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Police cooperation is essential not only to investigate crime, but also to prevent it. Sharing information and best practices between law enforcement agencies allows early identification of threats, which can lead to prompt and effective interventions. At the same time, working together can reduce legislative or procedural disparities between states, which helps to strengthen joint efforts to fight crime. In addition to legal and operational challenges, police cooperation also raises ethical, privacy and data protection issues. In the digital age, the exchange of information between police agencies must comply with strict data protection standards in line with national and international legislation, such as the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) in the European Union. Thus, police cooperation is an indispensable tool in criminal investigations, offering the possibility to go beyond the geographical and legal limits imposed by national borders. However, its effectiveness depends on a clear legislative framework, mutual trust between partners and the adoption of modern technologies to facilitate real-time communication and information exchange. Police cooperation is an essential element in the fight against contemporary crime, but its effectiveness depends on resolving the legislative and operational problems that sometimes prevent effective inter-agency cooperation. Technological development and adaptation to new forms of crime also remain major challenges in this area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Detection of cross-border series of fraudulent identity documents. • Realistic operating conditions for cross-border comparisons. • Concrete examples highlight the investigative and crime intelligence interest. The serial character of document fraud and its connection to organised crime groups who produce, sell and/or use fraudulent documents is a challenge for security and crime fighting. As a response, the added value of forensic intelligence is increasingly recognised. Using a forensic profiling method and a dedicated system deployed in Switzerland, document examiners can detect series (i.e., documents that share a common source) of fraudulent documents conveniently and efficiently. This detection can trigger or orientate investigations, supports crime intelligence efforts, and facilitates cross-jurisdictional cooperation. This study aims to assess the suitability of the forensic profiling system for international purpose and the efficiency of the method to detect cross-border series. The forensic profiling system has been deployed in France in the framework of a cross-border pilot project conducted by the School of Criminal Justice from the University of Lausanne and the French National Police (Division Nationale de Lutte contre la Fraude Documentaire et à l'Identité) over the period July 2019–May 2020. Data from the Swiss and French forensic profiling systems were compared to each other to detect cross-border series. The study sought to create operating conditions as close as possible to the real-life conditions of the profiling systems. The results are extremely positive both quantitatively and qualitatively. They demonstrate the benefit of setting up a systematic exchange of forensic data issued from profiling systems for fraudulent identity documents between France and Switzerland, let alone between any other countries. The results open up a very promising prospect for a sustained operational implementation by the police services of both countries and the extension of the exchanges internationally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Legal Studies ( IJOLS ) is the property of International Institute of Innovation Science-Education-Development in Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Przegląd Europejski is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Belügyi Szemle / Academic Journal of Internal Affairs is the property of Ministry of Interior of Hungary and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Despite INTERPOL’s achievements through its global connection with and between all police forces, the current question is what place the largest international police organisation will take in police cooperation within the European Union. This question is indeed relevant given the European Union’s increasing role in the regulation, policy and coordination in the field of European police cooperation. It has also become clear in recent years that the European Union has been striving for more strategic autonomy in this globalised world and more geopolitical independence. This has not only been the case in the areas of energy supply, climate and defence, but also in police cooperation. In my current positions as IINTERPOL Vice-President for Europe, but also as a person directly involved in European police cooperation (including through the chairmanship of the Europol Management Board and the chairmanship of COSI 1 during the Belgian Presidency of the Council of the European Union in the first half of 2024), I think it would be interesting to reflect on that in this article. Aim: Opinion on the future role of INTERPOL in the European Union. Methodology: The various regulations and actions regarding police cooperation within the European Union are examined from the perspective of how INTERPOL relates to them. Findings: Despite the various initiatives developed within the European Union to establish internal European police cooperation both through the European agency Europol and its various European information systems, it is clear that INTERPOL remains a vital enabler of European police cooperation. Value: In the light of the willingness from the European Union to more strategic autonomy, also regarding police and security, and given the ongoing negotiations between EU and INTERPOL, it is clear that consideration must be given to the role that INTERPOL can still play within the EU.

Copyright of MB University International Review - MBUIR Journal of Theory & Practice is the property of University MB / Univerzitet MB and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Contrary to the idea that 'Brexit means Brexit', the article demonstrates that, in spite of leaving the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice, the UK is not automatically seeking to distance itself from the EU's activities and approaches to these policy fields. Using the concepts of disengagement, continued engagement and re-engagement and drawing from historical institutionalism, the article further clarifies that present and future trajectories of UK positions in respect of the EU action are conditioned by a path dependence created by the evolution of UK opt-ins and opt-outs in this field, by the politicisation of the Brexit negotiations in the context of the UK–EU relations and by domestic UK politics. We explore this argument across three policy areas: (1) police and judicial cooperation, (2) immigration, borders and asylum, and (3) cybersecurity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among a wide range of challenges, EU member states have been facing a growing threat from terrorism in the recent years. The primary responsibility for combating terrorism lies with each individual member state, although the threat is becoming increasingly cross-border and diverse. Regardless of whether terrorism poses a real or perceived threat to the states' and citizens' security, public opinion is one important force behind the extensive counterterrorism efforts undertaken in Europe. In this article, we explore the influence of public opinion on EU policy within the security domain in the period 2005–19. We investigate the relationship between the number of attacks carried out on EU territory and citizens' increased concern for terrorist attacks, as well as the attention given to this topic by EU decision-makers. Based on data from Eurobarometer, the Global Terrorism Database, and evidence from official documents, we perform an analysis of the connection between public perception and anti-terrorism policy coordination in the EU. The results of this investigation point to increasing levels of collective securitization and an ever-stronger focus on security and counterterrorism in the European Union. Our findings are related to policy formation in the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the political dynamics of Euro-Balkan police cooperation in the context of recent Balkan history. In the existing scholarship, the process of the ‘externalisation’ of EU-wide law enforcement cooperation outside the Union's geographic frontiers is widely considered to be a ‘functional-instrumental’ response to the menace of organised crime. Scholars believe that the functional rationale has been a primary driver behind the Union's endeavours to extend its governance of internal security to the EU's core strategic neighbourhood of the Western Balkans. Perceived in EU political discourse as a ‘stronghold’ of organised crime, in the 2000s this region acted as a major site for the Union's counter-crime initiatives. However, more detailed examination of the EU’s internal security collaboration in the Western Balkan region against the contrasting dynamics of organised crime reveals that Euro-Balkan cooperative initiatives were not functionally-, but rather politically-driven par excellence. In this article, the crucial period of 1999/2000-2010, when collaboration on internal security issues with the Western Balkan partners assumed major significance for the EU, is examined as an example of how political factors have been major triggers of the Union's anti-crime police cooperation with its Balkan neighbourhood.

Abstract Police Assistance programs have been a permanent part of US foreign policy towards Latin America, with Brazil being one of the most important beneficiaries. Throughout their history, they have been oriented according to changing agendas, from anticommunism to the war on drugs. Based on documentary sources and specialized literature, we analyze the politics of US policing in Brazil, reconstituting agendas and interests that motivated police assistance programs through the lens of critical police studies in IR. In doing so, we demonstrate that police cooperation is historically a crucial part of US-Brazil bilateral relations, despite the unfrequent prominence in the literature.

In order to improve cooperation between the competent authorities of the Member States, a mechanism for the exchange of data for the needs of criminal proceedings has been developed at the level of the European Union. Among the elements of that mechanism are the instruments created by the Prum decisions from 2008. The implementation of these decisions has removed barriers to the cross-border movement of certain categories of information, by allowing the competent authorities of one Member State to allow the competent authorities of another Member State to access and search certain databases. Although the Prum Framework is considered a successful instrument of police co-operation, several significant obstacles have been identified over time that hinder the timely and unhindered exchange of data and thus affect the efficiency of investigations. The paper discusses the necessity and direction of the revision of the Prum framework in order to modernize the instruments of data exchange.

The origins of the idea of an United Europe are lost in the mists of time; the Roman conquests in the Antiquity reflect a series of trends of European unity, but in the Middle Ages, religious conflicts divided Europe: on the one hand we talk about pontifical unity, and on the other hand about imperial unity (Pascariu, 2020). The European Union is presented as more than an international organization with many specifications, but it is less than a state. The European Union, as an area, has been built over several decades and is constantly strengthening its institutions. Thus, after the end of the Second World War, after the atrocities of the Holocaust that resulted in the death of millions of people, the decision was made to create a space of peace and stability. In order to have an overall picture of what the Holocaust represented, it is necessary to emphasize the fact that the human species was divided into two categories: the Aryan race and the others (this category included Jews, Roma, people with physical or mental disabilities, etc.). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Information systems are becoming increasingly important in the functioning of law enforcement authorities. In addition to border control in the area, the exchange of information between national competent services is of particular importance. This process is ensured in the European Union through a number of tools, some of which the Schengen Information System, Passenger Name Record, the Europol's Secure Information Exchange Network Application are. Legal instruments such as the Prüm Decisions and the Swedish Initiative have been adopted to reduce legal barriers and accelerate the exchange of information between national competent services. However, criminal threats force to reassessment of the effectiveness of existing cooperation and for even more targeted action. Although existing resources and technological capabilities allow information to be searched online, to perform cross-checks for match detection and rapid data exchange, modern options have not been fully implemented yet. The aim of this article is to analyse the existing instruments for information exchange and to assess the novelties of the Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council on information exchange between law enforcement authorities of Member States, repealing Council Framework Decision 2006/960/JHA. Empirical research methods were used in the study. The author of the study comes to the conclusion that the implementation of the Directive requires significant improvements in national regulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With 194 members, INTERPOL is the most influential actor in matters of transnational policing. Regrettably, the organisation is vulnerable against cases of misuse. Certain states manage to exploit the tools of the organisation, to persecute and track political dissidents or non-aligned members of the media outside their borders. As such, INTERPOL has become a prime example on how non-democratic countries can exert their influence and expand their reach well beyond their domestic jurisdictions via their participation in international organisations. Not wanting to allow the proliferation of criminal havens in certain regions, the organisation has opted to connect with and bring together as many police forces of different states as possible. Evidently, such connections are created with little or no consideration of the state of criminal justice systems and forms of government of the countries involved, as well as any subsequent risks. Such a complex state of affairs demands a thorough reflection on whether it is acceptable to compromise between the need for security and the rights of individuals and procedural justice. The issue has vast legal and practical ramifications, and it is ultimately a question pertaining to the realm of global constitutionalism. Does INTERPOL have the legal authority to be in charge of finding a balance between security and procedural justice? If so, on what legal basis, and to what extent? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the cooperation on criminal justice matters between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland is based on EU level instruments. While there has been consideration of the broader impact of Brexit on the Good Friday Agreement and consensus on the need to avoid a return to a hard border between Ireland and Northern Ireland, more detailed consideration has not been given to the effect that Brexit may have on continued criminal justice cooperation across the border. This article highlights the combined risks that Brexit presents for Northern Ireland in the form of increased criminality at a time when the loss of EU police cooperation mechanisms may result in a reduction of operational capacity and the removal of the legal architecture underpinning informal cooperation. Part 1 seeks to highlight the historical context of UK-Irish cooperation in policing matters. Part 2 explores the risk that post Brexit the Irish border may become a focus for criminal activity. The risks relating to increased immigration crime, smuggling of commodities and potential rise in terrorist activities are explored. Part 3 considers how the risks of increased criminal threats are exacerbated by the loss of EU criminal justice cooperation mechanisms and how this will affect UK-Irish cooperation specifically. Consideration is particularly given to the loss of information sharing systems. Part 4 considers how loss of EU level cooperation mechanisms could be mitigated. The viability of bilateral agreements between the UK and Ireland is considered alongside ways which police cooperation can be formalised to compensate for the potential loss of EU criminal justice information sharing systems. Nordic police cooperation is considered as a potential blueprint for the UK and Ireland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Organized crime and terrorism threats to EU citizens require effective police cooperation. This article provides an overview of efforts for establishing a solid fundament for cooperation among agencies of the EU Member States and with third countries emphasising the role of Europol. Applied case study as a research method pinpoints developing police cooperation among Europol, EU Member States, and third countries. The focus is on the activities of the Europol unit at the Ministry of Interior in Skopje. The authors critically review the implementation of cooperation strategies, agreements, and plans in the specific legislative and policy framework of the Republic of North Macedonia. The findings will be of interest to anyone interested in the challenges of incorporating EU policy in police institutions of third countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Croatian Annual of Criminal Sciences & Practice / Hrvatski Ljetopis za Kaznene Znanosti i Praksu is the property of Hrvatsko Udruzenje za Kaznene Znanosti i Praksu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cross-border criminality, emerging hybrid security threats, such as terrorism, transborder organised criminal activity and most recently the COVID-19 epidemic situation demands efficient cross-border police cooperation and information exchange. To answer this need, various communication channels have been established to facilitate trans-border law-enforcement information exchange. The aim of this paper is to introduce the supporting and hindering factors of the two, most commonly used police information exchange channels, namely the Single Point of Contact (SPOC) and the Police and Customs Cooperation Centre (PCCC). The author tried to achieve this goal by introducing the relevant scientific theories and using them as a starting point for a qualitative study. The subsequent desk research and in-depth interviews helped the researcher to describe the current information exchange process, the hindering and supporting factors, the characteristics and main differences of the SPOC and PCCC information exchange process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the various transnational measures taken by the Argentine government and police between 1889 and 1913 to deal with anarchism, particularly, those measures that had the Spanish case as benchmark. Even though the close links between the Spanish and Argentine anarchist movements are well attested, little is known about how such links affected and were affected by political repression. This paper shows that these factors are inseparable, suggesting, at the same time, that a narrow focus on Argentine anarchism – the usual approach among contemporary historians - is insufficient to assess the effect of international actions aimed at curbing anarchism in the city of Buenos Aires.

The new realities of police cooperation and leading in the international level ask for culturally attuned and emotionally sensitive global police leaders who can react to the challenges of the particular foreign environments of various countries and complex interpersonal work situations. Also for police leaders with the different frame of responsibility, it is important to be self-aware and empathetic and be able to read and regulate their own emotions while intuitively grasping how others feel and gauging their organization's emotional state. The most gifted leaders accomplish that by using a mysterious blend of psychological abilities known as EI. Therefore the purpose of the research is to explore how the EI impacts to successful police leadership and cooperation in a global world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Freedom of movement was founded in Europe over 30 years ago, signing the Schengen Agreement 1985. The convention implementing the Schengen Agreement (CISA) took effect in 1995. It was incorporated into EU law and considered a major achievement of European integration. The Schengen evaluation mechanism has been developed as guarding system for establishing and maintain effective cooperation and mutual trust among member states. There have been major changes within the mechanism, the initial intergovernmental peer review process is now a community method led by the European Commission. This study analyses the development of the Schengen area and the evaluation process, exploring the views of the evaluation experts assessing police cooperation. The research found that although the new evaluation system was considered appropriate for the monitoring the arrangements, there are key areas that could be improved within the process of conducting evaluations, maintaining expertise and sharing best practise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traffic offences are one of the most important cause of fatalities and bad injuries traffic accidents. EU Commission identified DUI (Driving Under Influence of alcohol and/or drugs), overspeed, misuse of seatbelts and distraction during driving time as the "fatal four". To obtain the reduction of 50% of the victims on the roads (as the main target imposed to MS during the 2011-2020 period) is mandatory to reduce the total number of specific violations. Statistics show that more than 90% of the offences committed by non-residents were not followed-up at the EU level, causing a lack of effectiveness for the penalties. A better police cooperation in Cross Border Enforcement of traffic offences is one possible solution to the specific problem. The legal basis of this specific kind of cooperation, able to produce an effective solution, obtaining transnational effectivity for specifically and most dangerous traffic offences, is the so called "CBE-Cross Border Enforcement" Directive, nr. 2011/82/EU, dated 25th October 2011, facilitating the cross border exchange of information on road safety related traffic offences, replaced, after the 6th May 2014 European Court of Justice Decision nr. (ECJ)43/12, by the new Directive nr.2015/413/EU, adopted on 11th March 2015 and having the same subject, with a legal basis under the EU Transport Policy and referred to article 91(1)(c) TFEU. The analysis of actual situation also suggests a future improvement od CBE in MS, with the possibility to improve the number of transnational traffic offences covered by the Directive, based on article 91(1)(c) TFEU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the second half of 2015 and the first few months of 2016 Athens and Skopje, came face to face with a massive inflow of refugees. Their sheer number (app. 800,000), put to the test the administrative capabilities of both neighboring states and their bilateral relations on a variety of questions: from covering refugees' basic needs and human rights protection to the issues of border security. In other words, the crisis brought onto the surface the necessity of direct communication and collaboration between the authorities of the two countries - which was missing, having in mind the state of previously dominant "hostility discourse" due to the "name dispute". Such necessity of collaboration between Athens and Skopje was agreed with the so called Confidence Building Measures (June 2015), and among those, one concerns the close cooperation in the area of "Justice and Home Affairs". The latest, can be seen as the focal point of joint praxis between Athens and Skopje, since it covers intensive consultations between high level power representatives (Ministries on Internal Affairs, border police, customs administration), for the purpose of exchanging information regarding organized crime, corruption, terrorism, illegal migration and drug trafficking. Along these lines, the purpose of the paper is to examine the state of cooperation developed between Athens and Skopje on extremely sensitive issues, such as border security and internal affairs, since the second half of 2015, and to see to what extent it has affected the "hostility discourse" between the two countries. Also, having in mind that in the meantime a new round of bilateral negotiations on the "name issue "between the two countries began, under the aegis of the UN, the paper will also ponder upon its effects in that respect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]