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In 1971, at the international FID conference in Ottawa, then DGD President Prof Dr Helmut Arntz offered to host the 37th FID conference in Germany in 1974. The planned venue of Berlin became a political issue. Berlin (West) was under the four-power status. Preparations in the Federal Republic were soon in full swing despite warning voices. Due to criticism of the conference venue, alternative solutions such as the geographical separation of the congress – general assembly in Bonn, congress in Berlin – were considered. In the end, the conference in Germany was cancelled and moved to the FID headquarters in the Netherlands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Methexis is the property of Brill Academic Publishers and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Concerns about the influence of capitalism on society, as expressed by Adorno and Horkheimer in the Dialectic of Enlightenment. The aim is to understand how the culture industry and digitization affect contemporary culture and politics. The research method involves analyzing literature and data from various sources to illustrate the impact of digitization, particularly in the spread of fake news and the formation of public opinion. The results indicate that technology, such as social media and artificial intelligence, has become a primary tool in influencing the perceptions and political behavior of society. This is reflected in the increasingly widespread dissemination of fake news and the use of technology to manipulate public opinion. In conclusion, serious attention is needed to address this issue by strengthening digital literacy and critical thinking among the public and enforcing regulations to limit the spread of fake news. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In Umkehrung einer These des frühen Carl Schmitt, der zufolgedie grundlegenden politischen Begriffe ursprünglich theologische Begriffe sind, vertrittder Beitrag die profunde politische Prägung der ethischen Grundbegriffe im Allgemeinenund derjenigen der Kantischen Ethik im Besonderen. Es ist die These des Beitrags, dass die fundamentalen Konzepte von Kants moralphilosophischen Hauptschriften(Grundlegung zur Metaphysik der Sitten, 1785; Kritik der praktischen Vernunft,1788; Die Metaphysik der Sitten, 1797) ursprünglich rechtlich-politische Begriffe sind, die von ihm mutatis mutandis in die Sphäre der Ethik übertragen werden. Dabei werden aus den für intersubjektive Sozialverhältnisse konzipierten Grundbegriffendes Rechtlich-Politischen – allen voran Freiheit, Gesetz, Gesetzgebung, Herrschaftund Zwang – ethische Grundbegriffe für intrasubjektive Selbstverhältnisse. Der Beitrag rekonstruiert den Republikanismus von Kants politischem, rechtlichem und ethischem Denken in historischer Perspektive und in systematischer Absicht. Imeinzelnen interpretiert der Beitrag Kants kritische Ethik als nach innen gewendetes Gegenstück zu dem von ihm in seinen rechtlich-politischen Druckschriften der zweitenHälfte der 1790er Jahre (Zum ewigen Frieden, 1795; Metaphysische Anfangsgründeder Rechtslehre, 1797) vertretenen Republikanismus, dessen Grundzüge bereits in der einzigen erhaltenen Nachschrift von Kants Naturrechtsvorlesung, die aus dem Jahr 1784 stammt (Naturrecht Feyerabend), enthalten sind. Die drei Abschnitte des Beitrags behandeln den politischen Republikanismus nach und vor Kant, den juridischen Republikanismus bei Kant und den ethischen Republikanismus bei Kant. Im Zentrum des ersten Abschnitts steht die Differenz zwischen dem historischen (römischen und neorömischen) Republikanismus und dem rezenten (abstrakten und analytischen) Republikanismus. Der zweite Abschnitt verfolgt die Verrechtlichung des ursprünglich politischen Republikanismus in der Frühmoderne im Allgemeinen und bei Kant im Besonderen. Der dritte Abschnitt ist zentriert um die republikanisch inspirierte Doppelkonzeption der ethischen Selbstgesetzgebung („Autonomie“) und der ethischen Selbstherrschaft („Autokratie“) bei Kant.

Im Doppel-Titelinterview zum Jahresstart 2024 mit „Monitor Versorgungsforschung“ diskutieren Prof. Josef Hecken, der unparteiische Vorsitzende des Gemeinsamen Bundesausschusses (G-BA), und Univ.-Prof. Dr. med. Wolfgang Hoffmann, der Vorsitzende des Deutschen Netzwerks Versorgungsforschung (DNVF), über die künftige Rolle, den Stellenwert und auch die Stellung der inzwischen erwachsen gewordenen Versorgungsforschung. Der weht, je häufiger ihre Ergebnisse in weitreichende politische Entscheidungsprozesse – wie derzeit in die Bundeskrankenhausreform – einfließen, mehr und mehr Gegenwind entgegen. Damit muss die Versorgungsforschung umgehen lernen.

Dynastic politic is the biggest challangein building a valuable democracy in a government order. Which the dynastic politic can be seen from the occurrence of a power held by family and kinship group. This phenomenon can be a material for common thoughts, especially the elites and stakeholders by putting forward alternative solution that refer to the rules. In the persvective of democracy, general election and local election are one of the answer that will be able to give birth to people’s desire to get qualified candidates for leaders. The dynasty’s political strategy was used as a tool to secure power by placing family or relative in certain posts in the formal (government) or informal (projects or business) fields. If this continues, the dynastic politic will develop rapidly and the pros contras will emerge in the midst of implementing a government based on Pancasila democracy. this study aims to determine the influence of political dynasties on the development of Pancasila in Indonesia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The diversity of human beliefs becomes a fertile ground for building a strong voice in political competition. The fusion of religion and politics to achieve a goal creates various conflicts because these two elements should not be combined while carrying the idea of secularism. Secularism focuses on separating political interests from religious interests. In this research, we focus on R20, which is an activity that invites various heads of state and religious leaders, not only focusing on religious issues, but also on global conflicts such as environmental, economic, social, and political issues. This research adopts a qualitative method with data collection from online literature. Through this method, the research aims to explain the R20 activities that have been carried out as an effort to criticize the idea of secularism, which seeks to exclude religion from the political aspect. The implementation of R20 proves that no matter how strong the desire is to separate religion and politics, it should not be forgotten that these two aspects will always coexist, whether it is politics based on religious teachings or religion that drives politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In einer Gesellschaft, die sich über alles Mögliche mit zunehmender Aggressivität streitet, scheint das Grundgesetz, dessen 75. Geburtstag jetzt allenthalben begangen wird, eine Art letzter Fixpunkt des Konsenses zu sein. Man hält sich an ihm fest und ist dafür dankbar. Dies ist auch deswegen erstaunlich, weil dieses Grundgesetz ja nicht sonderlich weit entfernt vom politischen Streit operiert. Es ist kein viel geliebtes Kulturgut wie die Bilder Caspar David Friedrichs oder die deutsche Nationalmannschaft in ihren besseren Zeiten, sondern das Medium in dem und um das gestritten wird. Tatsächlich gibt es viele Indizien dafür, dass es mit dem Konsens um das Grundgesetz nicht weit her ist.

Improvisation, Unvernunft und provokante Grausamkeit.

Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengelaborasi pemahaman Hannah Arendt tentang politik sebagai ruang ‘di-antara’ manusia dan pengaruhnya pada upaya menciptakan model politik bermartabat. Lewat analisis kualitatif ditemukan bahwa bagi Arendt, politik bukanlah realisasi kodrat bawaan manusia, tetapi sesuatu yang diciptakan oleh manusia dan karena itu dia berada di luar atau ‘di-antara’ manusia. Ketika pluralitas manusia melakukan sesuatu atau bertindak secara bersama-sama, tercipta sebuah ruang publik politis di antara mereka dan ketika orang berkomunikasi satu sama lain sebagai pribadi yang bebas dan setara, tercipta sebuah jaringan relasi. Itu berarti, inti politik adalah tindakan dan pembicaraan. Kedua elemen ini, penulis beragumen, merupakan persyarat utama untuk sebuah politik bermartabat, yang dari perspektif Arendt, dapat diciptakan kalau ada pengakuan akan perbedaan di antara warga negara atau kelompok masyarakat dan adanya komunikasi konstan di antara warga negara. Terkait dengan pentingnya komunikasi, pada bagian akhir, akan ditunjukkan relevansi pemikiran Arendt dalam membaca fenomena oligarki, buzzer politik, dan pembungkaman suara-suara kritis lewat penerapan UU ITE di Indonesia.

Psychotherapy is an art: for many practitioners this claim has considerable appeal. My intention here is not to merely defend the claim, but to see how far it can go. To vaguely endorse it feels apologetic; it also implies a facile polarization between art and science – between a (preferred) subjective, qualitative dimension, and a seemingly objective and quantitative domain. It would be wrong to bring art into the equation without some appreciation of the aesthetic experience. In relation to therapy, this requires developing a better grasp of the craft of therapy – of its imaginative response to the sheer elusiveness of mental distress. aesthetics. Psychotherapy is also a form of political praxis. Some practitioners – myself included – would support that claim. Can psychotherapy become a praxis? Can it be, in other words, linked to action, and as such become a political force in the wider, transformational sense of the term? These are among the questions explored in the second part of the current paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Zeitschrift für Psychodrama und Soziometrie is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)