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This article examines British coal owners’ use of medical and scientific knowledge of occupational lung diseases in the mining industry to resist regulatory changes between 1918 and 1946. It explores the strategies deployed by coal owners in response to scientific and lay debates over the hazard to workers’ health presented by dust, and legislation to compensate miners for pneumoconiosis and silicosis contracted in the nation’s collieries. In particular, it investigates coal owner deployment of the views of notable scientists, especially the eminent physiologist John Scott Haldane (1860–1936), who insisted on the harmlessness of coal dust, in order to avoid costly compensation payments, as well as capital investment in ameliorative measures to reduce miners’ exposure to such hazards. In so doing, the article provides new insights by illustrating how coal owners influenced mining education programmes, deploying the arguments of Haldane and others, with direct implications for health and safety in British mines. This contributed to the mounting public health disaster wrought by coal dust on Britain’s mining communities. This process is viewed as part of the broader political activities of the coal owners – and their industry body, the Mining Association of Great Britain – in its attempts to influence the regulatory process in a period of dramatic change in the political economy of coal. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article focuses on the aspects of aluminium production and the politics of development of Highland, Scotland. It mentions about significance and ecological impacts of aluminium production in the Highlands, Scotland. Information on history of aluminium production, international operations and cultural characteristics of Scotland is also presented.

The article focuses on the economical aspects of Highlands and Island of Scotland. It states that Roy Campbell, economic historians of Scotland in the 1960s, played a key role in industrialisation of Lowland Scotland. Information on history of the evolution of the economies of the Highlands and Islands in Scotland is also presented.

This article illuminates the links between managerial style and political economy in post-1945 Britain, and explores the origins of the 1984-1985 miners' strike, by examining in longer historical context the abrasive attitudes and policies of Albert Wheeler, Scottish Area Director of the National Coal Board (NCB). Wheeler built on an earlier emphasis on production and economic criteria, and his micro-management reflected pre-existing centralising tendencies in the industries. But he was innovative in one crucial aspect, transgressing the moral economy of the Scottish coalfield, which emphasised the value of economic security and changes by joint industrial agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]