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The term “biodiversity” generally refers to living variation. Biodiversity has recognized anthropocentric values of insurance and investment. Values of “nature” include those of biodiversity and also many other aspects reflecting the scope of human-nature relationships. Systematic conservation planning methods can integrate this range of local to global values. Early case studies in Australia and Papua New Guinea show the potential for such approaches. Recently, there have been calls for a recasting of the concept of biodiversity to capture plurality of values. However, balance among sometimes conflicting values of nature is best-served by a singular biodiversity concept and definition focused on variety, because this enables effective integration with other values of nature. Attempts at pluralistic recastings of biodiversity in fact may promote neglect of global biodiversity values. Further, an extended analysis of the Papua New Guinea case study shows that it cannot be argued that focusing on localized values of nature for conservation will effectively address regional/global scale conservation needs.

Considering recent re-assessments of Pareto and Mosca, I discuss whether these thinkers’ socio-political orientations contribute to the ‘disfiguration’ of democracy (in: Urbinati, Democracy disfigured: opinion, truth, and the people, Harvard, Cambridge, MA, 2014) or provide a resource for the renewal of democratic institutions. Femia (Pareto and political theory, Routledge, Abingdon, 2006) presents Pareto as being in the “Machiavellian tradition of sceptical liberalism,” revealing the liberal potential of Pareto’s realist political theory. Finocchiaro (Beyond right and left, Yale, New Haven, London, 1999) ameliorates the conservative consequences of Mosca’s thought by reinterpreting him as a ‘democratic elitist,’ who holds a conception of political liberty “as a relationship such that authority flows from the masses to the elites.” Highlighting the significance of internal tensions within each thinker’s work foregrounded by these readings, between the causal primacy of psychic states and the ‘mutual dependence’ of social factors (Pareto), and between the elite principle and ‘balanced pluralism’ (Mosca), I ask whether the ‘sceptical liberal’ Pareto or the ‘democratic elitist’ Mosca elude Urbinati’s unpolitical, populist and plebiscitarian ‘disfigurations’ of democracy.

In this study, we analyze the political discourse of the United States and Europe in terms of linguistic approaches. Among the methods we use are systemic, structural, functional, content analysis, discourse analysis and thesaurus method. Its application took place within the theory of discourse. The study found that the main difference between the political discourses of Europe and the United States are the forms and means of communication, the formats of their distribution and the massive indicators of inclusion of the population (recipient of political discourse) in the communicative interaction. The difference is also the centralization and the levels at which the discourse develops. For example, the focus of political rhetoric on the institution of the U.S. presidency makes the presidential speech a reflection of public opinion. This is not typical of European countries, as pluralism of opinion is widespread there, communication takes place at local, regional, national, and supranational level. In addition, the European identity is in the process of being deeded. However, both discourses have in common the commitment to the values of democracy, but they manifest themselves differently.

Like other pluralists, geographical pluralists oppose Western intellectual hegemony and advocate the diversity of sociological knowledge. Such appeals are reasonable and justified, but they give up the universality of knowledge while pursuing the diversity of knowledge, implicitly creating the danger of fragmenting knowledge. On the contrary, from the standpoint of discourse constructivism, a discourse pluralism can be constructed to enable us to not only deconstruct the intellectual hegemony of Western sociology but also pursue universal sociological knowledge.

Freedom, civil society legalism, pluralism, useful, constructive and healthy competition in society, political participation, elections, a comprehensive constitution, and the growth of non-governmental organizations, fundamental freedoms and the provision of civil and political rights are the most important components of political development are. People in society and the establishment of a parliamentary system. New movements are also mainly social and cultural in nature and emerged with the aim of reviving identity, deepening and developing political participation in Islamic and Arab societies. Some affiliated Arab regimes, such as the government of Al-Saud and the military regime of al-Sisi in Egypt, consider democracy to be a great and serious threat to the survival of their regime. Findings show that political culture, diplomatic support and guarantees, economic aid and foreign intervention are important obstacles to political development in the Arab world, and Arab regimes deliberately and sometimes inadvertently engineer polarization methods in society to prevent this. By the way, their authoritarian methods seem to be the last obstacle to the total collapse of their countries. Such conditions are certainly crucial to the survival of the Arab world governments and the Arab coup military regimes in the Middle East and North Africa. The method used in this research is qualitative (descriptive-analytical) and the method of collecting information is the use of library resources.

As climate change rapidly intensifies, political theory urgently needs to respond to the shock of the Anthropocene and bring nature back to politics. William Connolly’s work is a paradigmatic example of such a theory that actively emphasizes the role nonhuman forces play in the social and political world and the discontinuity this emphasis brings to political theory. Connolly underscores fragile resonances between nature and culture and productively problematizes a human-centric vision of politics. However, while interrogating how contemporary political conjuncture catastrophically increases planetary fragility, he still insists on the continuity of his vision for democratic pluralism that this very conjuncture fundamentally puts in question. Thus, Connolly’s type of post-anthropocentric ontology remains rather inconsistently connected to explicitly political concerns. This article aims to clarify this connection. On the one hand, it shows how his brand of democratic politics that answers to the challenges of the Anthropocene presupposes a heightened degree of political negativism and universalism that used to be excluded from this politics. On the other, it demonstrates how the discontinuities in ontology must be simultaneously thought of as the discontinuities in established political theorizing and to continuously interrogate the very conjuncture that reveals the relevance of these ontological and political discontinuities.

In Western democracies, decentralization is typically associated with pluralism and demands for minority rights. In other contexts, however, decentralized governance may be instrumental to conserva...

Our paper examines the latest frontier of the “War on Terror,” countering violent extremism (CVE), non-coercive approaches that aim to prevent “radicalization” that may lead to “violent extremism” or terrorism. We look at the recent implementation of CVE in Québec’s education sector. Based on an analysis of key policy documents and interviews with CVE practitioners, we find that: (1) teachers are responsibilized to safeguard society from the risk of terrorism through being expected to “know the signs” of radicalization and to build “resilience,” (2) students are responsibilized as agents who can influence their peers against violent extremist messaging and toward “prosocial” behaviour, and (3) elements of school curriculum are responsibilized, especially social studies education, to provide students with “critical thinking” skills thought to be lacking among those at risk of radicalization. We highlight the inherent contradictions in CVE, which, in Québec, claims to foster pluralism and inclusivity to combat Islamophobia, but as a modality of the “War on Terror” also targets and stigmatizes Muslim communities. Critical discussion of CVE’s social implications are needed to initiate critical dialogue in Canada over the impact of CVE in social services provision and the risk of securitizing the education sector in Québec.

The aim of this research is to clarify the phenomenon of pluralism and diversity in its various aspects, with a focus on Islam’s position on pluralism and diversity in its various types and divisions. The research also sought to address religious and political pluralism, cultural pluralism, economic pluralism and Islam’s position and outlook on it. The study is based on the descriptive and analytical approach that sheds light on pluralism and diversity from an Islamic perspective, and through the descriptive and analytical approach, the study will provide a description and analysis of the plurality and diversity in thought and culture from the application of Islamic thought. The research reached the following results: - Religious pluralism, or Islam’s view of pluralism in general, is the ideal solution to the problem of religious conflict in the world and to the peaceful coexistence of different religions. Diversity in Islamic society is the best evidence of Islam's tolerance and its recognition that difference is a universal nature. Islam adopts political pluralism on condition that it be disciplined within the framework of commitment to the supremacy of Sharia and not deviating from its established principles. - Islamic economics is based on matters that other systems lack. It combines private and public ownership at the same time, considering that both of them are assets and each of them has its objectives and sources, provided that they are legitimate. Economic pluralism expresses the existence of more than one economic system in a single country, and Islamic law is concerned with the economic aspect.

Human being is endowed with intellect. The standard and domain of intellectual exposure are different and diverse. Consequently, it gives birth to diversity in opinions and perspective that eventually results in mutual disagreement. A deep assessment of the human life indicates the fact that diversity exist in almost all aspects of human life. The diversity of opinions, perspectives and narratives can be found with reference to culture and civilization, economy, entrepreneurship, modern scientific disciplines, politics and religion. The diversity is an indication of the evolution in human intellect. When the diversity is misunderstood as a negative connotation then it turns into conflict that results into incalculable and disastrous impacts on society. Pluralism plays a pivotal role in the evolution of diverse human society and multicultural civilization and a pluralistic society can tread the phases of socio-cultural development more conveniently and productively. If a society becomes an arena of religious intolerance, hatred and biasness then the fate of society becomes uncertain and bleak. It is need of the day to create awareness and pursue research studies regarding pluralism while keeping in view the golden traditions of Abrahamic religions. The present paper is an attempt to explore the fundamental principles that deal with religious tolerance and pluralism in Abrahamic religions. This paper will help to create awareness about the need and importance of tolerance and pluralism and will suggest recommendations for implementation of those principles both at state and society levels so that the culture of tolerance, pluralism, mutual understanding and human dignity are promoted in wider interest of a unified and peaceful society.

The political autonomy of Chinese provinces derives from their economic independence. After the 2008 economic crisis, budget deficits increased significantly in most Chinese provinces, making them more reliant on financial support from Beijing. Provinces suffering high deficits will lose their political clout in both local and national politics. Therefore, provinces with large deficits tend to be less resistant to the enforcement of the law of avoidance and underrepresented in the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. We find that in provincial standing committees, the members who are native or have more birthplace ties are more likely to be ranked behind the outsiders, especially so in provinces with a high level of deficits. We also find that provincial-standing-committee members from high-deficit provinces have a low possibility to obtain seats in the party's Central Committee. These findings confirm the close relationship between economic independence and political autonomy of Chinese provinces. In addition, we find that the logic of economic independence cannot depict the whole picture and that regional pluralism is also an important concern when the party manages its provincial leadership teams.

Purpose This paper aims to investigate funding and performance monitoring practices in Zambia’s health sector from an institutional and stratified ontology perspective. Such an approach was deemed appropriate in view of pluralistic institutional environments characterising most African economies that are also considered to be highly stratified. Design/methodology/approach Blended with insights from stratified ontology, the paper draws on institutional pluralism as a theoretical lens to understand the institutional structures, mechanisms, events and experiences encountered by actors operating at different levels of Zambia’s health sector. The study adopted an interpretive approach that helped to investigate the multifaceted and subjective nature of social phenomena and practices being studied. Data were collected from both archival sources and interviews with key stakeholders operating within Zambia’s health sector. Findings The study’s findings indicate the high levels of stratification within Zambia’s health sector as evidenced by the three sector levels that possessed different characteristics in terms of actor responses to donor influence. This study equally demonstrates the capacity of agents operating under highly fragmented institutional environments to engage in enabling and constraining responses depending on the understanding of their empirical world. Originality/value Through blending insights from stratified ontology with institutional pluralism, the study contributes to the literature by demonstrating the enabling and constraining reflexive capacity of agents to exercise choices under highly fragmented institutional environments while responding to multiple demands and expectations to sustain the co-existence of diverse stakeholders. Accordingly, the study advances thinking on the application of institutional theory to critical accounting research in line with recent ontological and epistemological shifts in institutional theory.

Using the “path-dependence” concept and D. Slater’s thesis on the consolidation of elites around national threats, the author examines the factors infl uencing the formation of diff erent authoritarian political systems in the Central Asian states. A critical aspect of the formation of political systems in this region was the events from the mid-1980s to the collapse of the Soviet Union. In terms of the structure of the study, the article consistently examines how interethnic and other political confl icts demonstrated the (un)ability of leaders to cope with crises. In particular, it shows that the inability to cope with political challenges in Kyrgyzstan marked the beginning of “pluralism by default.” Moscow’s involvement in the personnel issues in the republics, especially in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, undermined local elites and increased the overall sense of threat to political stability, which eventually rallied elites and gave rise to expectations of a strong leader. We also note that a notably fortifi ed power hierarchy was established where the new national leader perceived threats from his political rivals (in Uzbekistan). Conversely, the existence of a strong opposition prevented the rapid establishment of authoritarianism. In Tajikistan, for example, a split of the elite led to a civil war, but due to the greater stability of its governmental wing, the president subsequently managed to establish a hard authoritarian regime. In Turkmenistan, the country’s leader took advantage of the lack of threats to establish a dictatorship. Thus, external challenges contribute to the consolidation of elites, while the risks of internal competition contribute to the concentration of power in the hands of an authoritarian leader. On the contrary, prolonged threats divide elites, lead to mass confl icts or the formation of a relatively democratic but unstable system of state power.

There is not a lot of support in the international community today for the role played by the private sector, including faith-based schools, towards achieving the fourth sustainable development goal (SDG), which calls for ensuring inclusive and equitable quality education. Yet, education pluralism is called for in the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In a separate paper published in this journal, a measure of education pluralism was suggested to reflect this idea. In this paper, that measure is combined with data on educational outcomes to assess whether taking pluralism seriously may affect assessments of the fulfillment of the right to education.

In 2015, the Economist Intelligent Unit based in UK had released the Democratic Index covering the report of 167 countries among others are Indonesia and Thailand. Indonesia has 7, 75 total score while Thailand has 5, 09 total score have categorized the two countries into flawed democratic countries. They measured democracy from the following categories namely electoral process and pluralism, functioning of government, political participation, political culture and civil liberties. This paper is aimed at discussing the above five challenges of the so called flawed democratic countries from qualitative perspective employing some literature reviews, analyzing some secondary data and some thoughts of prominent politicians and scholars. Without trying to review the real parameters that have been used by the economist Intelligent Unit during their research, this study will discuss more on the challenges faced by Indonesian and Thailand government in addressing the related issue above. This study will analyze the post 2014 election, by having a look at the dynamics and process of election and its aftermath, some related issues on voting behavior that affecting the political participation (In Indonesia 2014 elections resulted at 75,11% for its legislative election, 69,58% for its Presidential election and Thailand 2 February 2014 election resulted at 47,72% due to boycotting election in 69 constituencies), the development of political culture as well as the issue addressing the implementation of political rights. Some findings suggest furthering the discussion by taking into account the emergence money politics and internal political situation that affecting on people participations in politics. From the preliminary study it is found that both two countries have significant challenges in the future in developing their culture of democracy. The provision of political laws in those two countries will also be examined in order to see the possible improvement for their democratic life performances. 1

Tolerance is very important for being together in a pluralistic society, there are incidents of intolerance that occur and there is a radical understanding of religion that does not uphold harmony. Creating horizontal conflicts that are very detrimental to society and the nation. From these problems, the writer uses literature research method with descriptive quantitative approach to answer the role of believers in fostering an attitude of harmony as part of deradicalization which aims to make Christians aware of the importance of maintaining harmony and peace in society as an important part of deradicalization. The conclusion from the discussion of this article is that believers must have an understanding that tolerance is part of the nation and state, so that an attitude will emerge to foster harmony as a spirit of peace. Then the role of Christians in being tolerant is made deradicalisation of the importance of living in multiculturalism. Because harmony becomes the unifying pillar in a plural society, in a beloved country. So that this research can provide insights and attitudes that promote harmony in society as part of deradicalization for the nation and state.

Ever since the 19th century, political parties and free media were widely deemed indispensable for the proper functioning of representative democracy. They constituted what one might call the critical infrastructure of democracy, an infrastructure which enabled citizens to use their basic rights effectively and also to reach each other (and be reached). Both intermediary institutions are undergoing major structural transformations today (or might disappear altogether, if processes of ‘disintermediation’ continue). It has proven difficult to judge these changes, partly because we lack a proper account of the distinctive normative roles of intermediary institutions beyond standard claims of ‘connecting citizens to the political system’. The essay argues that intermediary powers remain indispensable in staging political conflict, in providing external and internal pluralism and in properly structuring political time.

Вызов, который правый популизм бросил в США и консерватизму, и либеральной демократии, заслуживает самого внимательного рассмотрения сквозь призму идеологического подхода. На основе метода “идеологической морфологии” Майкла Фридена автор статьи анализирует идейные структуры американского консерватизма и популизма. Методология исследования предполагает разделение идеологий на несамостоятельные “с разреженным идейным центром” (thin-centred ideology) и “основные” (host ideology). Первые, в число которых входит популизм, формируют свой дискурс, заимствуя концепты у более универсальных “основных” идеологий, таких как консерватизм. Автор разбирает идейное содержание основных типов американского консерватизма (традиционализм, либертарианизм, социальный консерватизм, неоконсерватизм, палеоконсерватизм) и популизма, исследует развитие интеллектуального консервативного движения в США во взаимосвязи с идейной эволюцией популизма, выявляет соотношение американского консерватизма и популизма на различных исторических этапах, рассматривает роль консерватизма в формировании “трампизма” как современного варианта популизма в США, ушедшего, возможно, на время с политической сцены. Исследуются базовые элементы идеологической системы “трампизма”: антитеза “благородного американского народа” и “коррумпированной вашингтонской элиты”, концепт “единой воли народа”. Автору удалось выявить, что “трампизм”, с одной стороны, создает угрозу для либеральной демократии в США, но с другой – несет потенциал для ее корректировки. Прослеживается акцепция “трампизмом” палеоконсервативных идей внешнеполитического изоляционизма и экономического протекционизма, определяется соотношение “трампизма” с умеренным традиционализмом во внутриполитической повестке в период президентства Д. Трампа. Результаты состоявшихся в 2020 г. президентских выборов проанализированы в контексте идейно-политической эволюции республиканской партии.

The institutional bases of modernization of the language policy model are investigated. It is substantiated that the institutional basis for the modernization of political networks of the language policy model is Ukrainian or other. language (at different times – it is Kiev, Church Slavonic, Old Ukrainian, Russian, etc.) as a state institution, which in the XV and XVI centuries. used in church translations and in the service of God. The language policy of modernization affected the church sphere precisely when the Ukrainian church became independent, when priests had the opportunity to conduct services and read sermons in Ukrainian (Church Slavonic). The definition of "modernization" is given, which we understand as: cultural and democratic changes; renewal of the activity of a certain institution or branch, which carries significant vestiges of the past and is subordinated to its tasks; profound changes in the educational authoritarian worldview; revision of the principles of functioning of education, its reform in accordance with the new requirements. The activity of those institutions that the independent Ukrainian state inherited from the USSR is described, one of the reasons for its collapse is that this superpower tried to build a stateless monolingual society, which in the new democratic conditions cannot function constructively and fully. It turned out that ignoring national, in particular linguistic factors, was one of the factors of the viability of the empire, as a multinational state needs a pluralism of political and ideological views. Emphasis is placed on the fact that with the restoration of independence, new democratic institutions (the President’s Institute, the Legislative Institute, which is the Verkhovna Rada in Ukraine, the Executive Institute – the Cabinet of Ministers, and a network of judicial, communication, administrative, educational and other institutions) have defined the type of construction. model of language policy in Ukraine, which is monocultural, as well as – the democratic direction of development of its language policy. It is determined that the indicator of the political networks of the model is the Ukrainian language as a state institution, as well as other political institutions that regulate language policy, determine its vector of development and solve language and political problems. In this sense, it is revealed that the tension arises due to the competition of two main political institutions and their ideologies – national-democratic and communist, which provoke confrontation, for example, in areas of Ukrainian and Russian nationalisms. It was found that the modernization of the political network of the language policy model took place during the rule of Kuchma and other pro-Russian politicians, who steadily and purposefully led the Ukrainian community to its polarization, division and language-political crisis. Given the activities of various political institutions, as well as the vision of the state and its model of language policy, it was found that between the "right" (national democratic political forces) and "left" (Communists, Socialists, Social Democrats, etc.) political institutions arise misunderstandings, confrontations and linguistic-political conflicts that occur during the discussion of language laws, their ratification and adoption. It has been proven that the functioning of the institutions that are the basis for the modernization of the political network of the language policy model depends on the prevailing ideology, political culture of the subjects, political consciousness and political behavior.

Large-scale migrations have forced the creation of new scenarios where the sense of absolute freedom clashes with the search for an ideal community. This situation poses problems related to identity, diversity, the ‘discovery of the other’ and, therefore, to identifying forms that allow to bring together more and more multi-cultural populations (Benahbib 2002). The aim of this paper is to reflect on the need to consider the educational process as ‘methodical socialization’ which corresponds to the need for any society to secure the bases of its conditions of existence and of its durability (Filloux 1993). For these reasons the education processes must be based on format with high coefficients of self-reflection, convergence, trans-culturalism. Education, as a social fact, must adapt to change and new alphabets, to overcome the binomial between time to learn / time to work and must insist on creativity and innovation, since everyday life is and it will be increasingly governed by knowledge and, particularly, by the spendable knowledge, a typical feature of complex, cosmopolitan and ‘high knowledge claim’ societies. Keywords: coexistence, education, inter-culturalism, trans-culturalism, socialization

In this essay, I address some questions and challenges brought about by the contributors to this special issue on my book ‘ Democracy without Shortcuts’. First, I clarify different aspects of my critique of deep pluralist conceptions of democracy to highlight the core incompatibilities with the participatory conception of deliberative democracy that I defend in the book. Second, I distinguish different senses of the concept of ‘blind deference’ that I use in the book to clarify several aspects and consequences of my critique of epistocratic conceptions of democracy and their search for ‘expertocratic shortcuts’. This in turn helps me briefly address the difficult question of the proper role of experts in a democracy. Third, I address potential uses of empowered minipublics that I did not discuss in the book and highlight some reasons to worry about their lack of accountability. This discussion in turn leads me to address the difficult question of which institutions are best suited to represent the transgenerational collective people who are supposed to own a constitutional project. Finally, I address some interesting suggestions for how to move the book’s project forward.

In this article we discuss political culture and analyse how the dominant model of this culture affects the functioning of party pluralism in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Political culture is a concept that combines psychological aspects such as political attitudes, orientations, political behaviour and social action, as well as sociological dimensions that include the social effects of political attitudes and patterns of behaviour. In this sense, political culture is one of the most important conditions for the establishment and normal functioning of party pluralism and democracy in a country.

Isaiah Berlin’s “Two Concepts of Liberty” is clearly set within a Cold War context. However, its framework of ideas is also applicable to a range of twenty-first century social and political issues...

In spite of the enduring dominance of Catholicism in Philippine society, religious diversity increasingly characterizes its social and political life. This diversity is predominantly Christian, giv...

Summary: In this work, the author refers to the own research entitled ''Citizens' participation in the creation and implementation of public policy. Electoral participation''. The aim of this study was to analyze factors affecting civic participation in the form of participation in general elections. The study gave a reason to look more deeply into the formation of a pluralistic society in the age of climate change and social unrest. In this article, however, the author analyzes the impact of climate change in the process of creating a pluralistic society. The focal point of the paper has to do with the implementation of the Lifelong Learning concept in contemporary society. The aim of this work is to indicate the public authority the need for the more effective methods of activating and educating our society in the fight against climate change.

Developmental citizenship, which assumes the qualities of both political and social citizenship, has decisively shaped the political, social as well as economic relations between many postcolonial ...

The article will argue that neither what may be called ‘multiple legitimacies’ nor what Leigh Jenco refers to as the hybrid view of legitimacy provides substantial guidance in reconceiving legitimacy in the increasingly pluralistic region of East Asia. Instead, a more helpful view of political legitimacy can be drawn from John Rawls’s liberal principle of legitimacy. I will demonstrate that Rawls’s classic formulation can be deprived of its liberal connotation by taking constitutional essentials as the source of legitimation for political authority. On the basis of this principle of pluralistic legitimacy, it will become clear that a pluralistic understanding of political legitimacy does not rule out Confucian meritocracy, but it does make a strong case for an antiperfectionist state, even if it might be nondemocratic.

The objective of the investigation was to analyze the structure and administration of the political system in Iraq (post-ISIS). After 2003, the Iraqi political system suffered the fundamental problem of its failure to achieve the political and social inclusion that characterizes democratic systems, to guarantee the establishment of a "state for all", while respecting differences. Political representation has moved from the system of sectarian ethnic components, under the title of consensual democracy, to the representation of leaders and the realization of their interests and the interests of their parties at the expense of the groups that claim to represent them, which complicates the problem. In this sense, the new political system could not represent social pluralism, on the one hand, and could not satisfy the demands of the same components on the other. Methodologically, it is a political investigation in the framework of the analysis of the political system. It was concluded that the search for new balances is a pending issue. While these emerging balances and arrangements are still fragile and immature to the extent required, they represent a clear entry point to reshape the regime's political structure in one form or another.

This article explores the way in which Russian and Chinese governments have rearticulated global trends towards active citizenship and participatory governance, and integrated them into pre-existing illiberal political traditions. The concept of ‘participatory authoritarianism’ is proposed in order to capture the resulting practices of local governance that, on the one hand enable citizens to engage directly with local officials in the policy process, but limit, direct, and control civic participation on the other. The article explores the emergence of discourses of active citizenship at the national level and the accompanying legislative development of government-organised participatory mechanisms, demonstrating how the twin logics of openness and control, pluralism and monism, are built into their rationale and implementation. It argues that as state bureaucracies have integrated into international financial markets, so new participatory mechanisms have become more important for local governance as government agencies have lost the monopoly of information for effective policymaking. Practices of participatory authoritarianism enable governments to implement public sector reform while directing increased civic agency into non-threatening channels.

The article deals with the phenomenon of political stability in the transitional political systems. It is determined that, despite the considerable amount of research in this field, there is a lack of a comprehensive approach to studying the features of political stability in Ukraine in the context of political transit. Therefore, the purpose of the article was to identify the peculiarities and to analyze the basic mechanisms that can effectively ensure the political stability of the modern Ukrainian state in the conditions of political transit. The concept of political stability has been clarified, the factors that influence this phenomenon have been identified. The main factors of political stability in Ukraine include: the legitimacy of the political regime in the country and its legality; maintaining a high level of public confidence in the authorities through overcoming bureaucratic obstacles and corruption within the country; the ability of the political system to function effectively and respond to external and internal challenges as quickly as possible; the existence of an effective legal system in the state; guaranteeing human rights and freedoms, as well as supporting the public’s desire to participate in the political life of the country; finding the maximum balance between the norms of morality and law in society; maintaining an optimal class structure of society; prevention of acute socio-ethnic and religious conflicts within the state; effective political communication and interaction of the authorities with the people; the use by the authorities of international experience in state and political development.It is determined that in the political system of Ukraine a significant role among the subjects providing political stability is occupied by state authorities and local self-government bodies. An effective mechanism for ensuring political stability should include political and party pluralism, where there is competition between actors in the struggle for political power. It is noted that the fundamental condition for ensuring political stability in Ukraine is the end of the armed conflict, the return of the occupied territories and the achievement of peace and social stability in the state.

How should those who value reasonable pluralism navigate ethical and epistemological challenges related to speech and inquiry in higher education? We propose the ethical pursuit of public knowledge...

In recent years explicitly utopian visions have reappeared across the political spectrum. To a surprising degree these visions have drawn on histories and science and technology. What should scholars of Science and Technology Studies (STS) and History and Philosophy of Science (HPS) make of these developments? The concept of utopia has often been treated with considerable distrust in these fields, as an indication of closed end-directed blueprints, or as an indication of fantasies of limitless technological improvement and purification of categories. Alongside this uneasiness, however, HPS and STS scholars have also projected transformative ambitions, seeking to recover from the past different ways of knowing and relating to the human and non-human world. By engaging with critiques of utopia from thinkers including Karl Popper, Otto Neurath, Bruno Latour, Isabelle Stengers and Donna Haraway, and exploring some of the utopian strands which have recurred in studies of science and technology-including the longing for integration, the association of science with planning, and the ways in which feminist scholars have envisaged alternative forms of science-we can understand the ongoing, and often unrecognised, utopian dimensions of HPS and STS.

Normative questions concerning the political implications of the deepening religious diversity of both western and non-western societies abound. These range from fundamental questions such as wheth...

Three recently published reports show to what extent democracy is losing ground in a global context increasingly characterized by authoritarianism and populism. The argument this articles proposes is that the deplorable state of democracies around the world is due to the neglect of substantial characteristics and sources of democracy, which are above all trust and solidarity. Democracy has three different, but interrelated sources that are built upon each other according to a lexical order. A democracy is first based upon political rights, there is in an inherent liberal component to democracy. Second, a democracy requires trust among citizens and individuals that only some form of common identity is going to produce. Third, democracy is based upon strong forms of equality that are brought about by solidarity. The article comes to following conclusions: First, as the experience of Islamophobia and racism in Europe and authoritarianism in the Arab world shows, the concepts of illiberal democracy or majoritarianism currently promoted by strongmen around the globe do not stand for proper democratic political systems. Second, in our plural societies, neither thick nationalism nor strong multiculturalism does support the development of the democratic spirit. Third, Republicanism in Rousseau’s tradition is right that inequalities are the main cause undermining full democracies. A democracy requires the solidarity of the welfare state.

Arising from an ongoing research project, this article presents an approach to religious and societal pluralism through ethnography. During a course convened inside a high-security prison, with a c...

A response to Pluralism and Political Studies in the UK: A Pilot Study into Who Gets What in the Discipline by Brenda Gonzalez Ginocchio, Andrew Hindmoor and Liam Stanley.

A key challenge for educational provision in the Republic of Ireland has been the need to develop appropriate approaches to religious education that are effective in terms of meeting the needs and rights of students in a democratic pluralistic society. At the centre of such discussions, although rarely explicitly recognised, is an attempt to grapple with the question of truth in the context of religious education. This paper argues that religious education, in attempting to engage with this evolving context, is challenged in two trajectories: (a) by approaches that operate from the presumption that objective truth exists and (b) by approaches that are sceptical of any claim to objective truth. It will be argued that proposals, such as those offered by active pluralists, to deal with religious truth claims in religious education are limited in terms of their capacity to adequately treat such claims and the demands that these carry for adherents. This paper argues for a hermeneutical treatment of the context for Catholic religious education in the Republic of Ireland, which is considered under the following headings: (1) irruptions from the periphery, (2) the theological matrix, (3) the status of religion, and (4) the position of students and teachers in religious education classes. From this it will be suggested that promoting religious education as a hermeneutic activity allows for a respectful engagement with competing truth claims.

Reality of pluralism in the contexs of Indonesia on the one hand, is a challenge towards the implementation of Christian Religious Education. However, on the other hand, Christian Religious Education is becoming very essential for Christians to demonstrate the love of God in the midst of society. Christians are always in touch with adherents of other religions, even that kind of relation feels so strong in various areas of life. This problem triggers how the idea of implementing the Christian Education is relevant in the pluralistic context in Indonesia. This study was analyzed using qualitative research methods through library research techniques. Findings showed that, in the pluralistic context, the implementation of Christian Religious Education in Indonesia as an integral part of the mission can be carried out through three aspects, namely: revitalizing the thinking paradigm about pluralism; interpreting the implementation strategy of Christian Religious Education in a pluralistic society; and mainstreaming and buliding the vision and mission of multicultural based Christian Religious Education.

Amid the swift currents of globalization triggered by the explosion of the information technology revolution, conflicts often occur on issues of discrimination on race, class, and religion. Religions face challenges in resolving controversies and violent behavior and maintaining harmony between religious communities. Christian Religious Education educators need to teach their students positive responses to plurality and pluralism in Indonesia. The most important thing is the impact on students. Research using descriptive qualitative research methods concludes: first, there is a need to increase pluralism in the frame of a pluralistic society and an era of disruption. Second, believers, in this case, Christian Religious Education teachers and students, should understand pluralism from a biblical point of view. Third, Christian Religious Education teachers and students are responsible for actualizing an attitude of tolerance towards a pluralistic society both in society in everyday life and in behavior in cyberspace communities based on a biblical understanding of pluralism. Fourth, Christian Religious Education teachers act as students' guides and counselors to develop an attitude of state life and socialize in a pluralistic society in building togetherness without any form of identity politics.

This article is devoted to the study of the formation and current state of corporatism in Western European countries. Author shows how the evolution of corporatism took place since the XIX century and how corporatism was transforming during the XX century. Particular attention is paid to the last stage of the development of corporatism, which is associated with the evolution of neoliberalism and political pluralism. Corporatism is seen as a form of interaction between organized groups of society and the state, and as a political-ideological category rooted in medieval social philosophy. Corporatism flourished in the post-war decades, when most of the countries of Western Europe took the path of creating vertically integrated associative groups representing the interests of the main socio-economic groups, primarily business and employees. At the same time, corporatism has always been built on a clear value foundation, which implies the pursuit of public interests and the equal distribution of resources among all parties of corporate agreements. The article shows how the onset of neoliberalism led to a reduction in the role of corporatism. Since the 1990s, in those countries that traditionally lined up to the process of agreeing on and adopting key political decisions on a corporate basis, there has been an obvious pluralisation of the systems of interest groups, which is increasingly replacing the tradition and practice of corporatism. At the same time, corporatism does not disappear; in many countries it remains an important element of collective bargaining, but its nature and content are changing. We can conclude that the classic concepts of corporatism are not able to fully explain its current state, it is necessary to use new approaches that could reveal the essence of the transformations taking place.

Indonesian society is a pluralistic society. The pluralism of society can be seen from the diversity of languages, ethnicities and religions. This pluralism is also reflected in the diverse Karo community in embracing religions such as Christian, Catholic, Islam and ancestral religions. Many religions are believed by Karo community, but the community's stigma still places that Karo community are Protestant Christians. Behind this stigma, there is a community of society whose entire population is Muslim. The villages are Tiga Beringin Village and Simpang Pergendangan Village, Tiga Binanga Sub-district. However, how is the relationship between the community groups well established and why there has never been a problem by the majority Christian population? This article will answer the things mentioned above which tell how the relationship between the community is harmoniously established and conflicts never occur.

Basing on the idea of freedom brought by I. Berlin we can derive to classical models of democracy: liberal and republican. Refl ection on postmodern theories of democracy – radically plural and deliberative – points that they do not strongly differ from the traditional ones, but rather give them new challenges. Radical democracy of Ch. Mouffe and E. Laclau praising pluralism and negative freedom is a deconstruction of a liberal model, while deliberative project of J. Habermas, praising community and negative freedom, remains in a republican tradition. In the end of the article the author also presents the understanding of the educative role of society and tradition in both classical and postmodern models of democracy. In the second half of the twentieth century, numerous developments had a profound infl uence on political theory. The rise of new social movements, collapsing of the Soviet Bloc, accelerating globalization, arising global problems, development of mass media and new forms of mass communication etc. put new challenges in front of modern societies. What is more, major changes appeared in the social sciences as well: growing infl uence of post-structuralism and the post modernism approach; devaluation of orthodox Marxism; evolution of critical theory; and the domination of libertarian and neo-liberal political, social and economic theories. It is in those conditions, when as a result of growing awareness of problems that contemporary political systems face, new propositions for democratic models arise. In this article I want to focus on two, perhaps most commented and infl uential conceptions: the radical democracy model proposed and developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe; and the deliberative democracy project outlined by Jurgen Habermas. While exploring these two, post modern approaches to democracy, I will focus on how the idea of freedom is developed in the theories. To reach my goal, I will use the notions of “positive” and “negative” freedom (liberty) introduced by Isaiah Berlin. I will also explore how the understanding of freedom in post modern concepts of democracy can be compared to the understanding of it in “modern” or “classical” approaches, namely in the liberal and republican models. I stay aware

In this paper, I will use methods associated primarily with applied ethics and economic theory to provide a philosophical demonstration, within the social contract tradition, of the importance for a democracy of the substantive equality of its citizens. The social contract is a familiar modality of contemporary democratic theorising in political philosophy. An unfamiliar but promising way of thinking about the social contract is via analogy with some features, and in particular, the extended temporality and, indeed, performativity, of “real-world” contracting. Real-world contractors agree to create the conditions, over a temporally-extended period, in which the terms of their agreement are materially realised. The question of their contract’s ethical standing is not an ex ante one-off, but is considered, rather, against a sequence of ex post milestones. Ideally, as this sequence unfolds, the contractors (and others) will (performatively) summon into being the very conditions that embody the terms of the contract, thus progressively authorising it ex post facto. This approach draws on ideas, in jurisprudence, about relational contracts, and, in economics, about incomplete contracts. An approach of this general kind is well adapted to the circumstances of diversity in which all contemporary political theorising is placed and, arguably, gives a rationale for something like the modern social-democratic welfare state.

This paper offers an understanding of medical pluralism as practiced among the Tharus of Nepal, and makes a discussion on the indigenous medicine in relation to the state health policy and the ambivalence that exists regarding official recognition of indigenous healers. Field data were collected from a village cluster of Dang district following qualitative methods: observation of healing sessions, interview with healers, patients, and key informants. Tharu healing tradition consists of three main practices: shamanic, herbal, and midwifery; practiced mainly by three types of healers: guruwa, baidawa, and surenya who employ three major strategies of healing: mantra, medicine and massage. The knowledge of healing mantras, use of local herbal medicine, and traditional midwifery and massage are the most important features of the Tharu’s indigenous healing practices. Such practices, along with those of co-inhabited non-Tharu healers and healing practices form the universe of local folk medicine. The folk medicine, which represents an oral tradition, co-exists along with scholarly traditional medicine and biomedicine. In terms of official recognition and support, biomedicine is on the top followed by scholarly traditional medicine and folk medicine falls at the bottom of the hierarchy. The scope of medical pluralism has been widened with the inclusion of scholarly traditional medicine in the official health care system. However, many of the indigenous traditional medicines that indigenous ethnic communities continue to practice still fall outside the purview of state regulation. The legitimacy of indigenous healers remains in question. An expression of sceptical and ambivalence attitudes towards indigenous healers has been reflected in the policy and planning documents. There has been an insignificant and inconsistent efforts to link indigenous healers with the official health care system and a hesitation to legitimize indigenous traditional medicine. A serious reflection is needed to move ahead from this ambivalence and inaction towards a more inclusive and democratic medical pluralism.

To what extent do personality traits and media exposure explain political ideology? How important is authoritarian information control in structuring political attitudes relative to individual-leve...