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Copyright of Dirasat: Human & Social Sciences is the property of University of Jordan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article builds on the foundations provided by the History of Parliament Trust, utilising previously unconsidered documents from the papers of the Dukes of Hamilton to chart and analyse the conduct of parliamentary elections in later eighteenth-century Lancaster. It shows that these elections were more contentious than previously thought; the full range of political issues at play in these elections, and the engagement of the freemen electorate with these; and forms of electoral management and organisation in use that were not known in the borough until now. It places these new insights in the context of Lancaster's electoral politics through the long eighteenth-century, and draws out developments in this period that played an important role in the borough's nineteenth-century elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pravnik is the property of Czech Academy of Sciences, Institute of State & Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mevzu is the property of Ali Sever and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on a discourse by the late V. Teitelboim, a document issued by the Chilean Senate on Sept 2, 1971 commenting the Coup d'Etat of August 21 of 1971 in Bolivia. A Chilean perspective of the event.

In the middle of the 19th century, the first serious differences between the German and Slovenian political camps can be perceived. The rift between both camps in the 1860s, however, did not arise from national motives, but from political ones – due to the antagonism between Slovenian conservatives and German liberals. Later, the political conflict escalated to a nationalitybased antagonism. The testimonies of Germans who lived in Slovenia at the time of the rift show that they started from the same point of view as Slovenians and reacted in the same way in their struggle for national ideas. They both claimed their nations were threatened and at risk of assimilation. German opposition to the Slovenian national movement was also based on German politicians’ fear of losing their leading position in regions with a majority Slovenian population.

This study focuses on the analysis of the Qizilbash inspection that took place during the time of Yavuz Sultan Selim. The legal processes of the suspects Seydî Sevindik and İshak, who were accused of being Qizilbash, have been examined. The examination of two court records through a case analysis contains important data in understanding how the Qizilbash inspection, which occurred as a result of the Ottoman Empire’s struggle with the Safavid State in the early 16th century, was carried out administratively and legally. In addition, the relevant case records highlight that those accused of being Qizilbash, and against whom surveillance and intelligence decisions were made, were prosecuted after certain legal stages. Therefore, by analyzing the information contained in the records, the identification, monitoring, intelligence, trials of Qizilbashes, and the penalties imposed, as well as the methods of punishment, have been discussed. As a result, it has been concluded that at least some of those who were investigated on the grounds of being Qizilbash were prosecuted within the norms of the legal system and under certain conditions.

Since the 1980s, human rights activists have constituted political agenda-setting groups in the Maghreb countries, mainly following the international turn towards human rights in the post-Cold War decades. Despite this fact, only scarce attention has been paid to their social and professional background. The article explores this topic and provides hitherto unpublished data about the first generation of human rights activists in Tunisia, in particular the members of the Tunisian Human Rights League (LTDH). Its members were a product of post-colonial Tunisia’s investment in (higher) education, teachers and professors, white-collar public servants, lawyers, doctors and journalists. They formed a committed, intellectual elite concerned with relationship between the state and citizens, seeking to influence public policies, carve out public, independent political spaces and get a share in the management of state affairs. Factual evidence surrounding human rights activists in Morocco and Algeria suggests they shared the same characteristics as LTDH members. Given the human rights situation in the Maghreb countries, the article suggests more research should be done about how human rights activists could more effectively link-up up with moral activism of social–professional groups that are absent from the human rights organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the role of service in Castilian political culture between 1250 and 1350. Many interactions between different elements of political society were discussed and understood in terms of service, from holding office to military service, grants and royal taxation. The study traces the development of phrases which harnessed the discursive power of service through royal documents, Cortes records, political writings and letters. I argue that service was sufficiently resonant that it ought to be considered the central ethic of political interaction between the king and the kingdom. Moreover, by regularly justifying actions because they were "God's service and mine, and the profit and safeguard of all my land," Castilian kings made a discursive link between service and the common good. By contrast with England, where parliament considered "the profit of the king and the kingdom," the Castilian formulation left service more closed off in political discourse: it was only for the king to decide what contributed to his service. Concluding that the moral discourse of service acted as a powerful force for integration in Castilian politics, this article contributes to a broader debate about the role of political language in shaping the development of late medieval polities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This bibliography details women's history articles that have appeared in the Indiana Magazine of History during its 120 years of publication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Culture & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly is the property of Turkish Cultur & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Women participated in communist movements and contributed to communist culture. At the intersection of women's history, visual arts, gender studies, history of socialism, and the history of communism, this article focuses on six women photographers—Tina Modotti, Elizaveta Mikulina, Gisèle Freund, Lisette Model, Julia Pirotte, and Gerda Taro—analysing the circulation of their works in the communist press and in circles sympathetic with the communist cause. The research on women photographers' gazes contributes to a deeper understanding of both the lager networks of communist movement and the multifaceted aesthetics of communist culture. By crossing women's lives and works, their subjectivity and political paths, the documental and artistic legacy of the images they have produced, the article demonstrates why and how women photographers' production intersects communist culture during the Comintern and World War II. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using diverse archival sources and oral history interviews, this essay examines how volunteer activist women in the 1970s galvanized support to pass major legislative reforms that made Pennsylvania a model for how to implement the federal Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act (JJDPA) of 1974 at the state level. Horrified by conditions they witnessed on a tour of a nearby juvenile detention center, three Philadelphia area women created a broad-based coalition—centered in the Juvenile Justice Center (JJC) of Pennsylvania—to improve local conditions of confinement and spearhead novel policies to transform juvenile justice statewide. Focusing on Barbara Fruchter, JJC cofounder and de facto leader of the state's deinstitutionalization campaign, this essay probes how a now well-accepted idea in juvenile justice—treating the great majority of delinquent youth in small community-based rather than large institutional programs—was first envisioned and introduced into American juvenile justice a half-century ago. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Akademik Hassasiyetler is the property of Huzeyfe Suleyman Arslan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores how politically active Polish women starting in the late nineteenth century until the start of World War II viewed themselves and their duties vis-a-vis the Polish nation. It traces the women's movement in Poland from the first calls for women's right to work, to their eventual enfranchisement under a newly independent Polish state in 1918. Challenges to women's equality took many forms: men from both sides of the political spectrum viewed women's entry into the salaried workforce and the public sphere as largely undesirable and deployed a variety of arguments to reinforce traditional gender hierarchy. Yet many educated Polish women, even from conservative, Catholic perspectives, viewed their engagement in the public sphere as necessary work for the good of the Polish nation. This article uses letters, political pamphlets, and published works to explore how modern Polish women attempted to strike a balance between breaking and preserving traditional notions of gender in order to secure new rights for themselves in a volatile political atmosphere. While Polish women's groups differed on their vision of the ideal Polish state, they generally agreed that women's roles as mothers provided the moral legitimacy required to act in the public sphere. They successfully carved a space for themselves in the new Polish state of 1918 but remained marginalized in a separate and unequal status in the interwar period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to Charles Tilly, nineteenth-century public meetings were both composed and cosmopolitan affairs in which citizens tried to sublimate parliamentary proceedings as best as they could. Through a case study of political meetings in the city of Antwerp in the years of the censitary suffrage system (1872–93), this article argues that in the port city this was not the case. On the contrary, meetings were quite boisterous affairs with a very local horizon. This article investigates the role and dynamics of mass political meetings in nineteenth-century Antwerp, Belgium, with a focus on the events leading up to the parliamentary elections of 1863. Challenging the conventional view of these gatherings as mere reflections of parliamentary proceedings or training grounds for parliamentary etiquette, the article argues that these meetings operated under distinct rules and codes. Rather than serving as a mimicry of parliamentary norms, the meetings were seen as a necessary correction to what was perceived as an elitist and exclusive parliamentary democracy. The article explores the complex relationship between the parliamentary institution and mass meetings, with a specific examination of the tensions surrounding the inaugural mass meetings in Antwerp in 1862. It contends that these gatherings did not aim to refine or sublimate parliamentary proceedings; instead, they presented a counter-image of parliament characterized by a louder, more intense, and sometimes xenophobic discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Election forecasting is a growing enterprise. Structural models relying on "fundamental" political and economic variables, principally to predict government performance, are popular in political science. Conventional wisdom though is these standard structural models fall short in predicting individual blocs' performance and their applicability to multiparty systems is restricted. We challenge this by providing a structural forecast of bloc performance in Ireland, a case primarily overlooked in the election forecasting literature. Our model spurns the economic and performance variables conventionally associated with structural forecasting enterprises and instead concentrates on Ireland's historical party and governance dynamics in the vein of testing whether these patterns alone offer solid predictions of election outcomes. Using Seemingly Unrelated Regression (SUR), our approach, comprising measures of incumbency, short-term party support, and political and economic shocks, offers reasonable predictions of the vote share performance of four blocs: Ireland's two major parties, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, Independents, and the Left bloc combined across 20 elections spanning 60 years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Michael Jacobs and Andrew Hindmoor's analysis of 'Labour, left and right' is a salutary corrective to 'electoral-ideological' accounts of party strategy in Britain, and rightly urges scholars to pay more attention to substantive 'policy reasoning'. Jacobs and Hindmoor's account of Labour policy is only partly convincing, however, because it is based on a sharp distinction between left-wing 'structural reform' and moderate 'redistributive' strategies which is difficult to justify historically, and understates the importance of social policy commitments to Labour's positioning. This article argues that Labour's policy trajectory since the 1980s is better understood through a fiscal lens, which reflects the importance of costings debates in UK general election campaigns and of Shadow Chancellors in opposition policy-making. Shifts in Labour's positioning can thus be explained by looking at the interplay between the party's economic thought, the leadership's perception of its electoral needs, and the changing budgetary context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the extent to which Finnish and Swedish conservative parties adopted neoliberal ideas from the 1970s onwards. It does so by comparing their published programmes and contextualizing them politically and economically. Neoliberalism is understood as an intellectual tradition centred around the objective of increasing the role of the market mechanism in society. Concrete neoliberal programmatic ideas include critiques of the public sector and taxes, especially progressive taxation, and promoting the marketization of the public sector and liberalization of other sectors of society, such as finance and labour markets. The article shows that Swedish conservatives adopted neoliberal ideas considerably earlier than their Finnish counterparts and were more ideological in pursuing them. Both parties have traditionally called for tax cuts, but only Swedish conservatives called for a deregulation of financial markets and marketization of public services already in the late 1970s. The neoliberal 'breakthrough' only took place among Finnish conservatives in the 1990s, though they justified most reforms as pragmatic necessities rather than desirable from an ideological standpoint. These differences are explained especially by Finland's different geopolitical position during the Cold War and its tradition of shifting coalition governments, which led to milder ideological contestation than in Swedish bloc politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea of India as a nation has its seeds rooted in the political leadership for the struggle of independence in the colonial history. The pathway of such struggles stemmed from the social-cultural sphere of the society that imagined India free from the shackles of debt and slavery from the colonial British. Visual imagination and representation of political struggles that made, unmade, and remade the notion of India have been documented in the Hindi Cinema. However, analysing Hindi cinema from perspective of imagination of a nation has received less attention and needs a serious critical engagement. This article investigates Lagaan (2001), a Hindi film, based on anti-colonial struggle to understand how the nation is imagined in the cinematic text. It explores the peasants' role in the struggle and the relationship of the peasants with the nation, in a larger debate on colonialism and anti-colonial movements by using dialectics as a method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In their quest to forge a national social imaginary or civic consciousness, Spanish Enlightenment reformers sought to redirect the loyalties and funds of Catholic citizens away from local religious confraternities and towards state projects of modernization. One key strategy involved deploying new registers of the religious concepts of "charity" and the "common good," making moral claims on the citizenry to render material assistance for the prosperity of their fellow citizens and the nation writ large. Catholics who resisted these efforts insisted on the embodied, relational foundations of these ideas (rooted in Thomistic thought) as well as the sanctity of the individual will. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peisistratus managed to remain tyrant of Athens from 546 to 527 B.C. in part thanks to his administration of foreign policy. The aim of this article is to analyze how Peisistratus of Athens foreign relationships functioned during his third tyranny. Through an analysis of the available sources, mainly Herodotus, Thucydides and Aristotle, the purpose of this work is to see how the tyrant of Athens exerted his influence on three areas of the Hellas: the Cyclades, mainland Greece and the Hellespont. In the Cyclades he managed to show his dominance through the purification of Delos and the installation of Lígdamis as tyrant of Naxos. In mainland Greece, his alliance with Argos allowed him to establish himself as tyrant in Athens, thanks also to the help of his counterparts in Thebes and Eretria, but this collaboration also earned him enmity with other poleis, such as Corinth or Sparta, which joined the animosity already held by those of Megara. In the Hellespont Peisistratus intervened directly in Sigeion, while he did it indirectly in the Chersonesus thanks to the intervention of Miltiades. In short, the results of this study show that the last tyranny of Peisistratus put forth a consistent foreign policy that can be reconstructed in spite of the scarcity of sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas, Departamento de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction: An important field of research on the role of women in contemporary political history centres on participation and representativeness, as well as the analysis of involvement in public policy and decision-making. Research objectives: The paper aims to analyse the participation and representativeness of women in political history by developing three research directions focused on: (a) examining the status of women in recent historiography (1950-2019); (b) analysis of the main concepts and associated topics in contemporary scientific literature; (c) analysis of some emerging constructs associated with the "gender history" field. Research methodology: The research uses the Ngram collection technique within the Google Books platform for the period 1950-2019. The analysis also reveals the frequencies of the analysed concepts and the conceptual associations that derive from the analysis of the literature published in the period at the centre of the analysis. Results and discussions: The results of our research are relevant in the much broader context of the analysis of women's participation and representativeness, as well as for the implications for contemporary political history, two patterns of analysis being identified: (a) women's participation and social changes and b) female political representation and the role of public policies in the contemporary period. Conclusions: The research highlights the role of female participation and representativeness arguing the need for proportional access of women in public life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia 396 is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Valparaiso, Instituto de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia Regional is the property of Historia Regional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines Rus' chronicles' information about female political participation. Frequent omission of women's given names in the chronicles is often interpreted as evidence that Rus princesses were less politically significant than Western and Byzantine elite women. An analysis of East Slavonic name usage offered below challenges this interpretation. The paper argues that the scarcity of information about women in the extant sources does not reflect the realities of pre-Mongol Rus, and that elite women in Rus were no less politically active than their counterparts in the rest of Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Espacio, Tiempo y Forma. Serie III, Historia Medieval is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A hidden facet of democratization in the world over the past two centuries has been the increased weight of people's voice in electing presidents. On the basis of new data on all presidential elections in the world since 1789, we show that they evolved from systems in which the final decision was made by someone other than voters, to systems in which the choice of voters was decisive only if it generated a majority, to systems in which the final decision is made by voters. This means that in countries where presidents have executive powers, elections may not be the mechanism by which the people, as a collectivity, always selects its rulers, thus violating the fundamental norm of democracy. We document the history of presidential election rules, offer some tentative explanations, and explore the consequences of particular systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article responds to the provocation: what happens if we put minority traditions of thought and ideology—in this case, more specifically Catholics—into the narrative of early America? This article hints at the alternative to our textbooks and lectures: a strange and unexpected inclusion of early American Catholics during a kind of golden era initiated by imperial conflict in the early 1770s which ran to the 1840s. As historians revise broad histories of exclusion and marginalization in early American civil and intellectual life, it points to a Catholic counterpoint—and Catholic ascendence—one that was extant before the Revolution and extended deep into the antebellum era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Recent Period Turkish Studies / Yakın Dönem Türkiye Araştırmaları is the property of Recent Period Turkish Studies / Yakin Donem Turkiye Arastirmalari and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Artikkelen undersøker hvordan økonomen Wilhelm Keilhau i løpet av mellomkrigstiden oppnådde professorkompetanse i økonomisk historie, tilkjent av økonomer – og argumenterer for at Keilhau var en mer betydelig historiker enn hans posisjon i norsk historiografi tilsier. Avgjørende for kompetanseerklæringen var særlig Keilhaus bidrag til flerbindsverket Det norske folks liv og historie gjennem tidene. En undersøkelse av opprinnelseskonteksten til og resepsjonen av dette verket står derfor sentralt i artikkelen. Grunnleggende konkluderer artikkelen med at Keilhaus historiske arbeider i dag fremstår som innlegg i mellomkrigstidens debatt om hvordan Venstre-tradisjonen i norsk historieforskning skulle forvaltes.