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Disruptions such as COVID-19—and the subsequent flux they wreak on organizations and society—have become commonplace. In order to advance our understanding of (and adaptation to) future discontinuities and crises, we argue that we require a reconceptualization of how disruption occurs. To do so, we draw on event systems theory; in contrast to previous work viewing disruption as the outcome of a singular event, we focus on how disruption can occur from an event chain—that is, a set of events that are temporally and causally connected. We abductively shape our conceptual arguments by drawing on narratives of past pandemics, reviewing two historical and two fictional texts that (re)create the experiences of those living through the Black Death and subsequent outbreaks of the bubonic plague. Rather than focusing on events themselves, we identify how certain characteristics among events in a chain lead to four microlevel experiences: stagnation, disorientation, polarization, and repudiation. We then proceed to examine how these microlevel reactions culminate into macrolevel transformations of economic, political, and cultural norms. Our event-system perspective on disruption and crises thereby generates insight, not only into understanding the (post-)pandemic world, but also into responses to future discontinuities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Routledge) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the influence of New Public Management (NPM) reforms on local higher education (HE) governance in the context of globalisation, focussing on the funding mechanisms of universities in Hong Kong and Taiwan. Through the development of an analytical framework for governance strategies, the study examines the principles underlying funding allocation and distribution decisions in these regions. The findings show that, although both regions adopt performance-based funding aligned with NPM principles, significant differences emerge due to their distinct political cultures and societal expectations. Taiwan’s strategy is characterised by regulatory oversight driven by societal shifts and electoral pressures, while Hong Kong’s approach is market-oriented, reflecting its British colonial heritage and alignment with industry demands. This study highlights the role of path dependency in shaping localised adaptations of global governance models, demonstrating the diversity and adaptability of HE governance strategies. The paper concludes by proposing directions for further research into the interplay between political culture and HE governance, advocating for the development of context-sensitive frameworks that address evolving governance strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Related Articles This article suggests that since people who believe in magic and those who believe in conspiracy theories produce meaning and make sense of the world by engaging in the same process of signification, they should be more likely to have one such belief if they hold the other. To test this proposition, we perform both macro‐ and micro‐level analyses using, respectively, cross‐national datasets and an original set of Tanzanian data. Our findings from both sets of analyses reveal a strong association between witchcraft beliefs and the belief in conspiracy theories.Gainous, Jason, and Bill Radunovich. 2008. “Religion and Core Values: A Reformulation of the Funnel of Causality.” Politics & Policy 33(1): 154–80. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2005.tb00213.x.Richey, Sean. 2017. “A Birther and a Truther: The Influence of the Authoritarian Personality on Conspiracy Beliefs.” Politics & Policy 45(3): 465–85. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12206.Tubadji, Annie. 2023. “You'll Never Walk Alone: Loneliness, Religion, and Politico‐economic Transformation.” Politics & Policy 51(4): 661–95. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12538. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines identity politics and marginalisation in post-1991 Ethiopia, focusing on the genesis of ethnicity as a political mobilising mechanism during the ‘nationalities questions’ in the 1960s. Despite the presence of Marxism in the political culture of that era, ethnicity eventually became the dominant political reality in post-1991 Ethiopia, now enshrined in the constitution. The study analyses theoretical perspectives and employs a qualitative approach using secondary data to explore contemporary political culture. The study analyses the theoretical perspectives of instrumentalism, primordialism, and constructionism to explore the contemporary political culture of Ethiopia based on identity. The study recognises the role of the politicisation of ethnicity in ongoing ethnic conflicts and political violence. Finally, it concludes with lessons learned regarding the politicisation of ethnicity in a multi-national, multi-cultural, and multi-lingual state like Ethiopia, emphasising the importance of organising civic programmatic political parties over the proliferation of ethnic non-programmatic parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Major wars or battles, political revolutions, scientific breakthroughs, or profound social changes often constitute substantial historical turning points. The nineteenth century was a period of intense struggle for America, wrestling with its identity and unity, the quest for emancipation, and conflicts with Mexico. Amid these turbulent times, an initially inconspicuous essay, "Civil Disobedience," penned in 1849 by a then-unknown Henry David Thoreau, proved to be a turning point that eventually changed the world. The essay provided the framework for a conscience-driven protest, which, when applied on a mass scale, gave the world an effective and non-violent method of war. The power of the voice rooted in conscience and courage, an approach sans violence, inspired "successful" movements across cultures, countries, and time. The essay Civil Disobedience laid the foundation for a conscience-driven, non-violent struggle against injustices that changed the course of human history and remains the best hope for fighting injustices in the future. While less recognized in the annals of popular culture than the political machinations of Machiavelli or the strategic doctrines of Sun Tzu, Thoreau's essay on civil disobedience has wielded a far more profound influence. In a world still riven by conflict and injustice, Thoreau's 1849 essay offered the most impactful turning point in humanity's struggle against injustice. It remains as compelling as ever, offering a blueprint for confronting tyranny not with arms but with the power of human conscience. It serves as a reminder that revolutionary changes sometimes begin with the quietest voice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the ‘top-down’ variant of nationalism is engendered by elites and emphasizes loyalty to the state and ethnic solidarity, little is known about the ‘bottom-up’ variant, which focuses on people’s interest in the state’s and political leaders’ care for the masses. South Korea’s ‘Candlelight Revolution’ of 2016/17 ignited a national protest against the abuse of power by then-President Park Geun-Hye, the unfair distribution of wealth, and changes to Korean culture. This article explores grassroots’ expressions of bottom-up nationalism by analysing YouTube speeches from the Candlelight rallies. Protesters criticized the corruption and abuse of power by Korean leaders, which were seen to perpetuate the structure of injustice for decades. Some aspects of the Korean cultural contexts were politicized by national leaders, such as conservative leaders labelling their critics ‘commies’. By contesting the structure and culture of Korean society, protesters transformed themselves into social actors at the personal level and then called for long-term rather than temporary remedies at the societal level. By espousing ‘calculated nationalism’, protesters illustrated their interest in what they can get from the Korean nation-state, rather than what they can do to the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comic books are important sites where norms related to gender, leadership, and democratic engagement are negotiated. In this essay, we examine two comic book depictions of women’s political leadership: Diana Prince/Wonder Woman’s stint as US president, published in 1944, and Barbara Gordon/Batgirl’s tenure as a member of US Congress, published between 1972 and 1980. We contrast Wonder Woman’s tale of democratic fragility and gendered conflict with a Batgirl narrative that promotes a more complex view of women’s political agency and subordinates superheroism to the strength of democratic community. We contend that Wonder Woman #7 reflects the fascist tendencies observed in other Golden Age comics and theorize Überfrau as a counterpart to Übermensch, rooted in an ostensible ethic of protection and authoritarian white femininity. Reading Wonder Woman #7 through the lens of the Überfrau reveals the contours of an antidemocratic white women’s authoritarianism that continues to resonate in twenty-first century politics. An antidote to the reactionary Überfrau is offered by Batgirl, who eschews the role of super savior and puts the responsibility for democratic health into voters’ hands. We conclude by examining how these contrasting visions of women’s political leadership are echoed by women politicians in contemporary political culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Christians, Southerners, Democrats, and Alabama's Prohibition Repeal Referenda, 1933-1935" explores the complex dynamics surrounding the repeal of prohibition in Alabama. It highlights the different factors influencing voters' decisions in the federal and statewide referenda, such as states' rights, party loyalty, and moral grounds. The article delves into the historical context of prohibition in Alabama, including the role of organizations like the Anti-Saloon League and the Ku Klux Klan. Ultimately, the article discusses the outcomes of the referenda and the ongoing debate over liquor regulation in Alabama. [Extracted from the article]

While it is obvious that the space for protests in Hong Kong has declined significantly, it is far less apparent how the political culture has been transformed. Based on an analytical framework using the Lefebvrian concept of space, the paper draws on the July 1st protest march to trace how the political space of the population has been reduced. Relatively quickly, Hong Kong has transformed from a vibrant civil society to one marked by fear and self-censorship similar to other authoritarian regimes. Following an expansion of protest space during the 2019 anti-extradition bill movement, the Chinese government has enacted a National Security Law to eliminate most political activism. The study shows the success of the government's repression although the long-term impact is not yet clear. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The theory and practice of urban planning have both shown a significant amount of attention in regards to community participation. Numerous studies have added to the growing body of literature highlighting the benefits of community participation in city planning and management. On the other hand, the literature on participation contains just a handful of theorybased empirical studies that investigate the role of community participation in the planning process of special fund programs in the Special Region of Yogyakarta. This research method uses quantitative analysis involving data collection using probability sampling techniques to collect data from 64 respondents. After that, a survey was conducted with the help of a questionnaire that was given out to respondents in order to obtain sample data. After that, the data that was gathered were examined by means of multiple regression analysis, which was carried out with the assistance of the SPSS Statistics 25 program. The results of this study indicate that knowledge, awareness, social media, political culture, and education have a positive and significant effect on community participation. This shows that active community participation in the special fund preparation program in the Special Region of Yogyakarta can be more targeted according to community needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alberta, Canada is both a major extractive zone—home to the world's third largest proven oil reserves, mostly in the form of oil sands located in the north of the province—and a place whose political culture has been profoundly influenced by evangelical Christianity. It is both "petro province" and "God's province". Despite these distinct political economic and socio-cultural features, relatively little scholarly attention has been given to the contemporary relationships among them. To explore this, we profile the populist far-right social movement organization Take Back Alberta (TBA), which, by channeling the interlocking "freedom" and separatist movements into the governing United Conservative Party (UCP), played a pivotal role in Alberta Premier Danielle Smith's rise to power. We ask the following question: what role do religion and a populist defense of the fossil fuel industry (or "extractive populism") play, both ideologically and organizationally, within TBA? Drawing from TBA-related documents, including websites, podcasts, social media, and speeches, our analysis produces two key findings: first, that TBA deploys a radical, far-right version of extractive populism, which "anchors" the Danielle Smith government, and, second, that evangelical Christianity contributes to this extractive populism organizationally—by impacting TBA's membership and resource infrastructure—and discursively, by influencing the collective action frames utilized by TBA leaders in advocating for the interests of the fossil fuel industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Science is the property of Alcide De Gasperi University of Euroregional Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

For most of the twentieth century, Dutch governments commanded majorities in both houses of parliament, but after 2010 they mostly lack majorities in the Senate. How did this change from governing with a legislative majority to governing without a legislative majority affect political culture? To what extent did the norms of consensus government developed earlier persist in this period of governing without a legislative majority? We operationalize political culture by means of the seven rules of Dutch politics by Lijphart. We combine in-depth interviews and documentary sources to assess the extent to which these norms persisted or changed. We conclude that Dutch politicians used the existing political–cultural infrastructure of consensus democracy when the government lost its legislative majority, although not all consensual norms persisted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the use of calling 'cultural' the set of habits, worldviews, practices, struggles and processes that go today by the name of 'finance'? Cannot the subject matter be dealt with more aptly with the word 'political', especially if the objective is to add some critical traction and contribute to political articulation? Drawing from a few old conversations on the subject matter (and from a couple of arguably new problems), a plea for the 'cultural' is nonetheless offered, with special reference to the disorientating role that 'political economy' and the concept of 'value' play in the debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Labour’s social imaginary in the Federation period 1901–02 was constituted by a symbolic order summoned to represent participation and performance under the terms of the liberal state. Labour’s social imaginary functioned through structures and forms of display that were inherited from existing patterns and imaginings of governance, and which the movement adapted in its own forms and interests. It was expressed in parades and banquets, in the display of union banners; evident in public meetings and deputations, in the formal domains of conference and congress. Labour’s social imaginary was observed in the surveillance of the mainstream daily press and expressed in an increasingly sophisticated labour press. This process was at once an accommodation with the terms of the liberal state and political culture, and a challenge posed to it. The labour movement’s participation in liberal governance in the post-Federation period was a complex process of accommodation and assertion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Revenge, estrangement, nihilism. These are the main feelings identified by historians to describe the political culture and anthropology of the subversive far right, from the second post-war period to the years of terrorism. Social scientists have placed at the centre of their analysis the radical right’s process of coming to terms with the grief caused by the defeat of the fascist regimes in the Second World War. The emphasis on pessimism, however, has pushed into the background the specificity of the elaboration of defeat within right-wing radicalism. The efforts of far-right intellectuals, in fact, had been aimed at overcoming ‘nostalgism’, that particular form of political melancholy, widespread in neo-fascism, which led to regret rather than overcome the fascist experience. In this perspective, the outbreak of global protest in the 1960s opened a difficult generational confrontation within the Italian far right. Neo-fascist youth movements rediscovered the myth of the ‘fascist revolution in its original form’. The division even ran through families, opposing veterans of the Italian Social Republic with extra-parliamentary militants who later entered underground terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are episodes in Marx’s life that go unnoticed or that are considered insignificant in Marxian scholarship. A case in point is that Marx wrote a treatise on Christian art between 1841 and 1842 and a group of excerpts (the Bonn Notebooks) on the history of religious art that resulted from it. The treatise and the accompanying notebooks are either completely absent from Marx biographies and studies on young Marx or they are mentioned only in passing; if the notebooks are considered at all, one portion is usually singled out while the rest is effectively ignored. The present piece traces Marx’s motives for occupying himself with religious art as well as his interests, shifting from Christian, Greek and Egyptian arts to fetishism and idolatry. This study intends to highlight that young Marx was more involved in questions concerning the political culture of aesthetics than we usually think. The Bonn Notebooks provide access to a more vivid image of Marx in this regard than previous scholarship has suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The evolution of the European Union (EU) Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) raises questions about whether societies in member states share a common or convergent defence culture. Conceptual and methodological problems in the existing literature, however, make it difficult to measure this phenomenon. That is why this paper proposes a new model to measure the political culture relative to European defence, using a mixed factor analysis. In addition, drawing on a series of Eurobarometer surveys, it charts current attitudes towards defence in European citizenship and the impact of the war in Ukraine. The findings point to the existence of several political subcultures regarding defence in the EU. They also indicate various methodological strengths - and limitations - arising from the available Eurobarometer data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This article explores whether authoritarian China has a monolithic political culture, or rather a set of somewhat different political cultures across a number of regions. Method: On the basis of several criteria we deem particularly important for identifying regions within which development, communication, and socialization of political attitudes are likely to be internally common but distinguishable from those of other regions, we divide China into six such regions. We then employ a combination of eight attitudinal measures from The China Survey of 2008 which are directly relevant to discerning political culture. Results: We find that there are indeed substantively different cultures across regions, some of which are more consistent with elite preferences than others. Conclusion: From our initial foray into possible explanation, we conclude that politico‐historical legacy—sometimes in interaction with certain aspects of geographic, demographic, and economic characteristics—may go furthest in explaining the cross‐region cultural differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The success of the County War Agricultural Executive Committees (CWAEC), known colloquially as 'War Ags', during World War Two has been well documented, but how they were affected by local political culture has received little attention. This study examines the East Riding's 'War Ag' and demonstrates that by using the county's existing political mechanisms, implementation of the government's war time agricultural strategy was both rapid and efficient. At the outbreak of war, the landed classes and experienced farmers held significant power within the East Riding County Council, a position which was different from many other authorities where such power was in decline. Upon formation the majority of those assigned to the 'War Ag' were from this cohort, including its chairman. Crucially their established power base, coupled with their professional credibility, allowed them to commence implementation quickly. Their success was not a given, because at the outbreak of war the morale of the county's farmers was low, and their relationship with government strained and distrusting. However, they quickly adapted to the nation's needs, adopting modern practices which resulted in increased efficiencies and profitability, both of which continued into the post war era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the prevalence and significance of ritual in the early modern world, focusing on the case of the early Qing surrender ceremony. It argues that as empires expanded and societies became more diverse, rulers relied on ritual to incorporate new political actors and govern different cultures and ethnicities. The article explores how ritual constructed and reconstructed social and political orders in a rapidly changing world, and suggests that ritual proliferated during this time period due to increased social interactions and the emergence of large empires. It discusses the role of ritual in the Qing surrender ceremony, which was used to incorporate surrendered generals and their troops into the Manchu political order. The article highlights how rituals were used to establish and reinforce power dynamics, create political relationships, and navigate conflicts, emphasizing the crucial role of ritual in state-building and the construction of political order in early modern societies. [Extracted from the article]

In recent years, populism has had a massive resurgence across the world. This has been especially impactful for young people who grew to political consciousness amidst increasing normalization of populist political sentiments. The presence of populism is especially evident in young Americans on social media due to the mutualistic relationship between populism and the internet. This research examines young Americans' interactions with populism on the left and the right side of the political spectrum on Tik Tok, especially in regards to the themes, key words, and radicality of their comments. The comments are chosen based on peer engagement and the degree to which they promote populist rhetoric, and analyzed using a mixed-methods content analysis. The evidence suggests that populist sentiment is present in young American political culture on both the left and the right side of the political spectrum, and America is not, as many would suggest, predisposed to right-wing populism. As the world enters the second decade of the 21st century, populism has had an unprecedented rise all over the globe (Berman 2021). Due to the nature of populism, it is often attached to more extreme ideologies, such as fascism, socialism, or anarchism (Mudde 2004). It appeals to the socially marginalized, economically distressed, and politically frustrated, and it poses a threat to democracy in its longterm destructiveness towards established order (Liddiard 2019). Many studies have focused on the reasons behind populism's rise and its impact on current politics; however, few have focused on the implications it has on the future of political ideologies (Dippel et. al. 2021; Mudde and Kaltwasser 2018; Stavrakakis 2014). This research is interested in the effect of the normalization of populism on politically active adolescent Americans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dynamics in Social Sciences & Humanities is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In contexts of institutional crisis, conflicts arise in which different pressure groups try to maximize their influence, seeking to adjust a political reality in line with their own interest. This article analyzes the changes in the attitudes of economic elites regarding the process of drafting of a new Constitution in Chile. Based on the literature on the political culture of entrepreneurs, the research hypothesis posed in this study suggests the existence of a widespread conservative attitude within this social group regarding a change in institutional rules. This mainly relates to the perception that a new Constitution in Chile could threaten its predominant place in the distribution of economic and political power. The results obtained after analyzing in-depth interviews with presidents or vice presidents of the main business organizations in the country show changing positions throughout the different stages of the constituent process. Even though some attitudinal changes towards an adaptation become visible, what ultimately prevails is an unmitigated rejection of the constituent process. These findings clearly suggest a return to the initial stances of most entrepreneurs, something that also happened in the elite examined as well as in the rest of Chilean society. Thus, one can speak about a sort of "boomerang effect": the attitudes of rejection have once again dominated the space of discursive expression where the pressure exerted by public opinion seemed to pave the way for a certain reformism or a transforming reaction. This evidence confirms a disconnection found in the literature which reveals the dynamic nature of short-term attitudes linked to each specific situation, albeit with more stable values and positions specific to the political culture which exist on a more persistent basis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Amme Idaresi Dergisi is the property of Public Administration Institute for Turkey & the Middle East (TODAIE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The editor-in-chief proposes a context for examining the crisis processes in American society explored in the articles. The author suggests that this crisis should be viewed in the context of the American history cycles. Many of the current conflicts in the USA have a similar internal source, which is a sharp intra-elite conflict involving a significant part of society. This conflict is unusual in its depth, given that for many decades the «trademark» of the American political class has been its consensus character. One important element of this consensus can be seen as an unquestioned focus on global American leadership and a shared commitment among members of the community to the force imperatives in foreign policy – either the classic “hard” or “flexible” power. Among the sources of American foreign policy continuity are a number of factors. First, it is the stability of institutional mechanisms of decision-making, which, in turn, is based on a stable system of representation of dominant interests. Second, the stability of formal and informal institutions that ensure a high degree of elite cohesion; and the specificity of American political culture, which is based on a set of political and philosophical views of messianic nature. The consensual nature of the political elite was the system-forming basis of liberal democracy, so the breakdown of this consensus may entail – and partially has already entailed – a crisis of the US political system.

The evolution of the European Union (EU) Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) raises questions about whether societies in member states share a common or convergent defence culture. Conceptual and methodological problems in the existing literature, however, make it difficult to measure this phenomenon. That is why this paper proposes a new model to measure the political culture relative to European defence, using a mixed factor analysis. In addition, drawing on a series of Eurobarometer surveys, it charts current attitudes towards defence in European citizenship and the impact of the war in Ukraine. The findings point to the existence of several political subcultures regarding defence in the EU. They also indicate various methodological strengths – and limitations – arising from the available Eurobarometer data.

Based on a systematic review of 192 scientific articles published from 2019 to 2023. In journals included in the list of peer-reviewed publications of the Higher Attestation Commission of the Russian Federation, two main strategies for studying the political orientations of Russians are distinguished: dominant and critical. Within the first, a consensus was reached that the basis of the political orientations of Russian citizens are ideas that can be united under the leadership of traditionalism and analytically examined in the conceptual prism of moderate conservatism. The authors adhering to the second strategy problematize the accepted interpretation of tradition and aim at revealing the contradictions present in the worldview of Russians, showing the significance of the chronic fragmentation of Russian society. A comparison is also made of the areas of research on political orientations in Russia and in other countries. It is indicated that foreign scientists pay very little attention to Russian political culture itself; the available works are focused on its protest aspects and on the historical context of the formation of its specificity. Unlike their foreign colleagues, Russian scientists are most interested in studying the current political orientations of young people. The author concludes that solutions to some of the most pressing research problems are revealed in the civilizational and other approaches developed by Russian researchers, which contribute to the convergence of both strategies, the unification of their positive potential and at the same time can shed light on what seems to be a long-standing and truly most important and the current problem of the political orientations of Russian society - inconsistency, polarization, fragmentation, which may have taken shape in the civilizational specifics of Russia.

European citizens' attitudes towards defence are a fundamental element of common identity in the EU's aim of becoming a unitary international actor. In Spain, since the early 2000s, the Spanish Ministry of Defence and the Armed Forces have developed a public policy to promote defence culture to influence Spanish society's views, perceptions, opinions, etc., towards defence and military policies. However, this approach is flawed because, despite being defined as part of the Spanish citizens' political culture, these institutions reduce this concept to 'knowledge' or 'awareness of its importance'. Therefore, the understanding of the Spanish defence political culture has been ill-analysed. Hence, a political culture related to defence issues can be best explained within the political culture framework, from which an ideal type, in the Weberian sense, can be established. Thus, based on previous studies, using survey data and both exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis (EFA & CFA), we test five sub-models to explain this political culture. This research is relevant to the study of the defence political culture because it reaffirms the existence of different cultural subtypes and civil–military relations and shows that the cultural gap in the convergence of values must be worked on in a segmented manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We provide the first account of the culture wars in the political psychology and public opinion literature based on a theory of culture. Using innovative measures of grid‐group cultural theory (CT), we identify the cultures associated with ideological and partisan identifications in annual U.S. national surveys from 2011 to 2022, a unique data set of 24,870 respondents. As hypothesized, we find that the culture wars occur not just between ideologues and partisans but among them as they draw support from distinct, relatively stable yet shifting cultural coalitions. Egalitarian and, less often, fatalistic liberals and Democrats battle against individualistic and, less often, hierarchical, conservatives and Republicans. As hypothesized, fatalists are the least reliable coalition partners, and, as expected, they gravitate Republican and conservative in 2017, after Trump's election. However, fatalists who are strong partisan identifiers never defect. Moreover, our hypothesis that fatalist attraction to Trump would drive defections in their political identification is largely invalidated. Instead, fatalists mostly flee Trump in our aggregate analysis as well as in subanalyses of strong and weak ideological and partisan identifiers. In 2016 and 2018–2022, it appears that independent fatalists cause fatalists to gravitate liberal and Democrat. Unexpectedly, hierarchists also go liberal and Democrat in 2022, in apparent reaction to Trump's multifront attacks on the 2020 election that he lost. We identify the basis for cultural coalitions that can end particular culture wars, including the most significant one now occurring between egalitarians and individualists, and conclude with suggestions for further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the stages of creation and development of the party system and political parties in Japan, as well as various definitions of the party system, and assesses the directions of evolution of the Japanese political system. In addition, the genesis and activities of the Liberal Democratic Party were outlined, as well as the topic of transparency and legal regulations in the area of financing political activities in Japan. In order to present the evolution of Japan's political system, one must deal not only with legal regulations regarding the party, electoral and political system, but also with issues such as political culture, history and various conditions, i.e. everything that influenced the evolution of a given political system. countries. Party systems remain closely related to the political systems within which they operate, which results in the observable difficulty with which their comparative analyzes or broader and more general characteristics are created.

The article considers dominant ideological values of the political culture of the contemporary Russian students as determining main directions for the formation of the political image of future Russia. The empirical basis of the article is the data of the sociological study “Students of Russia: Civil culture and life strategies” conducted on the all-Russian sample by the Center for Political Science of the ISPR of the FCTAS RAS in April-May 2023. The authors define ideology as a stable set of value patterns that compete in determining state policies and social development, and present a ranking of the most significant values of the youth’s political culture, which will determine the configuration of the political field of Russia in the future. The authors insist on the hybrid nature of the student ideological consciousness as combining various components of political ideologies; moreover, about a third of students cannot decide on their political-ideological priorities, and 70 % do not support any political parties, which allows the authors to make a conclusion about political escapism of students, who do not see meaning in their participation in political processes. Such a low level of political participation correlates with low assessments of the state and government activities. The authors mention the influence of the “ideological self-identification” variable on students’ ideas about the optimal future of the country and significant differences in the image of the future among supporters of different ideologies, which implies the need to both monitor and regulate the youth’s ideological priorities. When emphasizing the reproduction of significant political values, the authors draw attention to ideological shifts in the consciousness of the younger generation as expressed in the growing importance of democratic values and the rule of law, which determines a demand for the transformation of the party system and political democratization.

This article examines Shakespeare's interest in masques and their impact on his plays, specifically The Tempest and The Winter's Tale. It delves into the controversy surrounding the antimasque in The Tempest and Shakespeare's perspective on masques and the absolutist ideology they promoted. The article emphasizes the significance of considering non-Jonsonian masques, like those by Samuel Daniel and Thomas Campion, in comprehending Shakespeare's involvement with masquing. It highlights the personal involvement of Shakespeare and his company, the King's Men, in producing masques and collaborating with the Master of the Revels. The text explores the influence of court masques on Shakespeare's plays The Winter's Tale and The Tempest, drawing parallels between Campion's masques and certain scenes in The Winter's Tale, such as the animation of Hermione's statue. However, it advises against assuming that Shakespeare endorsed Campion's views on royal pageantry and power. The text also mentions the impact of Jonson's masques on Shakespeare's plays and suggests that further research is necessary to fully comprehend Shakespeare's engagement with masques and their ideological implications. [Extracted from the article]

Democratic backsliding in eastern Europe has been often cast in terms of the uncivility of local political culture inherited from the past. For the postwar period, the figure of homo sovieticus has embodied that inheritance, and its continued allure owes a lot to its dissident pedigree. This essay presents an intellectual history of the uses of that theme across the 1989 divide and questions its relevance today. The preoccupation with homo sovieticus signaled a neoliberal turn in addressing the dilemmas of democratic transition from Communism, which I analyze in reference to A. O. Hirschman's typology of reactionary rhetoric. While Solidarity in 1980–1981 championed a vision of democratic citizenship in which social, political, and civil rights were mutually supportive and indivisible, after martial law these different rights came to be seen as conflicting and incompatible, and the theme of homo sovieticus proliferated as the indexical figure of that conflict. This new standpoint, which supported the neoliberal transition from Communism, brought about a critical reassessment of Solidarity's legacy and a new understanding of the role of the dissident vanguard in the transition process, which I call pre-emptive Thermidorianism. It provided the glue that held together the liberal center, made up of self-professed neoliberals as well as the ex-revisionist Left, whose acquiescence to the neoliberal turn was instrumental. Pre-emptive Thermidorianism was disastrous both for the liberal center and for post-1989 political culture more broadly, and that is why homo sovieticus stands today as the self-defeating intellectual legacy of Polish dissent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to explore the cultural politics of the November Uprising through the lens of popularity. It investigates both the idea of popularity that pervaded the discourse of the time and the social practice of using popular reputations to shape the politics of the Uprising. Instead of treating popularity as just another manifestation of the ideological conflicts typical of the age of revolutions, this paper posits that the discourse surrounding popularity became a crucial axis of conceptualizing public individuality during the uprising. The debates surrounding popularity, including those concerning the dangers of hasty political ambitions, the increasing importance of personality in public life and the search for alternative sources of legitimacy, fostered an evolving political landscape in which it became possible to envision a different way of being a public figure and to reconsider the tools available for shaping public opinion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork with Workers' Party supporters in Northeast Brazil, and analysis of electoral campaign materials, I show that left-wing populist discourse can activate aspects of a traditional and apparently illiberal political culture that are compatible with liberal democracy, particularly the principles and ideals of representation, accountability and redistribution of economic growth. By political culture, I refer to the intersection between, on the one hand, cultural aspects such as religion, power relations rooted in history and life trajectories dictated by political and economic constraints, and, on the other hand, political discourses, leaders and policies. Moreover, I show that Workers' Party voters are not irrational actors, as some scholars of populism argue, but vote for politicians and parties that radically transformed their lives. Using Northeast Brazil as a case study, the paper contributes to debates about the relationship between populism and liberal democracy, showing how the two are not incompatible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The central debate over the Blueshirt movement has centred on whether the movement can be classified as fascist. The two most significant accounts of Blueshirtism, by Maurice Manning (1971) and Mike Cronin (1997) have largely avoided explicit comparisons between the Blueshirts and other European fascist movements. While John Newsinger (2001) has argued that the Blueshirts may be usefully compared to the British Blackshirts, and Fearghal McGarry (2005) has highlighted aspects of Eoin O'Duffy's engagement with Italian Fascist ideas and practices, there is still more work to be done in exploring transnational links and possible comparisons between the Blueshirts and continental European fascist movements. This article argues that by interrogating the political culture of Blueshirtism, we can better understand its place within the spectrum of European fascisms. This article considers both the "high" and "low" aspects of Blueshirt culture. It examines the links between the Blueshirts and European fascist movements by analysing both political thought and political uniforms. By applying a transnational lens, we can thus gain a more holistic understanding of one of the most controversial political movements in modern Irish history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chartist songs, and the movement's culture more generally, have received growing scholarly attention in recent decades. This article uses a case study of the many Chartist songs written to the tune of Robert Burns's 'Scots wha hae' to explore the ways in which Chartist songwriters participated in the reworking of radical culture and ideas taking place in the 1830s and 1840s. These Chartist versions of 'Scots wha hae' – new words to an old tune – engaged in a conscious and creative dialogue between the Chartist present and the radical past. As such, they are an ideal source for exploring continuity and change in nineteenth-century radicalism, a topic of sustained historical controversy since the 1980s. Rather than indicating continuity, these re-writes of 'Scots wha hae' reveal how the Chartists saw themselves as a new phase of radicalism, facing novel political and economic challenges, appealing to broader constituencies of nationality, class and gender, and foregrounding working-class, rather than gentlemanly, leadership. Moreover, the act of showcasing this plebeian musical creativity on a scale unmatched by previous radical movements illustrates Chartism's commitment to songwriting as both a key form of democratic activism and an innovative challenge to the cultural hierarchies of Victorian society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The arrival of a pirate ship in Loch Craignish in 1720 was an episodic occurrence, which introduced a local community in Argyllshire to the process of globalisation, a process marked by the transoceanic movements of people, goods and ideas. For literate Scots, the wider horizons of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries were opened up by novels, travel literature and newsprint. While reading material stimulated the mind and promoted discussion about matters of global interest, actual commodities from overseas variously engaged all the senses. Globalisation became an active rather than a passive experience. Sight, hearing, smell, touch and taste affected all, from the social, commercial and intellectual elites to the woman in the field and the man in the street in early modern Scotland. Nevertheless, public knowledge of where colonial commodities came from became distanced by time. A global awareness of place was retained in families and communities overtly engaged in mercantile and military adventuring, especially when accompanied by death whether through natural causes, misadventure or mortal combat. Illicit activities had a no less profound impact. Indeed, covert people trafficking, enslavement, smuggling, shipwrecking and piracy had a more local immediacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on research on political culture and research on geopolitical orientations, this article analyses public opinion in the three Baltic states (2014 and 2021), focusing on political support, inter-ethnic relations and geopolitical attitudes. In the first section, the empirical analysis demonstrates widespread public support for the national communities in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Most respondents feel a sense of attachment to or pride in their respective homeland, and a relative majority of all respondents feel that their contemporary political systems are preferable to other systems in the past. At the same time, the analysis alert us to distinct ethnic differences: the Russian-speakers in the three countries tend to be decidedly more nostalgic about the Soviet past and less satisfied with the present regimes. Confirming and updating findings familiar from previous studies, this article also notes that the population groups in the three Baltic states were growing more or less accustomed to the domestic situation, up until the escalation of the Russo-Ukrainian war in 2022. In the second part of the article, we turn to geopolitical belonging and security perceptions in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1106, Constance, the daughter of King Philip I of France, married Bohemond of Antioch, a hero of the First Crusade. After their wedding, the couple returned to Bohemond’s territories in Apulia. However, their marriage proved short-lived. Bohemond’s untimely death in 1111 left Constance with the task of securing the inheritance of their only surviving son, Bohemond II, still a minor at the time. Throughout the course of the next fifteen years, Constance was relentless in her determination to preserve Bohemond II’s patrimony, enduring repeated captivities and working tirelessly to secure the military and diplomatic support necessary to establish permanent control of his inheritance. This article argues that these actions on behalf of her son and the experiences that informed them reflect her expectations about motherhood and her understanding of her role in that capacity. It integrates a range of sources, most notable among them her unique seal, to demonstrate how her conception of motherhood was informed by her own experiences as a child and her observations of other powerful women acting on behalf of their own sons. Her tenacity was a direct reflection of her emotional investment in and maternal commitment to Bohemond II, providing insight into the medieval mother-son bond. Her determination to physically protect her son in the present as well as ensure his future safety by establishing control of the lands he inherited from his father were impulses she would have shared with noble mothers across medieval Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]