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Background: This article examines the "energy war room," a 2019 United Conservative Party campaign promise to build a new rapid response communications body to defend the Albertan oil and gas industry from critics online. Analysis: The authors explore the history of the war room concept and the long-running economic and social tensions in Canadian/Albertan staples state formations, analyzing how contradictory claims to weakness and strength structure social investments in communications infrastructures. Conclusions and implications: The authors conclude that the war room is best understood as an attempt to defer more fundamental contradictions of identity and security in the staples state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis presented in this article tries to address a puzzle – the widely recognized process of democratic backsliding in Poland was accompanied by a steady increase in popular support for democracy. It poses a question if the two phenomena are substantively related. To establish possible connections between them, I test three hypotheses involving populist winner effect, deepening of socio-political cleavage, and generational change. The first one assumes that democracy is more supported by populists when they form a government; the second one – to the contrary – states that populist polarization creates a wider gap in support for democracy, while the third one proposes that the relation is spurious, as trends in attitudes represent a gradual, long-term social change, at least in part related to generational replacement. Results show that the direct link between populist democratic backsliding and pro-democracy surge is relatively weak, while both processes can be related to a deeper sociological process of 'splintering' within Polish society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research on national, political, and social identities in the study of populism is typically limited to analysing populist identity framing in political and media discourses and measuring its effects on individual populist attitudes. Thus, the self-identification of populists' supporters, i.e. how they relate to populist identity framing when reflexively constructing their identities, remains largely unexplored. To address this issue, the article introduces the concept of relational popular identity, capturing the complexities of late-modern political identities, and the relational identity mapping technique used to investigate the web of relations forming these identities. The article also presents a case study of loyal voters of the Law and Justice party in Poland and discusses how a relational right-wing popular identity may serve as an 'intermediary identity' that articulates elements of other identities to maintain their integrity and a 'community of last resort' that unites the 'real' people through an immunitarian mechanism of exclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sur le Journalisme, About Journalism, Sobre Jornalismo is the property of Sur le journalisme, About journalism, Sobre jornalismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In a speech pronounced in Quimper on the 28th, June 2018, the French president Emmanuel Macron highlights the dangers of a "nationalist leprosy" that is spreading around Europe. The expression triggers polemic reactions on the social networks by those citizens who feel concerned by the metaphor and who create two militant hashtags (Husson, 2016): #JeSuisLépreux and #Lépreux to engage in a polemic against Emmanuel Macron. In this article, a corpus of 146 tweet collected from June 2018 until September 2022 where these hashtags can be found will be analysed through the lenses of French Discourse Analysis in order to answer the following research questions: first, what are the meanings linked to the "leprosy" by those users of Twitter who perceive themselves as the target of the metaphor? Second, why the "leprosy" metaphor does not seem to be an effective argumentation strategy and leads to the alienation of some individuals? Third, what are the risks in using this metaphor and the underlying metaphor that conceptualizes society as an organism (Schlanger, 1971[1995])? Two main positions emerge from the corpus, signalling two different ways of relating to the metaphor used by the French President: a set of users contest the equivalence that is posited between "nationalism" and "leprosy", acknowledging the negative value attached to this last notion and reacting polemically to redefine their nationalist identity in more positive terms; other users appropriate the metaphor and resignify it in a positive light, thus rejecting the underlying transvalorisation (i.e., the transfer of the axiological values from the phore to the theme of the metaphor) that connotates a "leper" as a dangerous subject to be marginalized. These users claim for themselves an identity of "leper" as a form of belonging to the "people" as a homogeneous entity that is opposed to the elites, thus modifying the theme, and transforming the original reference to nationalism in an allusion to populism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cette étude se penche sur la communication du Parti conservateur du Québec (PCQ) sur Facebook et X au cours de l'année précédant l'élection générale québécoise de 2022. Basée sur une analyse de contenu d'un échantillon de 800 messages diffusés sur Facebook et X par le parti et son chef Éric Duhaime, l'analyse relève les éléments populistes des publications de même que les objectifs politiques de sa communication en ligne. L'article démontre comment le parti a utilisé ces plateformes numériques afin de tenter de mobiliser une base d'électeurs en contournant les filtres médiatiques traditionnels et en s'adressant directement aux électeurs afin de tirer profit du contexte médiatique hybride québécois. Deux conclusions découlent de nos analyses. Premièrement, le PCQ semble avoir employé un discours populiste à caractère antiélitiste de manière à exploiter une grogne pandémique présente au Québec. Deuxièmement, le parti a utilisé les fonctions de mobilisations qu'offrent les médias socionumériques afin de constituer une coalition d'électeurs. This study investigates the Conservative Party of Quebec's (CPQ) communication on Facebook and X in the year leading up to the 2022 Quebec general election. Based on a content analysis of a sample of 800 messages posted on the social media platforms by the party and its leader Éric Duhaime, the analysis highlights the populist elements of the publications, as well as the political objectives of its online communication. The article indicates that the party may have used these platforms to expand its voter base by bypassing traditional media filters and speaking directly to voters to take advantage of Quebec's hybrid media context. Two conclusions can be drawn from our analyses. Firstly, the CPQ appears to have employed a populist, anti-elitist discourse to exploit pandemic discontent present in Quebec. Secondly, the party used the mobilizing functions offered by social media to build a coalition of voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I see the emerging new religious groups in Taiwan as an emerging form of popularism in its encounter with the post-colonial situation. This scenario differs greatly from Western new religious movements, where new religion lies outside culturally established religious traditions, and it is also distinct from other Eastern traditions, such as those found in Japan, where traditionally elite and popular traditions have a larger social and mental distance from each other. In the complex Chinese cultural and historical tradition, there exists a deeper interpenetrating elite-popular relationship, therefore determining a different route for religious phenomena. I use the term 'popular humanism' to label this trend in contemporary Taiwan. Finally, I use two axes to codify the emerging Taiwanese new religions, 'methods in popular humanism' and 'institutional framing', mapping the key new religious movements of Taiwan within these axes to localise each group and their mutual positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We live in an Apocalyptic Era, in frustrated disappointed and enraged societies that have lost the future. Eternity has become an outcast and salvation in the afterlife is no longer a leading quest. In short, we live the end of the centrality of the concept of theodicy. The conjunction of the crisis in religious socialization mechanisms and those of secular socialization is what largely generates this widespread disappointment. The idea of Apocalypse, historically related to condemnations and Manichean visions, has returned with force to our contemporary societies through new forms of exclusion and discrimination in populist regimes relating to popular religiosity. The role of sociology of religions is to assess the current social disappointment and demystification of the future and at the same time distinguish and warn about the political processes of reproduction and representation of contemporary apocalypses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Notre article va essayer de mettre à profit les études sur le populisme à travers la valorisation du rôle des médias et des stratégies discursives utilisées par le candidat du parti Reconquête ! Éric Zemmour. Plus particulièrement, nous avons mis en lumière la valeur que l’Histoire de France joue dans la perspective subjective et personnelle du candidat. En parcourant les allocutions de sa campagne électorale pour l’élection présidentielle de 2022, nous avons détecté des postures énonciatives et des stratégies argumentatives permettant au porte‑parole de Reconquête ! de créer son « égo‑histoire ». Ainsi, le discours politique d’Éric Zemmour se construit de manière régulière entre l’Histoire de France/des Français et son histoire personnelle : Éric Zemmour fait miroiter les étapes de sa vie privée et professionnelle (fils de parents « migrants », écolier, banlieusard, journaliste, essayiste, homme politique) dans les grandes étapes de l’histoire française.

Cette étude est consacrée à une analyse discursive des propos populistes circulés dans la presse généraliste italienne lors de l’élection du Président de la République, au mois de janvier 2022, à la suite de laquelle l’ancien chef de l’État Sergio Mattarella a été réélu pour un deuxième septennat. L’objectif est, d’une part, de décrire comment les partis dits « populistes », notamment La Ligue de Matteo Salvini, Le Mouvement 5 Étoiles de Giuseppe Conte, mais aussi Italia Viva de Matteo Renzi, exploitent, en les manipulant, plusieurs ethe de femmes à des fins politiques, voire électorales. D’autre part, il s’agit d’observer comment la presse, sous prétexte de dresser un profil des candidates autorisé et empreint de l’air du temps, puise dans un arsenal de topoï ses propos sur le rôle politique et social des femmes à travers le pays. Elle nourrit ainsi une représentation stéréotypée de la femme, qui échappe à tout régime de rationalité.

Malgré la centralité de la notion de « peuple » dans les discours populistes, souvent son référent reste vague et indéterminé. Dans cet article, les tweets de campagne présidentielle d’Éric Zemmour contenant le mot « peuple » seront étudiés dans le cadre de l’analyse du discours de tradition française. Un sujet populaire aux traits précis émerge de l’analyse des stratégies de catégorisation et des stratégies rhétoriques et argumentatives, notamment le recours fait à l’implicite et des paralogismes.

Dans cette contribution nous nous proposons d’explorer les différentes stratégies discursives mises en œuvre par les journalistes afin de définir le populisme au Québec. Phénomène connu depuis longtemps, le populisme a fait l’objet de nombreuses recherches et débats. Mais qu’en est-il au Québec ? Après avoir présenté rapidement les contextes socio-historique, socio-politique et socio-culturel québécois, nous allons suivre d’abord la façon dont le concept évolue sur le plan lexicographique et ensuite sur le plan discursif. De façon plus spécifique, à partir d’un corpus tiré du quotidien québécois Le Devoir, nous nous proposons de faire ressortir les modalités discursives à travers lesquelles les journalistes co-construisent une/des représentations du populisme au Québec.

Nordkalottfolket (NKF) fikk sitt politiske gjennombrudd i Sametinget ved valget i 2021 med 18,3 prosent av stemmene med 9 av 39 representanter fra 6 av 7 valgkretser. Med populismens forståelse av hvordan «folket», «eliten» og «folkeviljen» forholder seg til hverandre samt teoriretningen historisk institusjonalisme analyserer artikkelen hva som kjennetegner NKF, hvordan dets framvekst kan forklares og hvilke muligheter partiet har for politisk makt og videre gjennomslag. NKF utfordrer den institusjonaliserte, internasjonaliserte og rettsliggjorte samepolitikken innenfra Sametinget. De gjør dette med et klassisk populistisk samfunnssyn hvor det vektlegges at det er en folkelig enhet i nord, hvis historie, livsform og mening ikke respekteres og kommer til politisk uttrykk, fordi de hindres av den samepolitiske eliten i Indre Finnmark i allianse med statlige myndigheter i sør. NKF sin framvekst som en betydelig aktør i samepolitikken kan i stor grad forklares med evnen til å utnytte spenningen mellom demokrati og rettsstat som er innebygget i Sametinget. På samme vis som at reaksjonen på den rettsstatlige institusjonaliserte samepolitikken er en av hovedårsakene til NKF sin framvekst, har en slik institusjonalisert stiavhengig retning også den virkning at det gir NKF begrensede muligheter for makt og videre politisk gjennomslag. Dette forsterker igjen NKFs grunnlag for vekst, fordi det bekrefter deres politikkforståelse og elitekritikk. Det er derfor grunn til å tro at det kan bygge seg opp en stadig større spenning i samepolitikken, som det ikke er lett å se utgangen på.

De fleste nordmenn skiller ikke mellom folkestyre og demokrati. Dette oppfattes som selvsagt; at den offentlige politikken speiler folkemeningen. I praksis er sammenhengen mellom hva folk ønsker, og politikken de får, variabel. Den demokratiske impulsen i et politisk system påvirkes av en rekke forhold. Makt- og demokratiutredningen fra begynnelsen av 2000-tallet pekte på rettsliggjøring, globalisering og fragmentering av statsapparatet, som viktige strukturelle utviklingstrekk. Disse prosessene har akselerert og følgene av dem har blitt mer synlige og følbare. Spørsmålet er hvordan dette virker inn på folks evne og vilje til å delta i de demokratiske prosessene. Fra tidligere studier vet vi at motivasjonsressursene er viktigere enn nesten alt annet når vi vil forklare variasjon i politisk deltakelse. Hva er det som gjør politikken så fjern og vanskelig for så mange av oss?

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In recent years, there has been a growing interest in the international dimensions of populism, by now a major political phenomenon around the world. This interest, however, has been confined largely to the state level, especially the influence of populism on foreign policy. In this Forum, we argue that it is important for analysis to move beyond the state level and view populism as a concept and phenomenon of international relations (IR) rather than simply a factor of foreign policy. The Forum discusses implications of the rise of populism for IR theory, the role of international systemic change in the emergence of populism in national arenas, and the ways that regime type, state structure and institutions, ideational content, and the political strategies of populists condition the impact of populism on world politics. In this way, the Forum identifies specific directions for the study of populism in IR that scholars can follow in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This monograph investigates the expression of anti-media populist sentiments by right-wing news media in India and the socio-technological, historical, economic, legal, and political factors that aid right-wing efforts to delegitimize professional journalism. Thematic analysis of 545 articles from Swarajya.com and OpIndia.com, a qualitative content analysis of Republic TV debates, and interviews with 24 Hindu nationalists on Twitter reveal the discursive strategies they use to discredit journalism. Themes in media criticism include claims that the mainstream media are corrupt and partisan, suppress Hindu voices, favor Muslim and Christian minorities, undermine national interests, and spread false narratives. These expressions aim to undermine journalists' credibility and position right-wing actors as challengers to the established media's hegemony. Meanwhile, the Modi government employs coercive measures to co-opt the media into providing favorable coverage to the BJP. These endeavors cause journalists to self-censor to safeguard personal safety and livelihood. Consequently, mainstream news content is increasingly homogeneous, eroding diverse perspectives. This shift weakens the media's watchdog role and shrinks the space for open debate and public deliberation in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Nouvelles Perspectives en Sciences Sociales is the property of Editions Prise de parole and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Nouvelles Perspectives en Sciences Sociales is the property of Editions Prise de parole and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Nouvelles Perspectives en Sciences Sociales is the property of Editions Prise de parole and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Nouvelles Perspectives en Sciences Sociales is the property of Editions Prise de parole and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Nouvelles Perspectives en Sciences Sociales is the property of Editions Prise de parole and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Nouvelles Perspectives en Sciences Sociales is the property of Editions Prise de parole and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this interview, Aurelien Mondon and Simon Dawes analyse the mainstreaming of far-right politics. It aims to make sense of Marine Le Pen's rise by putting it in perspective and accounting for the role of the mainstream itself in the process. Building on the research Mondon has undertaken with colleagues, this interview explores in particular the importance of understanding mainstreaming beyond it being the success of the far right or a sign of its growing popularity. In particular, this requires a more critical take on issues such as populism, but also articulations of racism, to understand how politics which had been relegated to the margins of history have returned to the norm and occupy today a disproportionate space in public discourse. Far from downplaying the threat posed by the far right today, Mondon stresses that combatting it is of course essential, but that a more holistic approach, which tackles the role of mainstream actors in the legitimisation of reactionary politics, is essential if we are to stop the slide towards fascism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The COVID-19 pandemic has seen opponents of public health mandates deploy a range of populist and anti-elite arguments. The 2021 Canadian federal election was an exceptional "pandemic election" in which the COVID-19 health crisis took centre stage. But the election campaign also saw the populist People's Party of Canada (PPC) rise to prominence by opposing pandemic-related public health restrictions. While the party failed to win a seat, it did manage to triple its vote share (1.6 per cent to 4.9 per cent). It is unclear, however, what factors led to the rise in support for the PPC. To explore this issue, we draw on an original post-election survey (n = 18,950) and focus on populist attitudes and opposition to COVID-19-related public health restrictions. Results from regression models and structural equation models (SEMs) indicate that opposition to public health restrictions was a much stronger factor than populism in shaping support for the PPC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Radical right-wing politics is often regarded as a populist movement for social protection against economic globalisation. As a solution, contemporary Polanyian critics often suggest reforming left parties to reorient populist movements from the right to the left by building a broad non-capitalist coalition. Through a close reading of Polanyi's works, this article offers an alternative diagnosis and prescription for preventing radical right-wing empowerment. Polanyi explains that fascists gained political power through support from capitalist elites. Political democratisation threatened the separation of the market from politics, and the war and depression resulted in the dysfunction of the market economy. In this situation, capitalist elites chose fascism – a radical measure to protect capitalism by destroying democracy. This article argues that, in order to prevent radical right-wing empowerment, we should look up, to the capitalist economy and the ruling classes, rather than only down, to welfare chauvinism and the 'people'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evangelical Protestantism helped frame the thinking of many Populist Party members in Virginia, providing them with a prophetic voice that criticized the political and economic status quo, while also furnishing a traditional language that privileged rural custom and community. Rowland Berthoff once characterized American Populism as a "mixture of static peasant-Puritan-republican nostalgia and dynamic secular-millennial progressivism." This article contends that Virginia Populists may best exemplify that peculiar hybrid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine is the property of Societe d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine is the property of Societe d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine is the property of Societe d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine is the property of Societe d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine is the property of Societe d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine is the property of Societe d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine is the property of Societe d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine is the property of Societe d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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This article aims to discuss populism, a term in politics that is increasingly used throughout the world, including in Indonesia. Populism has been used to describe many leaders and situations in different contexts, and scholars have not agreed on a definitive formulation. This article will fill this gap by using a literature review to increase and enrich knowledge about populism and deepen its surrounding discourse, specifically academic discourse in social and political fields. This article contends that although scholars differ in their definition of populism, the political phenomenon can still be identified. Empirically, populism can be identified through behaviors, attitudes, and political rhetoric. Furthermore, the article concludes that increased populism in a global and national context is influenced by various contexts and problems that exist in different countries. Abstrak Artikel ini membahas tentang populisme, yaitu sebuah term politik yang akhir-akhir ini menguat di dunia, termasuk di Indonesia. Populisme telah digunakan untuk menggambarkan pemimpin dan situasi dalam konteks yang beragam, dan para scholar belum menemukan kata sepakat mengenai formulasi definisi yang tepat tentang populisme. Artikel ini mencoba mendiskusikannya dengan menggunakan pendekatan studi literatur dengan harapan dapat memberikan kontribusi dan pengayaan pengetahuan, memperdalam diskursus dan menambah wacana akademik, khususnya dalam bidang ilmu sosial dan politik. Kajian ini berpendapat bahwa meskipun para ahli memiliki pandangan yang berbeda tentang populisme, tidak berarti fenomena sosial politik ini tidak dapat diidentifikasi. Pada tingkat empiris, populisme dapat diidentifikasi melalui sikap, perilaku dan retorika politiknya. Artikel ini berkesimpulan bahwa menguatnya populisme di tingkat global dan nasional dipengaruhi oleh faktor yang beragam sesuai dengan konteks dan persoalan yang dihadapi oleh masing-masing negara.

Copyright of Revista Espiga is the property of Revista Espiga and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Neuphilologische Mitteilungen is the property of Modern Language Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)