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A crucial aspect of elite dominance in modern democracies concerns the degree to which different political elites share similar career paths and shifts between different elite positions. Similarity in career paths and transfers across elite positions are crucial aspects of elite dominance in modern democracies. This paper argues that there are limits to elite career similarity and sector transfer because of varying recruitment criteria and reputational cargo across different political elite groups. We argue that career similarity and transfers across elite positions are lower when recruitment criteria are exclusive. We also argue that acquired reputation may be a career liability limiting transfers into other elite groups. Empirically, we examine career trajectories and transfers across elite groups by mapping the full career of Members of the Parliament, top bureaucrats and interest group leaders in Denmark. We demonstrate that within the Danish political elite, career paths are relatively distinct and transfer few. Career distinctiveness and lack of elite transfers are especially pronounced for the bureaucratic elite, which is guarded by stricter recruitment criteria and on guard against reputations that might taint its image as a pure merit civil service. In contrast to other studies, our results suggest that the shutters between elite sectors are relatively closed. However, the few individuals passing through these most exclusive revolving doors may have a significant political impact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Na+,HCO3–-cotransporter NBCn1/Slc4a7 accelerates murine breast carcinogenesis. Lack of specific pharmacological tools previously restricted therapeutic targeting of NBCn1 and identification of NBCn1-dependent functions in human breast cancer. Methods: We develop extracellularly-targeted anti-NBCn1 antibodies, screen for functional activity on cells, and evaluate (a) mechanisms of intracellular pH regulation in human primary breast carcinomas, (b) proliferation, cell death, and tumor growth consequences of NBCn1 in triple-negative breast cancer, and (c) association of NBCn1-mediated Na+,HCO3–-cotransport with human breast cancer metastasis. Results: We identify high-affinity (KD ≈ 0.14 nM) anti-NBCn1 antibodies that block human NBCn1-mediated Na+,HCO3–-cotransport in cells, without cross-reactivity towards human NBCe1 or murine NBCn1. These anti-NBCn1 antibodies abolish Na+,HCO3–-cotransport activity in freshly isolated primary organoids from human breast carcinomas and lower net acid extrusion effectively in primary breast cancer tissue from patients with macrometastases in axillary lymph nodes. Inhibitory anti-NBCn1 antibodies decelerate tumor growth in vivo by ~50% in a patient-derived xenograft model of triple-negative breast cancer and pH-dependently reduce colony formation, cause G2/M-phase cell cycle accumulation, and increase apoptosis of metastatic triple-negative breast cancer cells in vitro. Conclusions: Inhibitory anti-NBCn1 antibodies block net acid extrusion in human breast cancer tissue, particularly from patients with disseminated disease, and pH-dependently limit triple-negative breast cancer growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political parties in office generally incur a cost of ruling among the electorate. This article considers the broader implications of this phenomenon for democratic governance. We argue that the electoral cost a party incurs in office entails that its individual legislators become more inclined to vote against the party line as a way to distance themselves from the deteriorating party brand. We test and support several observable implications of this argument using time series data including all members of parliament in the British parliament between 1992 and 2015 coupled with monthly opinion poll data. The well‐established electoral cost of ruling thus translates into a legislative cost of ruling by reducing incumbent party legislators' loyalty to the party line. We discuss how the legislative cost of ruling complicates effective governance but may also strengthen democratic accountability by reducing legislative capacity of governing parties that have lost their electoral mandate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social media are seen as a catalyst for personalized politics, and social media activity has, therefore, been used as an indicator of personalized representation. However, this may lead to an overestimation because politicians can behave as party soldiers even on their personal social media platforms. This article proposes that we need to examine the content of politicians' social media communication to evaluate levels of personalized representation and understand the drivers behind it. Based on a full year's Facebook activity of Danish members of Parliament including 28,000 updates, this study documents two main results. First, politicians do use Facebook to manage their personal image, but they also attend to their party duties. Attending to content suggests that activity measures overestimate personalized representation by at least 20 percentage points. Second, in contrast to expectations, mainly electorally secure politicians personalize communication on social media, which suggests that vote getters may enjoy more party duty leeway. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Correspondence study field experiments with political elites are a recent addition to legislative studies research, in which unsolicited emails are sent to elites to gauge their responsiveness. In this article, we discuss their ethical implications. We advance from the viewpoint that correspondence study field experiments involve trade-offs between costs and benefits that need to be carefully weighted. We elaborate this argument with two contributions in mind. First, we synthesize ethical considerations in published work to explore what the specific trade-offs are and how they can be mitigated by experimental design. We conclude that correspondence study field experiments with political elites are worth pursuing given their potential to further good governance. But they also involve distinct trade-offs that are particularly challenging. Second, we draw from our own considerations while designing a comparative correspondence study field experiment and stress challenges resulting from cross-national designs. In sum, we aim to facilitate further reasoned discussion on an important methodological issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The Nordic hamstring exercise (NHE) has been shown to considerably reduce hamstring injuries among soccer players. However, as the load in the NHE is the person's own bodyweight, it is a very heavy exercise and difficult to individualize. The flywheel inertial leg curl (FLC) could be an alternative since the eccentric overload is based on the amount of work produced in the concentric movement. Therefore, the primary aim of this study was to compare the activation in the hamstrings at long muscle lengths in the NHE and the FLC in amateur soccer players. Methods: Fifteen male amateur soccer players performed 5 repetitions in each exercise in a randomized and counterbalanced order. The concentric and eccentric movements were divided into lower and upper phases. Surface EMG was measured distally, proximally, and in the middle, at both muscles. Results: In the lower phase in the eccentric movement, there were no significant differences between the 2 exercises (P =.101–.826). In the lower concentric movement, the FLC led to higher activation in all parts of both the biceps femoris (31%–52%, P <.001) and the semitendinosus (20%–35%, P =.001–.023). Conclusion: Both exercises activated the hamstrings similarly at long muscle lengths during eccentric contractions (Nordic hamstring, nonsignificantly higher). However, when performing concentric contractions, the FLC induced higher activations. Therefore, the FLC could be a useful alternative to the NHE and particularly suitable for weaker athletes before progressing to NHE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]