywords: metaphor identification, conceptual metaphor, Critical Metaphor Analysis, political discourse, peace.

Attending to the inivitation for participating into the First International Seminary on Conflict Resolution and Peace Construction, we decided to inquire and write on “The mission of philosophical speech about Peace Construction, because we think that is more important to talk about social phenomenon of peace than about social phenomenon of violence, in spite of the tendency of investigating is to study violent facts. In our case, we have preferred to choose for examination and support the proposal of Alfono Fernández Herrería and Mary del Carmen López López on System-Complex Epistemology to built peace. At the same time we follow the Antropic Philosophy of Tomaso Bugossi in order to describe next points: an integral concept of human being like subject-person, distinction among Philosophy and philosophies, mission of a philosophical speech and construction of peace.

This article focuses on the interpretation of Immanuel Kant’s political views in V. Gerhardt’s “existential liberalism”. The author considers the basic elements of the “theory of politics” presented in this interpretation, emphasises the components of interpretation per se and additional reception, and offers a critical analysis of certain conclusion from the general point of view of contemporary discussion on Kant’s political works.

The building of the modern state in Europe was part of an historic process that reacted to the violence of the Wars of Religion (16th to 17th centuries) and established the bases of peace and order for modern life in the West. This article reviews the theoretical bases of the theory of the state in terms of a Hobbesian dualism, symbolized by the figures of Leviathan (peace, order) and Behemoth (violence, anomie), in order to examine the historic failure in Colombia to construct a modern state. In effect, Colombia has been unable to construct an impersonal entity capable of subduing its multiple armed competitors and creating the conditions for peace and order.

Recently, the spread of social media has undoubtedly contributed to further increasing the potential of civil society mobilizations. The ease of access to new communication technologies enhances the po- tential of civic movements, but it is still necessary to focus on the relationship between the creation and stability of digital ties and the sustainability of collective action. This article aims to examine the first and largest global civil mobilization promoted through a So- cial Network Site: the massive march on February 4th 2008 against the FARC, the Colombian guerrilla group. The objective is to analyze, several years after the fact, the characteristics and effects of this mo- bilization, which originated on the web to become a huge global march. Through the analysis of the literature it presents some reflections on the nature of these new forms of online activism, their potential and limits. Specifically, the case in question comprises a form of collective action that, while displaying impressive speed and the capacity to mobilize many people thanks to the new medium of communication, at the same time reveals its dependence on external actors with the ability to manipulate it for their own ends as well as its weakness in generating a thorough prospect for social change that can truly impact on Columbian society in the long run. In conclusion the present work shows that, in a complex environment characterized by high levels of conflict, the resources provided by ‘revolutionary’ new media are not sufficient to achieve concrete social change because the web, like a mirror, simply brings the same contradictions found in real space into a virtual space. Therefore, we suggest looking beyond the emotional impact produced by new media and more carefully analyzing the real dynamics of conflicts and the inevitable ‘imbrication’ of the digital and non-digital.