Search

The political assimilation of peasants within the framework of nation-states, alongside the politicization of rural societies, has garnered increasing attention from historians, sociologists, and anthropologists, resulting in a diverse array of studies. This article shows that the press and the genre dedicated explicitly to peasants in particular, known as "gazete poporale" (folk gazettes, gazettes aimed at the people), played a pivotal role in fostering civic consciousness among Romanian peasants in Transylvania between 1867 and 1914. These folk newspapers, also dubbed "people's papers," represented a distinct form of journalism, which was characterized by a simplified discourse tailored to the literacy levels of Transylvanian Romanian peasants. Their aim was to furnish essential information for their social, economic, and cultural advancement while also politically mobilizing the peasants in alignment with the ethos of the national movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Galen Merriam Fisher was one of the few White American activists protesting for the civil rights of Japanese Americans during World War II. Japan's attack on Pearl Harbor brought the United States into World War II in December 1941. Prioritizing national security, President Franklin D. Roosevelt issued the Executive Order 9066 in February 1942. It called for the exile of Japanese Americans to incarceration camps without trials or hearings, where they experienced racial discrimination, prejudice, and unequal treatment. This article examines Fisher's activism on behalf of Japanese Americans. As a former long-time missionary in Japan, he consistently voiced his concerns about maltreatment of Japanese Americans to the U.S. federal authorities and the public. While offering detailed historical context, this study carefully analyzes Fisher's arguments about the violation of constitutional rights, harsh treatment, and racial discrimination at the camps, and for early release of Japanese Americans. It will support historians, Asianists, and scholars of Asian American studies because it offers a model to advocate against injustices and for civil rights, which one can apply to other similar historical and/or current contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the experiences of First Nations participants as the #BlackLivesMatter protests burst onto Australian mainstream and social media platforms and onto Australian streets in 2020. We explore First Nations participants' perceptions about the significance and relevance of #BlackLivesMatter in Australia to support First Nations existing political campaigns to address structural racism and settler colonialism in the Australian context. We consider the twin structures of racism and settler colonialism to comparatively analyse the historical experiences of First Nations, in Australia and the US, and Black people in the US in an effort to understand convergences and divergences in the contemporary activist imperatives and aspirations of each group. We conclude by acknowledging that while #BlackLivesMatter activism does have the potential to productively complement First Nations anti-racism activist imperatives and aspirations, it falls short of addressing First Nations anti-colonial imperatives and aspirations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the history of CERN from the perspective of its staff's political initiatives. Notwithstanding the extensive coverage that the international physics laboratory has received, historians have yet to document these campaigns in full. What follows explains this omission by focusing on provisions that muzzled the activists' initiatives. Since 1955, staff rules and regulations elaborated by CERN managers aimed at curbing efforts to promote political campaigning in the laboratory. Designed to safeguard its special legal status as an international organization in Switzerland devoted to scientific collaborations, these provisions strengthened its public image as a "sanctuary" for pure physics. With the war in Vietnam in full swing, however, it became more difficult to bottle in political initiatives, especially as CERN staff contributed to anti-war protests and supported local solidarity groups. At this critical junction, the laboratory managers muffled campaigns targeting Nobel-prize winning physicist Murray Gell-Mann, and made it seem as if a petition against the US military strikes in Vietnam signed by its staff was never put together. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deploys a semiotic anthropological analysis of value to understand the recent emergence and spread of the Kurdish book cafe, or pirtûk kafe, using it as a window into the changing state of Kurdish language-activism and Kurdish youth culture in Turkey. Drawing on ethnographic research and interviews with cafe owners, operators, and patrons, the article offers both an overview of the pirtûk kafe in contemporary Turkey and an analysis of its role in promoting Kurdish culture and the use of the Kurdish language among the country’s youth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article outlines the ways that Sinti and Roma theatre fosters non-territorial communities that exist outside of and even challenge the parameters of ethnically, spatially, or nationally defined conceptions of community. In focusing on Roma Armee (2017), I argue that the Roma-centred army depicted in this performance exists as a fictional representation of a realizable politically centred movement. Drawing on a number of theoretical and performance practices, Roma Armee explores the possibility of a transnational and transcultural community grounded in political activism and a call to action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The health and welfare of children and adolescents—the nation's future—must always be a priority. One would, therefore, expect this to be reflected in the manifestos of political parties. This article suggests that pediatricians and the Indian Academy of Pediatrics (IAP) should play a more proactive role in influencing political parties to commit to an inclusive manifesto that addresses key issues related to child health and welfare, by also liaisoning and collaborating with other stakeholders, such as parents, educators, and child rights organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 2015 and 2020, the Labour Party, a traditional social-democratic political party led at the time by Jeremy Corbyn, an uncharismatic man in his late sixties, benefitted from a high level of popularity among young people in Britain. This initially counter-intuitive phenomenon has been linked in the existing literature to the Party manifesto, new campaigning methods and Corbyn’s personality traits. However, few studies have sought to analyse the practices of young activists themselves and the way in which they attempted to influence the renewal of political activism within Labour. This article explores this question through the lens of the festival The World Transformed, a space of mobilization, participation and sociability created by young activists themselves as a linkage between social movement and party activism. It brings into relief the forms of hybrid engagement which characterise the political uses of this festival.

This article examines four different trajectories of contestation individuals go through. We highlight how the five motivational dynamics function per trajectory, depending on how they interact within individuals' psyche, their perceptions, and the surrounding political setting. We argue that through the citizens' narratives about these political moments we can better understand how the motivational dynamics function per trajectory of contention. Our focal point is to disentangle how, under the same political conditions, individuals act differently, even though they might hold the same political stances. Repression is a focal point of analysis in the article showing how the individuals within the various trajectories react to regime's repression differently. It is the context within which individuals within the four trajectories function that is affecting their behaviour. We investigate how the ways individual express dissent change by interacting with the regime whose repressive actions might push them to change their attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite a centuries-long history of violent mobilization, white supremacist activism (WSA) has received relatively little sociological attention outside a small, specialized subfield. Disciplinary interest began to change after Trump's 2016 election; the 2017 violent attack in Charlottesville, Virginia; and the January 6, 2021, insurrection. In recognition, this review article focuses on what has been learned about contemporary WSA since the 1980s. We categorize studies by their unit of analysis—individual or micro, meso, and macro levels—to highlight analytic commonalities and distinctions and to underscore the central role that threat plays in the ebb and flow of WSA. As part of our discussion, we also point to unresolved and understudied issues. We conclude by identifying issues that future research should address. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of LISA E-Journal / Revue LISA is the property of Universite de Caen, Research Centre for Humanities & Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As public concern over governmental inaction on climate change grows, it becomes vital to answer the Question of Legitimate Means: what actions can political actors legitimately take to pursue their goals? This paper argues that a particular understanding of the political realm, which I will call the spectator's view on politics , prevents theorists from confronting this question. Using the philosophy of Noortje Marres, I will demonstrate that the spectator's view posits a transcendental goal to politics, subordinating any means to the realization of this goal. I will then contrast this view with the political philosophy of John Dewey. Dewey's approach not only makes it possible to answer the Question of Legitimate Means, but highlights its importance to any democratic project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how transgender individuals in South Carolina negotiate community language practices in light of personal and political projects for trans vitality. Drawing on moments of metalinguistic commentary from online group interviews with trans and nonbinary people in South Carolina, this article focuses on examples from two interviews to explore how interviewees orient to two distinct understandings of language use: a 'self-facing' approach and a 'public-facing' approach. While participants describe creatively using language for enjoyment and self-exploration, they are keenly aware that their language is up for critique once it enters the public realm. As such, they invoke a linguistic ideology that recognises multiple contextual approaches to language use. This article demonstrates how these trans South Carolinians use language for trans life-making: for the simultaneous personal and political projects of self-determination and the making of a safe and viable world for trans people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research in Slovenia shows a low level of expression of patriotism among young people, which points to the fact that we are unable to express this value because we are not convinced of its quality and necessity. The belief that we will love and respect our homeland, which has also been a state since 1991, is based on completely false assumptions. Those who were emotionally present at the founding of our country naturally have a keener sense of patriotism, but the younger generations see the emergence of an independent and sovereign Slovenia as a historical fact, and therefore without any emotional overtones. Therefore, the results on the poor knowledge of the facts related to the establishment of an independent and sovereign Slovenian state, analysed in this article, are not really surprising.

The urgency of this research lies in the need to understand the trends, contributions, and dynamics of women's political participation globally. This article aims to map studies that focus on women's political participation. Research methods include bibliometric analysis with data sources from the Scopus database. The study's findings reflect significant growth in women's political participation research, especially in recent years, with distribution varying by country and research theme. The research findings also show that although there are themes that have received attention, there are still areas that need to be explored further, such as intersectionality, gender equality, gender, and the impact of social media that provide insight into the complexity of women's political participation issues. This study recommends the need for increased research and local understanding of the factors influencing women's political participation in Indonesia to strengthen women's role in politics by learning from other countries that have successfully implemented inclusive policies. In addition, by involving various parties, including the government, research institutions, and civil society, Indonesia can create an environment that supports, empowers, and encourages women's political participation optimally. The implications of these findings not only help shape academic discourse, but also lay the foundation for concrete efforts to achieve gender equality and women's empowerment in the wider political sphere.

Political activism is motivated by the desire for equity in the distribution of social values, raising curiosity about how activism plays out in matters of prejudicial sentiments. Therefore, this work was designed to examine the prediction of immigration-status-based prejudice by activism in a cross-national data context. The data used are secondary data from Wave 7 of the 2017-2021 World Values Survey (N=76 897) and the 2017-2020 European Values Survey (N=58 103), which were conducted in 81 different countries. Binary logistic regression featuring the Adjusted Odds Ratio (AOR) and the 95% confidence interval (CI) were used to analyze data. Results show that 21.7% of respondents were prejudiced against immigrants while the mean±SD of political activism was 6.46±2.26 (min.=4, max.=12). Politically active respondents were significantly less likely to have prejudice against immigrants (AOR=0.861; 95% CI=0.855, 0.866; p

Objectives Political participation differs across the age range, but little is known about these patterns outside of developed countries. Political context is a particularly important consideration for all political behavior in Africa, where only a few countries are fully democratic. Drawing from political opportunity structures theory, we investigate how political freedom conditions the age-based pattern of electoral and nonelectoral political engagement, as well as protesting. Methods This study merges the fifth, sixth, and seventh rounds of the Afrobarometer data sets, spanning 36 African countries, with country-level data on political freedom from Freedom House. Using multilevel regression models, we examine how political freedom shapes the relationship between age and 3 forms of political participation. Results Africans aged from 18 to 60 years and living in nonfree countries are most engaged in electoral and nonelectoral political activities, though participation begins to drop markedly past age 60. For protest participation, young Africans living in partially and non-free countries are the most engaged in protests; yet limited political freedom again means a sharp age-based decline. Discussion The impact of political context on the age–participation association is nuanced in ways not anticipated by mainstream research on the developed West. Repressive regimes, while spurring engagement at younger ages, appear to disproportionately deter older Africans from political engagement, especially its riskiest forms. We conclude by calling for more country-comparative gerontological research with careful attention to contextual heterogeneity, particularly in the understudied Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between political activism, egalitarian justice, and public reason. It addresses criticisms that public reason theorists separate political philosophy from political activism and argues that political activism can be compatible with a commitment to public reason. The article also discusses the compatibility of political liberalism and political activism, asserting that acknowledging the legitimacy of other political conceptions of justice does not prevent one from promoting their own preferred conception. The author concludes that endorsing public reason allows for political philosophy to support political activism while respecting diverse perspectives. The article emphasizes the importance of respectful engagement and dialogue among citizens with different worldviews. [Extracted from the article]

Over the last decades, scholars have increasingly called for the 'deterritorialization' of the notion of citizenship. The realities concerning citizenship have changed with new expressions of transnationalism. However, whereas the main body of research has focused on the transnational aspects of citizenship among migrants in the form of their transnational political practices and dual nationalities, their descendants have received far less attention. This paper examines the political practices of Kurdish migrants' descendants in France and Germany and their narratives of identity and citizenship. We employ migrant descendants' political activism as an empirical entry point to gain insight into the meanings they attach to citizenship. The paper draws from two qualitative datasets collected in France (2015–2017) and Germany (2015–2023) with individuals of Kurdish background, who were born to migrant families arriving from Turkey in the 1980s and 1990s. The findings show that national contexts – both in grandparents'/parents' country of departure and the country of arrival – and the transnational, diasporic and even supranational space (EU) shape migrant descendants' political activism, identity construction and consequently resonate in the meanings they attach to citizenship. This study highlights the need to approach migrants' descendants as transnational citizens in their own right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociologia & Antropologia is the property of Sociologia & Antropologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In contemporary Brazil, the number of male fathers taking care of their sons and daughters and the initiatives to produce content about fatherhood on Instagram have been significant. This article aims to analyze the concepts that support the digital activism of homoparenting on Instagram, based on gender studies with men. To this end, a qualitative study was conducted using the life narrative method in a digital environment. The results were analyzed and divided into the following sections: parenting project, personal experience of fatherhood, articulation with LGBT political agenda when parenthood becomes a “business”, and haters, criticism, and adverse reactions. It was concluded that the reflection on the experience of fatherhood/masculinity itself is crossed by the social marker of the difference in sexual orientation and the activism for rights that sustain content production. Thus, the uniqueness of each fatherhood is highlighted since the fact of being gay constructs the fatherhood experience for each man. Despite the initiatives brought forth in this study, changes are still in progress, as rights activism coexists with the advancement of conservative forces, which limit the expressions of sexual and gender otherness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A subversive phenomenon is challenging advertisers and brand managers: adbusting, a form of activism that alters existing brand communication (e.g., a billboard ad) to promote social/political issues (e.g., pro‐environmental behavior) or denounces the targeted brand (e.g., its labor standards). We conceptualize the effect of adbusting on consumers and provide empirical evidence that adbusting has ambiguous effects on consumers' brand perception. On the one hand, the incongruency of the message with consumers' existing brand schemata raises ad awareness. On the other hand, the effect of an adbust on subsequent cognitive and behavioral outcomes depends on the content of the adbust: if the brand itself is targeted (vs. a social or political issue), brand perception, word‐of‐mouth, and purchase intention are negatively affected. This negative effect is mitigated if the adbust targets a social/political issue. In a mixed‐method design, we use a panel of real‐world adbusts (Pilot Study) and four experimental studies (Studies 1–4) to shed light on these effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I focus on neo-animist, relational ontologies that are active within and beyond contemporary Pagan communities in the Salento area of Italy. By addressing case-studies such as "spiritual neotarantismo," the querelle around the Xylella Fastidiosa epidemics that has been affecting olive trees, and NoTAP activism, I argue that many Salentinians today pursue health and well-being by embracing neo-animist attitudes that consider human and non-human persons alike as kin. By analyzing these neo-animist stances in conversation with the work of the philosopher Roberto Esposito, I will offer examples of ways of being in which "contact, relationality, and being in common" are not "liquidated" (Esposito, Welch, and Lemm 2021a), but fostered and put at the center of personal and collective practices of well-being and of political activism.

We reconstruct the life path of the Argentine nurse and popular activist Irma Carrica, understood as a political-professional experience tied to her social networks and marked by conflicts and contradictions inherent to her historical context. From this analytical perspective and considering the precautions suggested by the biographical method of social sciences, we delve into the political and health debates of the 1960s and 1970s, particularly concerning disputes over the meaning of “community” in the health field. Specifically, we focus on the contributions of a collective historical actor — heterogeneous and plural, yet identifiable in its various forms — that we have termed the Peronist Left in health. By analyzing their professional and intellectual networks, we emphasize the role played by Irma Carrica as a representative of this Peronist Left in health, in constructing alternative dynamics for community health approaches, which challenged the dominant epistemological and pedagogical paradigms.

Hacktivism represents a dynamic intersection of technology and activism, where individuals or groups leverage digital tools to advance social or political causes. This text explores the multifaceted nature of hacktivism, encompassing a spectrum of activities from online protests and information dissemination to more disruptive forms of digital direct action.

Black students at predominantly White institutions (PWIs) contend with racial microaggressions that can lead to negative mental health and academic outcomes. The physical and mental health consequences of the novel coronavirus pandemic are well‐known. What remains unknown is how targeted racial hate during a pandemic might have a compounded effect on Black essential workers. The current study examines how future essential workers in helping professions cope with dual crises as they navigate mostly White universities. Study participants were Black university students attending PWIs in the United States enrolled in social work, public health, or psychology programs during the 2020–2021 academic year. Participants completed an online survey that measured racial microaggressions, COVID distress, sense of belonging, engagement in activism, and well‐being. Hierarchical regression models revealed COVID distress predicted poorer well‐being. Also, COVID distress interacted with racial microaggressions to predict well‐being. Findings have implications for developing decolonized learning communities with a liberation pedagogy in community psychology and other helping professions. Highlights: The study demonstrates the need for predominantly White institutions to prioritize diversity, equity, and inclusion strategic priorities.There is a combined negative effect of COVID stress and racial trauma for Black American students.Study has implications for future research on emergent societal stressors on student well‐being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beginning in 2023, Israel has been the site of extensive protests against a proposed judicial overhaul, drawing widespread participation. However, there is a notable absence of older individuals from minority groups, particularly older immigrants from the Former Soviet Union (FSU), within these protests. This study aims to explore the perspectives of this group on the judicial overhaul and to reveal the reasons behind their non-participation in the protests. The study involved semi-structured interviews with 20 older FSU immigrants (age 65+). Through thematic content analysis, two main themes emerged: the attitudes of FSU older immigrants towards the proposed judicial overhaul and the factors contributing to their non-involvement in the protests. Participants exhibited diverse opinions on the judicial overhaul, ranging from outright disapproval to ambivalence or indecision. The lack of participation in the protests was attributed to multiple factors, including (1) older age and age-related limitations, (2) unique historical experiences and characteristics of the FSU immigrant cohort, and (3) a lack of unified stance and organization within the FSU immigrant community. The study provides insights into the challenges and barriers faced by older individuals in FSU immigrant minority groups in engaging with political processes and decision-making. These findings are of significant importance to policymakers, researchers, and professionals working with immigrant communities. Understanding these dynamics can aid in developing more inclusive and representative political processes and support engaging mechanisms for older minority immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nursing has been perceived as an apolitical profession. Although some advancements in legislation and political engagement for nursing have occurred, the perception remains; it is considered to be a relatively silent profession in the political and policy arenas. Authors, when trying to describe this phenomenon, have raised questions about whether the nursing profession is political. In addition, the motivation for participation and advocacy, as well as the barriers to these activities, have limited investigation, making it difficult to understand the real reasons behind nursing's political and policy immobility. The purpose of this article is to familiarize readers with politics, policy, and advocacy; levels of state and federal government; and the lawmaking process in different states. The goal is to offer information and identify factors that increase confidence and efficacy when engaging with the political system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political activism is motivated by the desire for equity in the distribution of social values, raising curiosity about how activism plays out in matters of prejudicial sentiments. Therefore, this work was designed to examine the prediction of immigration-statusbased prejudice by activism in a cross-national data context. The data used are secondary data from Wave 7 of the 2017-2021 World Values Survey (N=76 897) and the 2017-2020 European Values Survey (N=58 103), which were conducted in 81 different countries. Binary logistic regression featuring the Adjusted Odds Ratio (AOR) and the 95% confidence interval (CI) were used to analyze data. Results show that 21.7% of respondents were prejudiced against immigrants while the mean±SD of political activism was 6.46±2.26 (min.=4, max.=12). Politically active respondents were significantly less likely to have prejudice against immigrants (AOR=0.861; 95% CI=0.855, 0.866; p<0.01). Political activism remains a backing for diversity, social inclusion and other elements of left-wing political orientation which align with democratic norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study addressed the relative liberalism of White lesbians. In doing so, we compared sexuality differences in White women's reactions to sexual, gender, and racial hierarchies. In the end, our analysis of 2,950 women from the American National Election Survey (ANES) suggested three trends. First, lesbians and bisexual women rejected and challenged heteronormativity more than heterosexual women. Second, the relationship between sexual identities and feminist commitments was less consistent. Lesbians and bisexual women perceived higher levels of sexist discrimination than heterosexual women did, but sexual identities did not always predict involvement in feminist social movements. Third, lesbian women generally displayed greater support of antiracist activism than bisexual or heterosexual women. However, this greater lesbian concern over racial biases did not translate in sexual differences in antiracist activism. Implications for these findings were explored, as were suggestions of future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contemporary Republican Party has been the site of asymmetric partisan entrenchment and factional infighting. We test whether factional pressure from a far-right faction (the Tea Party) exacerbated the party's rightward movement with a granular analysis of Republican factionalism at the congressional district level. We develop a measure of local factionalism using novel datasets of activist presence and primary contests. Then, we conduct a difference-in-differences analysis to assess whether local factionalism in the Tea Party era heightened Republican partisanship and legislative extremism at the district level. We find that districts that experienced factional pressure moved rightward on both measures. These findings help clarify how the Tea Party captured the Republican Party and support a focus on the role of party factions in fomenting partisan conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on four interviews with parents committed to climate protection, it is shown how they deal with the existential threat posed by the climate crisis and how it affects their relationships with their children. It becomes apparent that these parents are profoundly unsettled by the climate crisis, because they are aware of their own responsibility for their children and future generations. The interviewees describe how much of a burden it is for them to deal with the ominous forecasts for the future without being able to simply ignore them – as many others do. They feel guilt toward their children about how they have lived their lives so far, wasting resources. Although they often feel helpless and powerless, they are also actively involved in the climate movement for the sake of their children, which gives them some hope. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

General semantics, although it might be ignored by those traditionally aligned with the study of political communication, offers a great deal to the study of politics and communication. This paper argues that Neil Postman's notion of context analysis serves as a direct corollary to the traditional method of content analysis in that it helps communication and media scholars understand political communication. To illustrate the value of context analysis, this essay seeks to contribute to both the study of general semantics and political communication through a case study analysis of the educational philosophy of Myles Horton (1905-1990) as he and others practiced that philosophy at the Highlander Folk School in Monteagle, Tennessee during the labor movement and Civil Rights Movement of the mid-20th century. In particular, this paper constructs a context analysis of the semantic environment surrounding the political education of members of those social movements conducted at Highlander as an approach to understanding political organizing, collective action, and change. By articulating the educational practices at the Highlander Folk School as a semantic environment, general semantics educators and political communication scholars can begin to identify how the environment can produce communication and talk that leads to successful political action in the face of anti-democratic forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Salud Colectiva is the property of Instituto de Salud Colectiva Universidad Nacional de Lanus and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ciencia Política is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cadernos de Gestão Pública e Cidadania is the property of Fundacao Getulio Vargas, Escola Brasileira de Administracao Publica e de Empresas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Escritura e Imagen is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Stakeholders have long pressured firms to provide societal benefits in addition to generating shareholder wealth. Such benefits have traditionally come in the form of corporate social responsibility. However, many stakeholders now expect firms to demonstrate their values by expressing public support for or opposition to one side of a partisan sociopolitical issue, a phenomenon the authors call "corporate sociopolitical activism" (CSA). Such activities differ from commonly favored corporate social responsibility and have the potential to both strengthen and sever stakeholder relationships, thus making their impact on firm value uncertain. Using signaling and screening theories, the authors analyze 293 CSA events initiated by 149 firms across 39 industries, and find that, on average, CSA elicits an adverse reaction from investors. Investors evaluate CSA as a signal of a firm's allocation of resources away from profit-oriented objectives and toward a risky activity with uncertain outcomes. The authors further identify two sets of moderators: (1) CSA's deviation from key stakeholders' values and brand image and (2) characteristics of CSA's resource implementation, which affect investor and customer responses. The findings provide new and important implications for marketing theory and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]