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For many political constitutionalists, the ordinary democratic process should be the constitution; constitutional entrenchment and strong-form judicial review should be avoided. But how is ordinary democratic politics understood by political constitutionalists? To answer this question, this article engages in an interpretative inquiry to delineate four distinct ideological readings of political constitutionalism—democratic socialist, liberal, republican and conservative—that are alive within the existing literature. It does so to explain how these readings articulate subtly different understandings of ordinary democratic politics. In doing so, it reflects on how to identify political constitutionalist thought; how political constitutionalism can appeal to different ideologies; how ideologies have influenced the theory's intellectual development; and the ideological conditions required to sustain a political constitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Utilizing the theoretical lens of securitization and the Taiwan Democracy Ideology Securitisation conceptual framework (the TDIS), this article explains how the Tsai administration (Republic of China) transforms Taiwan democracy into the issue of security by conceptualizing Taiwan’s ideological security. In this study, I employ Tsai’s administration’s governmental discourses concerning the issues of democracy and national security to understand how political language and words support an interpretation of the social realities in which Taiwan democracy could be treated as a national security object. The findings show that the Tsai administration conceptualized ‘ideological security’ to bring the issue of democracy security to the public. The conceptualization was handled in three main ways: forming Taiwan democracy as a dominant political ideology; spiritualizing Taiwan democracy as a political asset and revolutionarily ‘hard-earned’ achievement; and shaping Taiwan’s ideological security. Furthermore, the paper quantitatively demonstrated that the majority of the Taiwanese public agreed with the government’s transforming Taiwan democracy into ideological security.

The paper argues for an ideology-centred interpretation of the Orbán regime. Those regimes are considered ideology-centred that promote a particular worldview through discourse, consequential policies and the allocation of resources. In addition to demonstrating that Hungary after 2010 satisfies these criteria, I identify three principal ideological modules of the regime: illiberal conservatism, civilisationist ethnocentrism, and paternalist populism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Political ideologies have emerged as one of the risk factors driving healthcare decisions, including colorectal cancer screening in US adults. Previous links between conservative viewpoints and lower awareness of preventive health services have been established. We aimed to evaluate how differences in political ideology affect CRC screening practices using a nationally representative sample of US adults. Methods: Using data from the 2020 Health Information National Trends Survey (HINTS), we compared compliance with CRC screening guidelines between conservative, moderate, and liberal political groups. Survey-weighted multivariable logistic regression models were employed to ascertain the relationship between political ideology and CRC screening. Results: Of the 3368 respondents, 71.0% (95% CI: 67.8, 74.0) were screened for CRC. A total of 1026 (30.5%) were liberal, 1148 (34.1%) were moderate, and 1194 (35.4%) were conservative. Out of the conservatives (78.8%) were non-Hispanic Whites compared to moderates (61.4%) and liberals (64.0%). There was no significant difference in age, level of education, or income group by political ideology. In adjusted models, there was no significant difference in CRC screening by political ideology. Conclusion: Contrary to previous ties, we found no significant differences in compliance with CRC screening guidelines among these groups, concluding that CRC screening remains a significant health concern for all individuals, irrespective of political ideologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analytical model of political ideologies offered in this article describes the connection between rising levels of distrust towards societal institutions in modern democracies and how such developments has challenged traditional and long-standing political parties in the Western world, such as the Danish political party Radikale Venstre [the Danish Social-Liberal Party]. Through use of a tripartite model of trust developed by Arman Teymouri Niknam during his interpretation of Mary Wollstonecraft's attitudes towards trust brought together with different aspects of Axel Honneth's social-philosophical framework, Teymouri Niknam and Leif Hemming Pedersen show how distrust may be able to act as a progressive tool in the creation of a more just, diverse and equal future and also how a virtuous and healthy form of democracy is an ideal that can be challenging to realise in practice. Teymouri Niknam and Hemming Pedersen are thus able to point to the ways in which a healthy democracy needs a balance of virtuous trust and distrust in order to achieve a good amount of both stability and progress, thus pointing to a difficult balancing act that many traditional political parties find themselves struggling with especially at this point in time in many contemporary democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract This study explores the portrayal of political ideologies in popular video games, which are Call of Duty: Modern Warfare 2 and Battlefield 3. As games often contain real-world references, meanings, and themes, they have the potential to convey ideological and political messages to players and shape their perspectives on political issues. Using a qualitative research methodology, the study examines the language, with visual and auditory elements, present in the cutscenes and during the gameplay of these games. The analysis employs van Dijk’s socio-cognitive approach (2000, 2006) to decipher the games’ embedded ideological messages. The findings indicate that game developers perpetuate the hegemonic ideology of US military power. The developers also portray Arabs as the main source of terrorism and reinforce negative stereotypes of Iran and Russia.

The paper discusses the concepts of culture and identity within the context of the Fundamental Law of Hungary. The first part focuses on the relationship between the state and culture, both from a conceptual and an ideological point of view. The second part examines how references to culture and identity appear in the Fundamental Law. It is argued that by juxtaposing the two terms in Article R, the Fundamental Law seeks to broaden the meaning of constitutional identity, to include a historical-cultural dimension, and make it a rhetorical topic useful for the construction of exclusivist arguments.

Copyright of Logos: A Journal, of Religion, Philosophy Comparative Cultural Studies & Art (08687692) is the property of Logos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Amazonia Investiga is the property of PRIMMATE and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines the extent to which Finnish and Swedish conservative parties adopted neoliberal ideas from the 1970s onwards. It does so by comparing their published programmes and contextualizing them politically and economically. Neoliberalism is understood as an intellectual tradition centred around the objective of increasing the role of the market mechanism in society. Concrete neoliberal programmatic ideas include critiques of the public sector and taxes, especially progressive taxation, and promoting the marketization of the public sector and liberalization of other sectors of society, such as finance and labour markets. The article shows that Swedish conservatives adopted neoliberal ideas considerably earlier than their Finnish counterparts and were more ideological in pursuing them. Both parties have traditionally called for tax cuts, but only Swedish conservatives called for a deregulation of financial markets and marketization of public services already in the late 1970s. The neoliberal 'breakthrough' only took place among Finnish conservatives in the 1990s, though they justified most reforms as pragmatic necessities rather than desirable from an ideological standpoint. These differences are explained especially by Finland's different geopolitical position during the Cold War and its tradition of shifting coalition governments, which led to milder ideological contestation than in Swedish bloc politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses the concepts of culture and identity within the context of the Fundamental Law of Hungary. The first part focuses on the relationship between the state and culture, both from a conceptual and an ideological point of view. The second part examines how references to culture and identity appear in the Fundamental Law. It is argued that by juxtaposing the two terms in Article R, the Fundamental Law seeks to broaden the meaning of constitutional identity, to include a historical-cultural dimension, and make it a rhetorical topic useful for the construction of exclusivist arguments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into the phenomenon of rising populism in global politics, offering a comprehensive examination of its causes, consequences, and potential solutions. Populism, characterized by its appeal to the sentiments and concerns of ordinary citizens, has gained significant traction in various regions around the world. By exploring the underlying drivers, such as economic inequality, cultural shifts, and the erosion of trust in traditional political institutions, we aim to shed light on the roots of this trend. Furthermore, we analyze the far-reaching consequences of populism, including its impact on democratic norms, international relations, and policy outcomes. Lastly, this article outlines potential strategies and solutions for addressing the challenges posed by populism, emphasizing the importance of fostering inclusive political discourse, reinforcing democratic institutions, and promoting evidence-based policymaking. In an era marked by populist surges, this research provides valuable insights for policymakers, scholars, and citizens alike, aiming to contribute to a more informed and constructive dialogue on the future of global politics.

This paper attempts to understand war reporting of the 2022 Russia-Ukraine conflict from Western, Asian and an African news media during the first two weeks of the war, from 24 February to 11 March 2022. A descriptive content analysis has been made of the war frames as reported online by New York Post (USA), Global Times (China) and The Citizen (South Africa). These communication entities used different news frames in their narrative of this international conflict dictated along differences in ideological orientation and considerations of their target audience. The themes of conflict, human impact, economic consequences, attribution of responsibility, sources and tonality serve as the basis for the content analysis. New York Post labelled the “invasion” as a “war” in which crimes were committed throughout Ukraine, South African Citizen news framing was less vicious, while Global Times simply characterized the invasion as a “crisis”. In general, the New York Post’s coverage of the Russia-Ukraine conflict largely emphasized the Ukrainian victims of the war and depict Russia as the aggressor. Global Times on the other hand promoted the China’s potential role as a mediator, while The Citizen of South Africa sought to maintain the country’s neutral stance.

Municipal councils within the local government system in South Africa play a significant role in enabling the administration of municipalities to deliver services in the most effective and efficient way. Municipalities have been plagued with developmental challenges relating to the provision of basic services such as water, electricity, and sanitation. In addressing these shortcomings, it is expected of the municipal councils to use creative means to advance the developmental agenda as stipulated in the country's constitution. Literature points to the growing scope of responsibilities assigned to municipalities, creating a need for collective decision-making to enable the execution of functions. Through a documentary review and the analysis of local government election results, this article concludes that political ideologies are a factor influencing collective decision-making. Using Rational Decision- Making Theory, the article explores the extent of the application of logic in the decisions made by a collective of councillors within a municipal council. The article recommends that municipalities should consider using the four variables as a checklist in their effort to establish objective and rationally based decisions during council deliberations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Yearbook of the Faculty of Political Sciences / Godisnjak Fakultet Politickih Nauka Beograd is the property of University of Belgrade, Faculty of Political Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper attempts to understand war reporting of the 2022 Russia-Ukraine conflict from Western, Asian and an African news media during the first two weeks of the war, from 24 February to 11 March 2022. A descriptive content analysis has been made of the war frames as reported online by New York Post (USA), Global Times (China) and The Citizen (South Africa). These communication entities used different news frames in their narrative of this international conflict dictated along differences in ideological orientation and considerations of their target audience. The themes of conflict, human impact, economic consequences, attribution of responsibility, sources and tonality serve as the basis for the content analysis. New York Post labelled the "invasion" as a "war" in which crimes were committed throughout Ukraine, South African Citizen news framing was less vicious, while Global Times simply characterized the invasion as a "crisis". In general, the New York Post's coverage of the Russia-Ukraine conflict largely emphasized the Ukrainian victims of the war and depict Russia as the aggressor. Global Times on the other hand promoted the China's potential role as a mediator, while The Citizen of South Africa sought to maintain the country's neutral stance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on an in-depth, qualitative case study about a conflict between governmental authorities from the United States and Switzerland over the regulation of Swiss banks, we introduce indirect compellence as a novel triadic and indirect mechanism through which coercion leads to institutional change. Hostage-taking being a prototypical example, indirect compellence is typified by a coercive actor who takes a third party hostage to gain influence over a targeted actor. In our case, it meant that U.S. authorities (coercers) compelled Swiss policy makers (targets) to erode the famed Swiss banking secrecy rules by threatening the targets to otherwise enforce U.S. law extraterritorially against Swiss banks and bankers (hostages). Our constructivist and target-centered perspective explains this type of coercive pressure in detail, and it also suggests that targeted policy makers judge and respond to it contingent on their political ideologies. Our study contributes to research on power and influence in institutional environments and to research on global business regulation and transnational governance. Most generally, it also expands scholarly understanding of triadic relationships. In contrast to Simmelian perspectives' focus on triads in which the third party is in a powerful brokerage position and frequently benefits as a tertius gaudens, our study suggests that the third party can also become a rather powerless tertius miserabilis who suffers rather than benefits from others' conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Intersecoes: Revista de Estudios Interdisciplinares is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Bu çalışmanın amacı ekolojizm düşüncesi ile sosyopolitik ve demografik unsurlar arasındaki ilişkiyi incelemektir. Özellikle bireylerin politik tercihleri ile ekolojizm düşüncesine verilen önem düzeyi arasındaki ilişkinin kültürler arası nasıl değişim gösterdiği ve bu durumun ekolojik sorunlara yönelik geliştirilen politikaları nasıl etkilediği akademik ve politik alanda tartışılan konular arasındadır. İdeolojilerin yanı sıra demokrasinin önemi, mülkiyet haklarına bakış ve postmateryalist değerlere yönelim gibi siyasal ve kültürel unsurlar ile cinsiyet, yaş, eğitim, gelir düzeyi ve ülke gibi demografik etmenlerin bireylerin ekolojik tercihleri ve politik yönelimleri üzerinde belirleyici bir etkiye sahip olduğu düşünülmektedir. Bu kapsamda 7. Dalga Dünya Değerler Araştırmalar (2017-2021) anketi sonuçları dikkate alınarak ilişki düzeyi Ki-Kare (X2) Analizi ile tahmin edilmeye çalışılmıştır. Çalışma sonucunda siyasal ideolojiler, mülkiyet, postmateryalist değerler ve demokrasi gibi sosyopolitik ve kültürel bileşenlerin demografik etmenlerden daha fazla ekolojik düşünce ve politik destek üzerinde belirleyici bir etki düzeyine sahip olduğu tespit edilmiştir.

The notion of 'Christian Europe' has returned with a vengeance in recent times. It figures prominently in the political rhetoric of conservative nationalists, who link appeals to Europe's Christian heritage and identity to avowedly illiberal political projects. This article examines this revived idea of Christian Europe by contrasting it with the meanings that prominent Christian Democratic leaders ascribed to the term in the post‐war era. This contrast is insightful because it reveals what is distinctive about present understandings of Christian Europe, and it is politically relevant because some of the most committed contemporary proponents of Christian Europe claim to be 'true' Christian Democrats. Using Ernst‐Wolfgang Böckenförde's work on the emergence of the modern state as a broad analytical frame, I show that today's visions of Christian Europe are more modern, statist and secular than their post‐war counterparts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Right-wing renegades usually base their political lives on a conversion experience. In this article, I take a dual perspective on such conversions. On the one hand, I show how political conversions from ›left‹ to ›right‹ are narratively constructed in biographical retrospect and argue that an apocalyptic structure of the conversion narrative enables the political change of side. On the other hand, I analyse time-diagnostic narratives formulated by right-wing renegades and argue that the worldviews of renegades often feature dichotomously structured narratives of diremption and decadence that have stood the political change of sides. Identifying these narratives can prove to be a heuristic for testing the ideology of political movements for their susceptibility to conversion narratives and a potential drift to the political right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the study is to explore the level of relationship between the idea of ecologism and sociopolitical, demographic, and cultural factors. In particular, how the relationship between the political preferences adopted by individuals and the tendency towards ecological worldview varies between cultures, and how it affects the policies developed for dealing with ecological problems are among ones discussed in the academic and political field. In addition, it is argued that political and cultural values such as the significance of democracy, property issues, postmaterialist values, and demographic factors as gender, age, education, income level and country have a determining effect on the ecological privileges. In this context, considering the results of the 7th Wave World Values Research Survey (2017-2021), the level of relationship between the variables is tried to be estimated with the Chi-Squre (X2) analysis. As a result of the study, it is concluded that sociopolitical, and cultural factors such as political ideologies, view of property status, postmaterialist values, and democracy have a more determinant level of relationship in orientations to ecologism and political support compared to demographic factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the relevance of the theories of German jurist Carl Schmitt for understanding Papua New Guinea (PNG) politics and international relations, with a focus on relations with China. In pursuing this analysis, the text gives particular emphasis to Schmitt's friend–enemy distinction. In order to understand the regional context in which China has a growing presence, this article initially highlights the preoccupation of Chinese intellectuals with the ideas of Schmitt. It proceeds to mention the use of Schmitt's ideas in supporting the particular ideological positions of Chinese liberals, the New Leftists, those who articulate the China Path and even the Chinese state. Through a comparative analysis I both compare how Schmittian ideas have been used by Chinese intellectuals to critique the economic inequality in Chinese society and alternatively the relevance of such critiques to the issues of social inequality in PNG. The discussion subsequently focuses on PNG's international relations and China's increasing economic and political influence. While the United States and its regional partner Australia appear to be alarmed by an expanding Chinese presence, others do not necessarily believe that Beijing has overreaching ambitions of global dominance. The article considers the suggestion that Chinese thinking on international relations has been influenced by Schmitt's concept of the Großraum, an alternative to the Westphalian system, in which international relations are marked by a dominant hegemon and self-contained regional blocks consisting of constellated nations. As PNG finds itself in a critical position and subject to pressures from both the West and China, the text considers PNG sovereignty within a possible regional system in which China serves as the dominant hegemon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the paper, I investigate the use of folktales in the historical legitimization of a particular type of socio-political transformation: Yugoslav self-governing socialism. In this respect I address a less researched and complex topic, while the Yugoslav ideology of self-governance, compared to other 20th century political ideologies, was based on discontinuity - a break with tradition and the past. In order to sharpen the specific function of the narrative tradition in Yugoslav socialism and on the basis of the sociological theory of fairy tales and Walter Benjamin's insights into the role of the narrative tradition, which he reflected on as a transhistorical medium for the transmission of collective experiences - I have devised a research approach that differentiates the epistemic and ideological function of fairy tales. I test this approach via the example of the appropriation of folktales in the Third Reich and Soviet communist regime, and then turn to an analysis of these mechanisms in the context of Yugoslav self-government. On the basis of various theories and understanding of Yugoslav selfgovernance (E. Kardelj, J. Županov, P. Matvejević, D. Suvin, B. Jakovljević etc.), I put forward that the tradition in the latter was expressed in the prism of an alienation effects. I illustrate this with an extensive comparative and transhistorical analysis of the fairy-tale motif of The Gigantic Turnip, especially its unusual Slovenian version which can be perceived as a critical commentary of the socialist motto "together we are stronger". In the conclusion, I reflect upon the theoretical consequences of the Yugoslav self-governing project from the point of view of the theory of societal transformation, and connect this topic to the dilemmas concerning contemporary risks such as the climate crisis, which have no historical equi valent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study’s aims are to analyze the endorsement of the ethos of conflict (EoC) narrative in the Serbian-Albanian conflict among the adults in Serbia, its relation to political conservatism, and its role in pushing conservative political action. A total of N = 1613 adults (aged 18+) were recruited for face-to-face interviewing, in a representative sampling procedure, in December 2019 in Serbia. The results show high endorsement of EoC in the Serbian-Albanian fray; the mediation effect of EoC (having both high EoC and high conservatism is associated with greater political activism); the relation between EoC and political activism is moderated by age (the older population endorsing higher EoC was more politically active). In the future, we should address more actively the mobilizers of reactionary political actions in public and individual spheres, to better understand the mechanisms for achieving long-term peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis of discussions on various aspects of the evolution of the modern state, the specifics of post-communist transformations and the role that Marxism and the tradition of radical socialist thought can play in the near future in their search for a way out of the crisis generated by the agony of the neoliberal global world order. As a starting point for the analysis, theoretical articles published in the second edition of the collection Communism, Anticommunism, Russophobia in post-Soviet Russia. 2nd ed., Add. / Auth.: P.P. Apryshko et al. - Moscow: World of Philosophy, Algorithm, 2021 (607 p.) were selected. A comparative analysis of the polemical works of domestic scientists, political theorists and philosophers with those discussions that for many decades have been conducted by their colleagues abroad clearly indicates that today none of the existing ideologies, as well as the paradigms of economic and socio-political theory, can pretend to be the only recourse. The experience of recent decades clearly excludes the very possibility of transforming the economy and society on the basis of a certain universal synthetic model. In post-communist Russia, the heat of political passions, which stimulates the extreme polarization of political programs for overcoming the crisis, also hinders the achievement of agreement and the search for a solution acceptable to all.

Using both the number of patents and the number of citations that the patents receive as the measures of innovation and using political donations as an indicator of the chief executive officer (CEO)'s political preferences, we find that (1) firms led by CEOs with and without political partisanship show no differences in terms of innovation outputs; and (2) there are no differences between firms led by Republican and Democratic CEOs when it comes to innovation. The results are robust to a propensity-score-matching regression, a firm fixed effect regression, and alternate measures of innovation. Overall, the results suggest that CEOs' personal political ideologies do not significantly affect their innovation decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]